Latest news with #Mughals
Express Tribune
4 days ago
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Altering Mughal history in Indian textbooks
The writer is a public policy analyst based in Lahore. She can be reached at durdananajam1@ Listen to article In the 2025-26 academic year, the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) in India introduced a revamped Class 8 Social Science textbook that has stirred significant controversy. The new content devotes extensive space to portraying Mughal emperors — particularly Babur, Akbar and Aurangzeb — as intellectually refined yet deeply brutal rulers who plundered, enslaved and forcibly imposed their rule on Indian populations. Akbar, once widely celebrated as a symbol of secularism, is now shown as a temple-razer who slaughtered civilians, with only a brief reference to his later turn toward peace. Similarly, Babur is acknowledged for his appreciation of poetry and architecture but also condemned for his ruthlessness in conquest. Aurangzeb is portrayed primarily through the lens of temple destruction and religious persecution. The NCERT justifies this revision as an attempt to "unsanitise" Indian history, presenting rulers in their full complexity. However, critics argue this is less about academic honesty and more about a deeper political agenda — one that seeks to delegitimise the Muslim contribution to Indian civilisation by highlighting brutality over cultural or administrative legacy. This is not the first time the BJP-led government has surgically altered school curricula. Since coming to power in 2014, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), guided ideologically by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), has consistently revised textbooks to reflect its vision of India as a Hindu Rashtra — one that prioritises Hindu identity over its constitutionally secular ethos. Under this agenda, Muslim rulers, who were once part of a nuanced narrative of India's pluralistic past, are being reduced to foreign invaders and religious bigots. Entire chapters on the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal courts have been removed from older textbooks. Muslim leaders like Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, India's first education minister and a key figure in the freedom struggle, have been omitted from political science curricula. The irony, however, is inescapable. Monarchs throughout history - whether Hindu, Muslim, or Christian — have employed violence as a tool of statecraft. Mughal emperors, like others, engaged in war, suppressed dissent and sometimes destroyed religious institutions. British monarchs in the 16th to 19th centuries killed, converted, and colonised on a massive scale in both Europe and their colonies. Henry VIII had his wives and political rivals executed. Queen Elizabeth I suppressed Catholics and waged wars in Ireland. Even within their own families, European monarchs eliminated siblings, cousins and advisers for power. Violence and conquest were the very grammar of monarchy. To underline Mughals as barbaric, while ignoring the universal behaviour of monarchs, is historically dishonest and academically irresponsible. The Mughals, in their centuries of rule, also chronicled some of India's most enduring institutions — in administration, art, architecture and interfaith dialogue. Akbar's Din-i-Ilahi and his policy of Sulh-i-Kul (peace with all) were pioneering experiments in religious coexistence. Such academic distortion manufactures critical political consequences. By poisoning young minds with partial history, the Indian state is emboldening a generation to view India's 200 million Muslims with suspicion and hostility. This is not merely revisionist history; it is the sowing of fascism. This curricular vilification of Mughals aligns with a broader global narrative of portraying Muslims as inherently violent, which is used to justify their marginalisation, persecution, and even annihilation. This is a global pattern seen recently with the genocide in Gaza and, before that, the destabilisation of Iraq, Libya, Lebanon and Syria through foreign interventions that contrived prolonged civil wars. These interventions disproportionately fractured the political structures and social cohesion of Muslim-majority societies. History must be told in full — its glories and horrors alike. Cherry-picking atrocities to vilify a community while erasing contributions is plainly propaganda. Its consequences will erupt in society, in politics and in blood.
Time of India
4 days ago
- Business
- Time of India
Forgotten heroes, Sikh Gurus' defiance of Mughal persecution in focus in NCERT's new class 8 book
Stories of resistance and resilience, such as the rise of the Marathas , the contribution of women like Tarabai and Ahilyabai Holkar, the defiance of Sikh Gurus in the face of Mughal persecution , and tribal uprisings are in focus in the NCERT Class 8 Social Science textbook. The book, "Exploring Society: India and Beyond", released this week, is also the first in the new NCERT curriculum to introduce students to the Delhi Sultanate , Mughals , Marathas and the colonial era. Explore courses from Top Institutes in Select a Course Category Product Management others MCA MBA Cybersecurity Management Public Policy healthcare Digital Marketing CXO Degree Leadership Project Management Design Thinking Data Analytics Finance Operations Management Others Healthcare Data Science Data Science PGDM Technology Artificial Intelligence Skills you'll gain: Creating Effective Product Roadmap User Research & Translating it to Product Design Key Metrics via Product Analytics Hand-On Projects Using Cutting Edge Tools Duration: 12 Weeks Indian School of Business ISB Product Management Starts on May 14, 2024 Get Details Skills you'll gain: Product Strategy & Competitive Advantage Tactics Product Development Processes & Market Orientations Product Analytics & Data-Driven Decision Making Agile Development, Design Thinking, & Product Leadership Duration: 40 Weeks IIM Kozhikode Professional Certificate in Product Management Starts on Jun 26, 2024 Get Details Skills you'll gain: Product Strategy & Roadmapping User-Centric Product Design Agile Product Development Market Analysis & Product Launch Duration: 24 Weeks Indian School of Business Professional Certificate in Product Management Starts on Jun 26, 2024 Get Details Forgotten heroes occupy a significant space in the book with figures like Rani Durgavati, Rani Abakka, and Travancore's Marthanda Varma profiled alongside chapters exploring India's cultural knowledge traditions and its rich skill heritage. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Cardiologist Reveals: The Simple Morning Habit for a Flatter Belly After 50! Lulutox Undo At the beginning of the book is a section titled "Note on Some Darker Periods in History", where the NCERT offers context for the inclusion of sensitive and violent events, primarily war and bloodshed. It urges students to understand "the historical origin of cruel violence, abusive misrule or misplaced ambitions of power" dispassionately and states, "No one should be held responsible today for events of the past." Live Events In the new book, the chapter covering Indian history from the 13th to the 17th century - "Reshaping India's Political Map" - spans the rise and fall of the Delhi Sultanate and the resistance to it, the Vijayanagara Empire, the Mughals and the resistance to them, and the rise of the Sikhs. Describing Babur as a "brutal and ruthless conqueror, slaughtering entire populations of cities" and Aurangzeb as a military ruler who destroyed temples and gurdwaras, the NCERT's new textbook points to "many instances of religious intolerance" during the Mughal period. While it notes Akbar's reign as a "blend of brutality and tolerance" for different faiths, it also mentions that "non-Muslims were kept in a minority in the higher echelons of the administration". Akbar is portrayed as having "ordered the massacre of some 30,000 civilians" after the siege of Chittorgarh. The Marathas are depicted not only for their military might under Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj but also for their maritime supremacy and governance innovations. The Sikh Gurus' resistance to Mughal oppression is discussed in detail, highlighting their role in confronting injustice and preserving a distinct identity in challenging times. The textbook also delves into colonial-era revolts such as the Sanyasi-Fakir rebellion, the Indigo uprising, and the Great Rebellion of 1857, "offering students a more inclusive picture of struggle beyond the familiar narratives", said a faculty member of the textbook committee of NCERT.
News18
5 days ago
- Politics
- News18
The Italian Connection Of Madhya Pradesh: Scindias & The House Of Filose
The story of the Filose family in India begins with founder Michael Filose who came from Naples to Calcutta in 1770 AD and entered service of Maharaja Mahadji Scindia 4 years later It was published in Allen's Indian Mail and Official Gazette London, on March 25, 1876, that 'it is said that Sindia (Scindia) has just given a lakh of rupees—nominally €10,000—to the architect—we believe, an Italian—who built the palace… Signor Filose is said to be a younger member of the Filose family, descended from Jean Baptiste, and still retaining its pure European descent. This family has, during four or five generations, furnished faithful servants to the Gwalior Princes. The present Signor Filose was sent to Europe to study, since when he has been employed on all manner of duties, having no connection with his particular art." Between Mughals and the Medicis The palace referred to above is the magnificent Jai Vilas Palace in Gwalior, India, a fine specimen of European architecture and art in the heart of India. This palace complex was designed and built by Michael Filose after returning from a study tour in Europe. Michael was addressed as 'Mukhel Sahib" by Indians, and his grandfather and namesake, Michael Filose, a military commander in Scindia's army, had committed suicide to prove his loyalty to Maharaja Daulatrao Scindia. About Mukhel Sahib, founding member of the present ruling party in India, the BJP, and a prominent member of the Scindia family, Rajmata Vijaya Raje Scindia, and historian Manohar Malgaonkar wrote, 'He was the descendant of Jean Baptiste (possibly Giovanni, who changed his name to adapt to the French milieu of the Scindias' army), an Italian gentleman who had taken service under Mahadji Scindia as an officer of the kampoos, and who in Daulatrao's time had become one of the principal supporters of the regime. As such, it was perhaps natural that Mukhel Sahib should have derived his inspiration mainly from Europe. Nonetheless, the structure he put up shows evidence of an earnest desire to synthesise the style of the Mughals with that of the Medicis." The Italian 'Nabobs" The Filose family loyally served the Maratha Scindias for several generations as noblemen known within the Maratha administration as 'Sardars," who had significant power in the Scindia kingdom. When the last Filose in Gwalior, Colonel Augustine Filose, who was educated in England as a barrister and, on his return to India, was appointed in the Judicial Department and later as Private Secretary to Maharani Scindia, emigrated to the homeland of his family, Italy; he left his property to the members of the Scindia family he and his ancestors had served. This Neapolitan family is especially renowned in Maratha history because of the wide spectrum of their contributions, from architecture to coin minting and poetry, and from wars to diplomacy and more. Frank Anthony, a prominent Anglo-Indian who contributed to the making of the Indian Constitution, wrote about the Filose family: 'One of the most distinguished Anglo-Indian (people of European ancestry from paternal side) families of this period, the members of which achieved distinction both as soldiers and scholars, was the Filose family of Gwalior." From Naples to Calcutta The story of the Filose family in India begins with the founder of the family, a gentleman named Michael Filose, who came from Naples to Calcutta in 1770 A.D. and entered the service of Maharaja Mahadji Scindia four years later. Ultimately he found service with Benoit de Boigne, the Savoyard commander in Mahadji's army; he ultimately commanded a corps under Scindia that numbered eleven battalions. Mahadji trusted him so much that when he went to meet the Prime Minister (Peshwa) of the Maratha Confederacy in Pune, he took along with him Filose and Dutch Hessing. He had two sons, Jean Baptiste (addressed by Indians as 'Jan-Batees") and Fidele by an Indian lady. He fought along with Mahadji Jean Baptiste against the British and was made the commander of Delhi by Mahadji's son Daulatrao, and his brother Fidele was made commander of Haryana by the same king. Jean Baptiste was perhaps the only military adventurer of Hindustan, according to Frank Anthony, who survived the disaster of 1803 when the British defeated Daulatrao Scindia on many fronts. He had a colourful career. Before Scindia's defeat by the British, he used to go out on 'kingdom taking' expeditions. He was the Commander-in-Chief of the State Army, which consisted of thirty thousand regular sepoys and the famous artillery that had remained with him since the days of de Boigne. Like his father, who had helped humble the Rajputs for his employer, Mahadji Scindia, Jean Baptiste played a major role in securing extensive territories from several small Rajput chiefs, especially from the Khichis of Raghogarh for his employer, Daulat Rao Scindia; he also conquered Sabalgarh for him in 1809. Sheopur was given as a Jagir (fiefdom) by Maharaja Daulatrao Scindia to him in 1803. In 1811, while in the service of Scindia, he conquered the village of Ondila from Rajput Khichis and named it Isagarh in the honour of 'Isa-Masih' (Jesus Christ). He also conquered the famous Indian textile production hub, the city of Chanderi, for his employer, who made him the governor of this city. Jean Baptiste served the Scindia House for 37 years and died in 1846. He built up a reputation not only as a great soldier but as a great scholar of Persian. In 1835, with his generous aid, Bishop Pezzoni extended Akbar's Church in Agra westward; this church was the first Catholic Church of Agra, and it was the Cathedral of Agra till 1848. In 1841, John permitted a Catholic school for boys to be established in his property at Jamuna Bagh, Agra, and made a donation of Rs 1 lakh (a very large sum for that time) for the construction of this school. The foundation stone was laid (in 1846) by Major O'Gorman of the East India Company. This school was named St. Peter's College and continues to be functional in Agra even today. According to Frank Anthony, the greatest poet the family produced was Sir Florence Filose. Ram Babu Saxena wrote in his book European and Indo-European Poets of Urdu and Persian that 'as a poet, Sir Florence is a distinct success. His dewan was published under the title of Dewan Matloob in 1286 A.H. 1869 A.D. and was printed in Nizami Press, Cawnpore. It is a rarity now, and I secured a copy from Mr. Filose, Assistant Private Secretary to His Highness the Maharaja Scindhia. As a poet, Sir Florence has displayed considerable powers. His verses suffer from no defects. They have lucidity, flow, grace, and spontaneity. He shows considerable technique and mastery over language. He is clever in the use of the various artifices. His performance is creditable. He deserves a high place in Anglo-Indian poetry and is entitled to be mentioned with respect as an Urdu poet." Florence was born in 1829 and died in the Gwalior State at the ripe age of 83. He married one Mary Anne, and both of them were buried in the Filose Chapel at Gwalior. Florence Filose had two sons, Col. Albert Filose and Major Clement Filose. Sir Florence's elder brother was Col. Sir Peter Filose, who died in Gwalior on July 4, 1872. The youngest brother was Lt. Col. Sir Michael Filose, who was born on the 18th April, 1836, and died on the 5th February, 1925. He served under four Maharajas. The Pope conferred awards on members of the Filose family; for example, Florence Filoseand Clement Filose were made The Knight Commanders of St. Gregory, and Michael Filose II was made The Knight Commander of St. Sylvester. The Legacy top videos View all There are no Filose living in Gwalior anymore, but their works and contributions to the expansion of the Scindia kingdom have made them an essential part of Maratha history. Even though they were Italians, they understood very well the Maratha way of governance, and Florence was even an Urdu poet. Even today, when visitors visit the Jai Vilas Palace and ask who built this magnificent palace, the answer they get is 'Michael Filose," and with respect within the palace is kept the bust of this 'Italian Maratha architect." The Scindias did not treat them as outsiders; rather, they made them a part of their elite aristocracy; they had hereditary titles and fiefdoms given to them by this Maratha family. Information about this family is carefully preserved in the archives of the Scindia Research Centre that this author heads. The story of the Filosefamily teaches the importance of intercultural dialogue and peaceful coexistence, a message that is very important for the world. The author is Head, Scindia Research Centre, Gwalior. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. tags : Gwalior madhya pradesh Scindias view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: July 02, 2025, 13:47 IST News opinion Opinion | The Italian Connection Of Madhya Pradesh: Scindias & The House Of Filose Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
The Wire
5 days ago
- Politics
- The Wire
Preparing for a Post-Modi Era? Why Ram Madhav's Book Matters
Bharatiya Janata Party and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh leader Ram Madhav's latest book, The New World: 21st Century Global Order and India, can be read on three levels. The first part tells the story of the world since the dawn of time in a relatively descriptive manner, so I will not refer to it much in this review. In the second part, devoted to India, Madhav presents his worldview in a very interesting way. He also expresses reservations about India's chances of becoming a great nation and, implicitly, criticises government policies, while rehabilitating an important part of the Congress's legacy – a first for a Sangh Parivar leader since 2014. Hindu nationalism, its enemies and its new friends Ram Madhav is now regarded as an organic intellectual of the Hindu nationalist movement, and this book provides insight into several facets of that movement. However, he never refers to its founding fathers (there is no mention of V.D. Savarkar) or its organisations. There is no mention of the RSS and its affiliates either. The aim here is to show that Hindutva is just one variant of a broader phenomenon that affects the whole world and which Madhav calls "national conservatism," echoing the National Conservatism Conference in which he participated in 2024. This book therefore contains key elements of this movement, starting with the idea that India is the source of many inventions that have enabled humanity to prosper: in ancient times (no date is specified), "led by the Hindus and the Greeks, a moral order began to take shape in the early centuries before the beginning of the Christian era" (p. xii). The author adds, in an equally vague and peremptory manner: "Around the same time, the Hindus also came forward with their Vedas, Upanishads and other classical literature, leading to the evolution of a superior social order in the East" (p. xiii). The result: "India was the largest economy in the world in the first millennium" (p. xiv). In fact, it was under the Mughals that India became one of the leaders of the world economy. But Ram Madhav rewrites history and, in line with Hindu nationalist dogma, claims that this golden age was followed by an era of decline due to the Mughals: "Colonization, first by the Mughals and other Central Asians, then by the British for over 800 years, had left the country pulverized and pauperized" (p. xiv). If India, according to Madhav, experienced such a Golden Age, it is because Hinduism cultivates an ethic of tolerance. In contrast, Christianity and Islam led humanity to its downfall because they promoted "a religion-centric world order in European lands. Both Christianity and Islam dominated every aspect of human existence, including science, art, and culture. Anything that went against the precepts of religion was violently rejected and suppressed. The domination of the world became the singular mission of the Semitic faiths, leading to wars and conquests that caused enormous human suffering' (p. xiv). These sentences are very interesting because of the mistrust of religion they express: for Hindu nationalists, who readily claim to be Hindus and oppose secularism, Hindus are not defined by religious beliefs but by their ethnicity, so that they form a people descended from the first humans, the Aryans. The analogy with Zionism is all the clearer here, since not only are Jews a people descended from the tribes of Israel, but they also appeared on sacred land, a notion that is equally omnipresent in Hindutva, where Bharat forms what Savarkar calls a " punyabhoomi," a sacred territory. The ancient splendour of India fuels Ram Madhav's civilisational narrative, according to which his country can now reconnect with its past glory and regain international greatness beyond even the areas it once dominated: "The extended neighbourhood offers India a great opportunity because of its millennia-long historical and civilisational ties with the subcontinent. Unlike China, India enjoys enormous goodwill in this extended region, from ASEAN to Africa to the South Pacific, due to the ancient cultural connection, which it should be able to turn into a diplomatic advantage" (p. xxxviii). In fact, the author's main objective is to restore India's status as a great power and even its "greatness" (p. 311). To achieve this, the "soft power" on which Nehru relied – described as "romantic" and "idealistic" – will not be enough: "It is time for India to make strenuous efforts to build 'Brand Bharat'—a benign global influence. The era of soft power is passé, and the time has come for 'smart power' to create a unique brand identity for nations" (p. xxxviii). This quest for power requires closer ties with "like-minded countries" and the development of industrial, military, and scientific capabilities. India's potential friends are defined in negative terms: they are primarily political forces that share the same enemies as Hindu nationalists. These adversaries form a heterogeneous group – called the "deep state" (p. 158) – ranging from "liberals" to "leftists," "cultural Marxists," "Islamists," and "woke" individuals, who are mainly found among NGOs. Of all these, Soros is the most feared. Madhav's discourse is primarily defensive: India must resist destabilisation efforts on all fronts. This has resulted in a whole repertoire of victimisation that national-populists are currently cultivating around the world: "In India, Soros is accused of supporting and sponsoring anti-Modi government campaigns such as the 2020–21 farmers' uprising and a recent attack on Indian business tycoon Gautam Adani by a lesser-known outfit called Hindenburg Research. In fact, the farmers' agitation launched against the Modi government's agricultural policies was the latest example of India's brush with global NGOs (GNGOs). The Indian government suspected the role of some GNGOs in supporting and sponsoring this agitation. 'Toolkit' as a disruptive concept became popular during this agitation with the likes of Greta Thunberg jumping in. Thunberg inadvertently put a toolkit in the public domain before hastily withdrawing it. The toolkit, allegedly created by a Canada-based organisation called the Poetic Justice Foundation (PJF) with links to separatist groups such as the Khalistanis, not only contained seditious material but also highlighted the modus operandi of some of the GNGOs' (p. 140). This conspiracy theory may raise a smile, but it lies at the heart of the nationalist-conservative phenomenon, whose proponents seek to thwart plans that would ruin the social order (and therefore the domination of the traditional elites) and destroy morality by destroying the family (hence their opposition to homosexuality, for example). What they fear is seeing their civilisation destabilised from outside. The words "chaos" and "anarchy" appear repeatedly in Madhav's writing. To resist, he wants to align himself with Donald Trump, Viktor Orban, Giorgia Meloni, Marine Le Pen, and others. Madhav's social conservatism goes beyond defending the family to encompass the caste system, which he sees as just one expression of India's diversity: "India's demographic diversity in terms of its castes, languages, and religions adds great color and celebration to it" (p. 265). How, moreover, does Madhav measure respect for religious diversity in India, when Muslims are victims of discrimination, segregation, and violence on a daily basis? He bases it on demographic growth – estimated at 7.81% in a highly controversial Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development study – because surely an oppressed community cannot have many children: "In India's context, a 7.81 percent increase in the populations of Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, and Buddhists (Parsis and Jains saw a decline) indicated that contrary to propaganda, especially in the Western media, minorities enjoy relative comfort in the country" (p. 281). Any social science student knows that the primary explanatory variable for female fertility is lack of education, hence the correlation between socio-educational development and population growth. Madhav's national conservatism involves a degree of authoritarianism that only appears in the epilogue, but which is particularly radical. For him, India must transition to "Dharmocracy," which he refers to as "democracy, the Bharat way" (p. 320). Madhav defines Dharma here as an "ethical-spiritual order" and "the only supreme authority," whose guardians are the Rajgurus (the Brahmins who guide rulers in the Hindu tradition). In Dharmocracy, as in any theocracy, those who exercise power are therefore not accountable to the people (the demos) but to the Dharma, represented by priests. For Madhav, Modi led India down this path in 2023 when he installed in the new parliament the sacred sceptre called sengol, which was used by the Rajguru of the Chola dynasty in southern India in medieval times. Why India is not necessarily on the rise If, for Madhav, India must therefore return to a type of authoritarian regime in order to be stronger, at the same time, by combining the old with the new, it must become a modern power, and it is above all to this project that the second part of his book is devoted, the tone of which is surprisingly measured, even pessimistic. Admittedly, Modi's India has broken with Nehru's "romantic globalism," but what has it achieved in ten years? In the second part, the book oscillates between pretension and thinly veiled criticism. This gives rise to recurring contradictions: on the one hand, Madhav condemns the policies implemented by the Congress Party, while on the other, he constantly cites the achievements of Nehru and his descendants, whether in the IITs or in regional diplomacy. This last example deserves closer examination. First, Madhav admits that" "Prime Minister Nehru played an important role in the transition of power in Nepal from the Ranas to a constitutional monarchy under King Tribhuvan Bir Bikram Shah Dev" (p. 288). The same is true of Sri Lanka: 'With Sri Lanka, too, India's relations began on a friendly and cordial note after the former's independence from the British in February 1948. The post-Independence Sri Lankan leadership, under S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, joined the NAM and supported India on issues ranging from domestic ones like the accession of Goa, Diu and Daman, to international ones like the Suez crisis. Nehru's death in 1964 was also declared a public holiday in Sri Lanka in his honour" (p. 288). Madhav then reviews the rest of South Asia and acknowledges the excellence of Nehru's diplomacy and that of his successors: 'India's ties with Myanmar also began on a friendly and cordial note after Independence. Prime Minister Nehru enjoyed a good personal rapport with U Nu, the Burmese prime minister. Both countries signed a Treaty of Peace and Friendship in 1951. "Bangladesh owed its birth to India when Prime Minister Indira Gandhi decided to send the Indian Army to help the Mukti Bahini rebels secure freedom from Pakistan in the final phase of the war in 1971 (p. 289). Beyond the Nehru-Gandhi family, other Congress leaders stand out, such as Narasimha Rao: 'India's romance with the Indian Ocean began in 1992 when PM Narasimha Rao enunciated what became famous as the Look East policy' (p. 299). Even Manmohan Singh, so disparaged by Narendra Modi, receives praise from Ram Madhav: "In 2008, the UPA government led by PM Dr. Manmohan Singh promoted the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS), the first initiative of its kind to bring together the navies of the IOR. A decade later, IONS boasted of the participation of 35 navies from the region in its activities" (p. 301). It is on this interesting question of neighbourly relations that Ram Madhav contradicts himself most and in the most instructive way: on the one hand, he gets carried away, caught up in his desire for power for India; on the other, ceasing to believe his own lies, he opens his eyes to reality in a flash of lucidity. See for yourself. On the one hand, he writes: 'India has already emerged as a regional leader by building architectures such as SAARC and BIMSTEC with varying degrees of success. In the Indian Ocean Region, India commands enormous respect due to its longstanding cultural and civilizational ties with many countries. Once a leader in the NAM, it now champions the cause of the Global South, attracting substantial traction in Asia and Africa' (p. 113-114). On the other hand, ceasing to mistake his desires for reality, he admits: 'Both SAARC and BIMSTEC failed to promote coherent regionalism like the ones witnessed among CIS countries, ASEAN, or even the EU. SAARC became a victim of Indo-Pak rivalry, and has remained dysfunctional for a decade now. The last summit-level meeting of the SAARC countries took place in Kathmandu in November 2014. Since then, the regional body has remained dormant. On the other hand, although India attached strategic importance to the BIMSTEC arrangement, it didn't acquire the required momentum either' (p. 287). Does this mean that Modi's 'neighbourhood first' policy has failed? But regional issues are not the only area where criticism of the Modi government is evident. When he seeks to highlight Modi's achievements, he finds nothing but symbols, or even political marketing: "PM Modi understands the importance of India presenting itself [my emphasis] to global powers as a regional leader – one that enjoys the goodwill and support of its neighbours." Worse still, neutralism – which is denounced when equated with Nehru's non-alignment – becomes a paradoxical virtue, even in the case of the war in Gaza (during which India systematically abstained at the UN, even when it came to calling for a ceasefire). Incomprehensibly, Madhav describes this policy as "strategic autonomy," a term introduced into the lexicon of international relations by De Gaulle to refer to the absence of military dependence on foreign powers: "The strategic autonomy doctrine is evident in India's response to conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza. In both conflicts, the Indian leadership refused to take sides and maintained proactive neutrality, engaging with all sides of the conflict. India was among the 32 other member countries of the UN Security Council, including China, that abstained from voting when the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution in February 2023 demanding that Russia should 'immediately, completely and unconditionally withdraw all of its military forces from the territory of Ukraine" (p. 258). But the most important point lies elsewhere: in Madhav's skepticism when it comes to economic, scientific, and military development, given that, as he repeatedly states, a nation's power can only be based on strong industry and cutting-edge technology. In this regard, everything remains to be done, and the author regrets that so little has been accomplished. The word "unfortunately" appears more than 10 times in the last 100 pages. When it comes to technological advances, the situation is critical because India: "...suffers from challenges such as a shortage of talent in quantum physics, limited funding, an infrastructure gap, and weak collaboration between industry and academia. India must approach this technological challenge with urgency and seriousness. It needs to revamp its education and research infrastructure completely. It needs to invest heavily in areas of innovation in frontier technologies. It should focus on building a strong culture of R&D and institutions that support innovation to ramp up its technological prowess. In the past, we achieved noteworthy progress in areas like nuclear fusion and space. Indian nuclear fusion research is making remarkable progress at an impressive pace" (p. 268). Madhav cites the achievements of the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO), which was created during the Congress era, and the first supercomputer, the CDC 6600, which appeared under Nehru. Even when the Modi government took initiatives, they appear insufficient to the author: '[Modi's] government took the important initiative of establishing the National Mission on Quantum Technologies & Applications (NM-QTA) in 2020 with a five-year budget outlay of about $1 billion. India became the seventh country to have a quantum mission. However, much needs to be done in terms of actual research and output. Capital investments have to increase manifold, and private equity also has to step in' (p. 270). The heart of the problem lies in the training of the elite: "India's education infrastructure remains lacklustre in terms of academic research and innovation rigor. India produces 1.5 million engineers every year, but what it needs is not just engineers but 'imagineers' – engineers with the power of imagination and innovation" (pp. 271-272). Madhav concludes: "Imitation is not innovation, and copying is not creativity" (p. 275). In terms of defence, Indian industry is so underperforming that, Madhav points out, the air force is still waiting for delivery of 40 Tejas fighter jets, whose development began in 1984. Madhav repeatedly compares India's delays with China's advances, which fuel his concerns. The Indian navy also appears to be in a poor state with its two aircraft carriers and 16 submarines. It needs to acquire 200 additional ships and 24 submarines. As Madhav states: "Achieving that capability is critical to India's future global role" (p. 310). The social consequences of India's economic weakness, and in particular the difficulties faced by its industry (once again in competition with China), do not escape the author's keen insight. He admits that "India faces the challenge of unemployment and underemployment" (p. 277), once again lamenting the mediocrity of education in a context of rapid population growth: "India's challenge is its low-skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled labor workforce. In the age of frontier technologies, a population boom without adequate skilling infrastructure will be a recipe for disaster" (p. 277). Under these conditions, India's demographic dividend is nothing more than a pipe dream. Conclusion: "India needs to tackle this demographic challenge diligently" (p. 282). At this stage, one is tempted to ask: what is the government doing about this? The question is all the more pressing given that Madhav seems to find answers by quoting another Congress leader, Lal Bahadur Shastri: "Shastri said the following in his first Independence Day speech in 1964 that stirred the conscience of the entire nation: ""We can win respect in the world only if we are strong internally and can banish poverty and unemployment from our country. Above all, we need national unity. Communal, provincial, and linguistic conflicts weaken the country""(p. 317). Should we conclude that, for Madhav, the way in which the Modi government has played the identity polarisation card needs to be revisited? Overall, while Madhav believes that 'the new Indian leadership is looking towards building a nation capable of becoming an important player on the global stage' (p. 315), for the moment, after more than ten years, the results are mixed at best. This criticism, coming from one of the most prominent Hindu nationalist leaders, is unprecedented. But given his responsibilities, it could even be seen as self-criticism. How far can this shift go? Should we expect a change of course, with the organisation of a "caste census" as the first sign, or is this initiative purely tactical? Only time will tell, but if it turns out that in Modi's India, "the more things change, the more they stay the same," Madhav's book may be paving the way for the post-Modi era – a highly anticipated milestone for the RSS. Christophe Jaffrelot is Senior Research Fellow at CERI-Sciences Po/CNRS, Paris, Professor of Indian Politics and Sociology at King's College London, Non resident Scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Chair of the British Association for South Asian Studies.
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Ahom Valour Makes Its Way Into NCERT Textbooks In Step Towards Honouring Assam's Legacy
The Ahoms, who migrated in the 13th century from Mong Mao (in present-day Myanmar) to Brahmaputra Valley, laid the foundations of one of the most enduring and effective dynasties In a significant step towards inclusive historical representation, the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) has finally included a notable mention of the Ahom dynasty in its Class 8 history textbook, under the chapter 'Tribes, Nomads and Settled Communities'. For a region often underrepresented in mainstream narratives, the inclusion is being seen as a long-overdue recognition of Assam's resilient past and the extraordinary legacy of the Ahoms—a dynasty that ruled for over six centuries and stood as a formidable bulwark against the Mughal Empire. The Ahoms, who migrated in the 13th century from Mong Mao (in present-day Myanmar) to the Brahmaputra Valley, laid the foundations of one of the most enduring and effective dynasties in Indian history. Their arrival marks not just the beginning of a new political order in Assam, but also the rise of a regional power that maintained sovereignty for more than 600 years—a feat unmatched by most dynasties in India. For decades, school textbooks in India have predominantly focused on empires like the Mughals, Mauryas, or Guptas, leaving little room for the nuanced histories of the north-eastern states. The Ahoms—despite their decisive resistance against 17 Mughal invasions—have remained largely in the margins of national historical discourse. The inclusion of even a single page in the NCERT textbook is thus being hailed as a symbolic but crucial correction in this skewed narrative. No discussion of Ahom valour is complete without mentioning Lachit Borphukan, the legendary general whose strategic brilliance in the Battle of Saraighat (1671) led to the defeat of the Mughals on the banks of the Brahmaputra. Borphukan's resistance is not just a regional story—it is a national one, echoing the same spirit of defiance and courage exemplified by figures like Shivaji Maharaj or Maharana Pratap. 'We have been continuously pressing that the country should know and read about the glorious history of the Ahom dynasty and the valour," said Dr Prabin Hazarika, head of the department of history at Sibsagar Girls' College. 'These are rulers who thwarted the Mughal invasion as many as 17 times. As we read about Guru Nanak and Maharana Pratap, our saints and heroes like Lachit Borphukan and Srimanta Shankardev should also be known nationwide and beyond." The sentiment has been echoed at the highest levels of the state government. In November 2022, Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma wrote to the chief ministers of all Indian states, requesting them to include the story of Lachit Borphukan in their school curricula. 'Like you teach about your regional heroes," he urged, 'Assam's hero should also be introduced to students across the country." The Ahom kingdom was not merely a military powerhouse—it was a civilisational force. The dynasty introduced advanced agricultural practices, built impressive architecture such as the Rang Ghar and Talatal Ghar, and developed an efficient bureaucratic structure. Their integration of various tribes and communities helped create the foundations of a pluralistic Assamese identity. Over time, they adopted the Assamese language and promoted a distinct culture that thrived for generations. Despite numerous invasions, the Ahoms maintained their independence until the early 19th century—long after many other Indian kingdoms had fallen. Their resilience remains one of the greatest untold stories in Indian history. While the inclusion in the NCERT curriculum is a landmark development, many scholars argue that this should be a beginning—not the end. The story of the Ahoms, and of Lachit Borphukan in particular, deserves more than a single page in a single textbook. It merits comprehensive inclusion at various levels of education, from school to university syllabi, and incorporation in national historical consciousness through popular media, documentaries, and literature. As India embraces the diversity of its cultural and historical landscape, it becomes essential to acknowledge and celebrate contributions from all its regions. The valour of the Ahoms is not just Assam's pride—it is India's. The Ahoms' appearance in NCERT textbooks may be brief, but it is a watershed moment. It represents a growing recognition that Indian history is not a monolith—it is a mosaic. For millions of students across the country, this small yet significant inclusion will open a window into the world of a dynasty that defined resistance, governance, and cultural richness for over 600 years. As Dr Hazarika rightly notes, the time has come for the nation to remember its heroes from all corners. The story of the Ahoms is not a footnote—it is a full chapter waiting to be told. And now, finally, that chapter has begun. top videos View all NCERT director Professor Dinesh Prasad Saklani mentioned, 'All the historical facts and evidence mentioned in the Class 8 Social Science textbook published by NCERT are based on historical sources and texts like Baburnama, Banaras Gazetteer, Maasir-e-Alamgiri written by Saqi Muttid Khan and translated by Sir Jadunath Sarkar, the book 'The History and Culture of the Indian People' written by RC Majumdar etc. The facts mentioned in the textbook are supported by authentic historical sources. These facts clarify the complexity of the social, religious and political aspects of Indian history. 'The rulers of the Mughal Empire, especially Aurangzeb, have been described in detail in 'Muntakhab-al-Lubab', written by his contemporary historian Khafi Khan. The NCERT Class 8 Social Science textbook has presented these facts in a balanced and concise manner so that students not only know the facts but also understand their impact in depth." view comments Location : Assam, India, India First Published: July 17, 2025, 16:13 IST News education-career Ahom Valour Makes Its Way Into NCERT Textbooks In Step Towards Honouring Assam's Legacy Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
