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DW
01-07-2025
- Politics
- DW
Will Syrian war criminals ever face justice? – DW – 06/30/2025
After an alleged war criminal was set free, Syrians are questioning whether their new interim government genuinely wants justice after 14 years of civil war. The gruesome video first made global headlines three years ago. At around six minutes long, the film clip, leaked by a former militiaman loyal to deposed Syrian dictator Bashar Assad, showed the massacre of at least 41 men. Blindfolded, they were coaxed, pushed, or forced into a mass grave, where they fell onto the corpses of those who'd been killed before them, before being shot themselves. The killings, filmed in 2013, took place in a suburb of Damascus called Tadamon and locals suspect many more could have been killed here in the same way by Assad regime forces. Thousands of Syrians are still missing after the war ended in late 2024. Earlier this June, the Tadamon massacre, as it is now known, was back in the news again. Syria's Committee for Civil Peace — set up to ease community divisions after violence directed at minorities in March — had released dozens of former Assad regime soldiers. Among them, a man called Fadi Saqr, who had previously led an Assad-loyalist paramilitary group known as the National Defense Forces in Tadamon. They were allegedly responsible for the massacre in the video. Syrians who had hoped for justice were incensed about the release of Saqr and others, and called for protests. Saqr told the he'd only been appointed to lead the paramilitary after the Tadamon massacre, and the head of the Committee for Civil Peace told local media the decision to free Saqr and others had been made in the interests of peace and reconciliation. Saqr is apparently trying to persuade other former Assad regime supporters to back the new Syrian government. "Achieving transitional justice in Syriais likely to take a long time," says Alaa Bitar, a teacher from Idlib who lost his brother in the Assad regime's prisons. But releasing such well-known figures without some sort of clarification is only going to make victims upset and everyone else angry, he told DW. The controversy has raised further questions about the transitional justice process the new Syrian government has committed to. In May, the head of Syria's interim government, Ahmad al-Sharaa, issued two presidential decrees, number 19 and number 20, establishing two commissions: the National Commission for Transitional Justice, or NCTJ, and the National Commission for the Missing and Forcibly Disappeared, or NCM. The NCTJ came in for criticism almost immediately. The language of the decree seems to indicate the commission would mainly be going after Assad regime allies. They are responsible for the bulk of crimes committed during the civil war. "The [NCTJ's] mandate, as laid out in the decree, is troublingly narrow and excludes many victims," Alice Autin of Human Rights Watch's international justice program wrote shortly afterwards. Amnesty International and Syrian rights groups were similarly critical. "By anchoring its mandate solely to one perpetrator group, the decree forecloses the possibility of investigating atrocities committed by other actors, some of whom are still active and influential in transitional institutions today," Syrian human rights activist Mustafa Haid pointed out in a text for , a Swiss-funded media outlet specializing in transitional justice issues, last week. Critics note that crimes were committed on all sides, including by the extremist "Islamic State" group and anti-Assad rebel groups. Al-Sharaa previously led one of these, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham. "Some view the focus on the crimes of the Assad regime as fair and long overdue," Joumana Seif, a Syrian lawyer working with the Berlin-based European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights, wrote recently. "Others, however, have strongly criticized the apparent discrimination among victims." Beyond problems with the objectives of the initial decree, since then there's been a troubling lack of transparency and progress, observers say. "In my opinion, the transitional justice process is not going well," Mohammad al-Abdallah, director of the Washington-based Syrian Justice and Accountability Center, told DW. "The NCTJ is lagging behind. Just compare it to the missing persons commission, which was established by the same government on the same day. It's more public, they've started technical discussions and are drafting a plan to search for the missing." Meanwhile the NCTJ is more secretive, al-Abdallah noted. "There's no comprehensive plan or understanding about why the arrest — or non-arrest — of certain people is happening. Basically nothing is transparent and there's very little trust." Of course, the mission to find missing Syrians is much easier for the state than achieving transitional justice, he argues. "The humanitarian nature of this mission [to find the missing], the vast majority of the responsibility is on Assad's security agencies, there's no trial and no headache for the government," al-Abdallah said. "It's a win-win situation for them, while transitional justice is much harder." Of course, nobody is saying that the interim government can achieve justice in a matter of months or that they should arrest everybody, al-Abdallah continued. And certainly, observers say, Syrians have different ideas of what justice could be. "People do not necessarily want their suffering retold," one participant at a recent workshop held in Damascus by the Syrians for Truth and Justice group pointed out. "Some seek material and moral compensation while others want to see executions in public squares.' But what's happening now could actually be making things worse. "The government's slow response to pursuing criminals, coupled with the release of individuals accused of serious crimes — often without trial or explanation — has severely eroded public trust," Haid Haid, a consulting fellow with the Middle East program at British think tank Chatham House wrote for London-based media outlet last week. "In the void left by these failures, many have turned to their own means of justice." Haid described a wave of assassinations in the southwestern city of Daraa as "a form of vigilante justice — long-standing scores settled with bullets instead of due process." In May, the Syrian Network for Human Rights documented 157 extrajudicial killings in Syria and experts suggest that around 70% of them are the result of some kind of vigilante justice or targeted killing. Often these involve former Assad regime supporters. Al-Abdallah says he's heard the government may conduct three or four major trials soon, after which there will be more focus on national peace building. "Which is obviously important too," he argues. "But to put peace-building in confrontation with justice, that's a fake choice." Syrian lawyers have already argued that decisions about people like Fadi Saqr made by the Committee for Civil Peace infringe on the NCTJ's jurisdiction. "We want justice and peace, and we can do both," al-Abdallah says. "You will not have a lasting peace if you don't have some elements of justice. But the government doesn't seem to be willing to accept that." 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Time of India
01-07-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
No justice, no peace: Will Syrian war criminals be punished?
No justice, no peace (Image: AP) The gruesome video first made global headlines three years ago. At around six minutes long, the film clip, leaked by a former militiaman loyal to deposed Syrian dictator Bashar Assad, showed the massacre of at least 41 men. Blindfolded, they were coaxed, pushed, or forced into a mass grave, where they fell onto the corpses of those who'd been killed before them, before being shot themselves. The killings, filmed in 2013, took place in a suburb of Damascus called Tadamon and locals suspect many more could have been killed here in the same way by Assad regime forces. Thousands of Syrians are still missing after the war ended in late 2024. Earlier this June, the Tadamon massacre, as it is now known, was back in the news again. Syria's Committee for Civil Peace — set up to ease community divisions after violence directed at minorities in March — had released dozens of former Assad regime soldiers. Among them, a man called Fadi Saqr, who had previously led an Assad-loyalist paramilitary group known as the National Defence Forces in Tadamon. They were allegedly responsible for the massacre in the video. Released in 'interests of peace and reconciliation' Syrians who had hoped for justice were incensed about the release of Saqr and others, and called for protests. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like 집에서 할수 있는 부업! 월 평균 148만원 부업 하실 분 찾습니다 메리츠파트너스 더 알아보기 Undo Saqr told the New York Times he'd only been appointed to led the paramilitary after the Tadamon massacre, and the head of the Committee for Civil Peace told local media the decision to free Saqr and others had been made in the interests of peace and reconciliation. Saqr is apparently trying to persuade other former Assad regime supporters to back the new Syrian government. "Achieving transitional justice in Syriais likely to take a long time," says Alaa Bitar, a teacher from Idlib who lost his brother in the Assad regime's prisons. But releasing such well known figures without some sort of clarification is only going to make victims upset and everyone else angry, he told DW. The controversy has raised further questions about the transitional justice process the new Syrian government has committed to. In May, the head of Syria's interim government, Ahmad al-Sharaa, issued two presidential decrees, number 19 and number 20, establishing two commissions: the National Commission for Transitional Justice, or NCTJ, and the National Commission for the Missing and Forcibly Disappeared, or NCM. The NCTJ came in for criticism almost immediately. The language of the decree seems to indicate the commission would mainly be going after Assad regime allies. They are responsible for the bulk of crimes committed during the civil war. "The [NCTJ's] mandate, as laid out in the decree, is troublingly narrow and excludes many victims," Alice Autin of Human Rights Watch's international justice program wrote shortly afterwards. Amnesty International and Syrian rights groups were similarly critical. "By anchoring its mandate solely to one perpetrator group, the decree forecloses the possibility of investigating atrocities committed by other actors, some of whom are still active and influential in transitional institutions today," Syrian human rights activist Mustafa Haid pointed out in a text for Justice Info, a Swiss-funded media outlet specializing in transitional justice issues, last week. Critics note that crimes were committed on all sides, including by the extremist "Islamic State" group and anti-Assad rebel groups. Al-Sharaa previously led one of these, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham. "Some view the focus on the crimes of the Assad regime as fair and long overdue," Joumana Seif, a Syrian lawyer working with the Berlin-based European Centre for Constitutional and Human Rights, wrote recently. "Others, however, have strongly criticized the apparent discrimination among victims." Transitional justice committee: no trust Beyond problems with the objectives of the initial decree, since then there's been a troubling lack of transparency and progress, observers say. "In my opinion, the transitional justice process is not going well," Mohammad al-Abdallah, director of the Washington-based Syrian Justice and Accountability Centre, told DW. "The NCTJ is lagging behind. Just compare it to the missing persons commission, which was established by the same government on the same day. It's more public, they've started technical discussions and are drafting a plan to search for the missing. " Meanwhile the NCTJ is more secretive, al-Abdallah noted. "There's no comprehensive plan or understanding about why the arrest — or non-arrest — of certain people is happening. Basically nothing is transparent and there's very little trust." Of course, the mission to find missing Syrians is much easier for the state than achieving transitional justice, he argues. "The humanitarian nature of this mission [to find the missing], the vast majority of the responsibility is on Assad's security agencies, there's no trial and no headache for the government," al-Abdallah said. "It's a win-win situation for them, while transitional justice is much harder." Of course, nobody is saying that the interim government can achieve justice in a matter of months or that they should arrest everybody, al-Abdallah continued. And certainly, observers say, Syrians have different ideas of what justice could be. "People do not necessarily want their suffering retold," one participant at a recent workshop held in Damascus by the Syrians for Truth and Justice group pointed out. "Some seek material and moral compensation while others want to see executions in public squares.' B ut what's happening now could actually be making things worse. Increase in vigilante justice "The government's slow response to pursuing criminals, coupled with the release of individuals accused of serious crimes — often without trial or explanation — has severely eroded public trust," Haid Haid, a consulting fellow with the Middle East program at British think tank Chatham House wrote for London-based media outlet Al Majalla last week. "In the void left by these failures, many have turned to their own means of justice. " Haid described a wave of assassinations in the southwestern city of Daraa as "a form of vigilante justice — long-standing scores settled with bullets instead of due process." In May, the Syrian Network for Human Rights documented 157 extrajudicial killings in Syria and experts suggest that around 70 percent of them are the result of some kind of vigilante justice or targeted killing. Often these involve former Assad regime supporters. Al-Abdallah says he's heard the government may conduct three or four major trials soon, after which there will be more focus on national peace building. "Which is obviously important too," he argues. "But to put peace-building in confrontation with justice, that's a fake choice." Syrian lawyers have already argued that decisions about people like Fadi Saqr made by the Committee for Civil Peace infringe on the NCTJ's jurisdiction. "We want justice and peace, and we can do both," al-Abdallah says. "You will not have a lasting peace if you don't have some elements of justice. But the government doesn't seem to be willing to accept that."
DW
30-06-2025
- Politics
- DW
No justice, no peace: Will Syrian war criminals be punished? – DW – 06/30/2025
After an alleged war criminal was set free, Syrians are questioning whether their new interim government genuinely wants justice after 14 years of civil war. As a result of such doubts, vigilante justice is on the rise. The gruesome video first made global headlines three years ago. At around six minutes long, the film clip, leaked by a former militiaman loyal to deposed Syrian dictator Bashar Assad, showed the massacre of at least 41 men. Blindfolded, they were coaxed, pushed, or forced into a mass grave, where they fell onto the corpses of those who'd been killed before them, before being shot themselves. The killings, filmed in 2013, took place in a suburb of Damascus called Tadamon and locals suspect many more could have been killed here in the same way by Assad regime forces. Thousands of Syrians are still missing after the war ended in late 2024. Earlier this June, the Tadamon massacre, as it is now known, was back in the news again. Syria's Committee for Civil Peace — set up to ease community divisions after violence directed at minorities in March — had released dozens of former Assad regime soldiers. Among them, a man called Fadi Saqr, who had previously led an Assad-loyalist paramilitary group known as the National Defense Forces in Tadamon. They were allegedly responsible for the massacre in the video. Syrians who had hoped for justice were incensed about the release of Saqr and others, and called for protests. Saqr told the he'd only been appointed to led the paramilitary after the Tadamon massacre, and the head of the Committee for Civil Peace told local media the decision to free Saqr and others had been made in the interests of peace and reconciliation. Saqr is apparently trying to persuade other former Assad regime supporters to back the new Syrian government. "Achieving transitional justice in Syriais likely to take a long time," says Alaa Bitar, a teacher from Idlib who lost his brother in the Assad regime's prisons. But releasing such well known figures without some sort of clarification is only going to make victims upset and everyone else angry, he told DW. The controversy has raised further questions about the transitional justice process the new Syrian government has committed to. In May, the head of Syria's interim government, Ahmad al-Sharaa, issued two presidential decrees, number 19 and number 20, establishing two commissions: the National Commission for Transitional Justice, or NCTJ, and the National Commission for the Missing and Forcibly Disappeared, or NCM. The NCTJ came in for criticism almost immediately. The language of the decree seems to indicate the commission would mainly be going after Assad regime allies. They are responsible for the bulk of crimes committed during the civil war. "The [NCTJ's] mandate, as laid out in the decree, is troublingly narrow and excludes many victims," Alice Autin of Human Rights Watch's international justice program wrote shortly afterwards. Amnesty International and Syrian rights groups were similarly critical. "By anchoring its mandate solely to one perpetrator group, the decree forecloses the possibility of investigating atrocities committed by other actors, some of whom are still active and influential in transitional institutions today," Syrian human rights activist Mustafa Haid pointed out in a text for , a Swiss-funded media outlet specializing in transitional justice issues, last week. Critics note that crimes were committed on all sides, including by the extremist "Islamic State" group and anti-Assad rebel groups. Al-Sharaa previously led one of these, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham. "Some view the focus on the crimes of the Assad regime as fair and long overdue," Joumana Seif, a Syrian lawyer working with the Berlin-based European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights, wrote recently. "Others, however, have strongly criticized the apparent discrimination among victims." Beyond problems with the objectives of the initial decree, since then there's been a troubling lack of transparency and progress, observers say. "In my opinion, the transitional justice process is not going well," Mohammad al-Abdallah, director of the Washington-based Syrian Justice and Accountability Center, told DW. "The NCTJ is lagging behind. Just compare it to the missing persons commission, which was established by the same government on the same day. It's more public, they've started technical discussions and are drafting a plan to search for the missing." Meanwhile the NCTJ is more secretive, al-Abdallah noted. "There's no comprehensive plan or understanding about why the arrest — or non-arrest — of certain people is happening. Basically nothing is transparent and there's very little trust." Of course, the mission to find missing Syrians is much easier for the state than achieving transitional justice, he argues. "The humanitarian nature of this mission [to find the missing], the vast majority of the responsibility is on Assad's security agencies, there's no trial and no headache for the government," al-Abdallah said. "It's a win-win situation for them, while transitional justice is much harder." Of course, nobody is saying that the interim government can achieve justice in a matter of months or that they should arrest everybody, al-Abdallah continued. And certainly, observers say, Syrians have different ideas of what justice could be. "People do not necessarily want their suffering retold," one participant at a recent workshop held in Damascus by the Syrians for Truth and Justice group pointed out. "Some seek material and moral compensation while others want to see executions in public squares.' But what's happening now could actually be making things worse. "The government's slow response to pursuing criminals, coupled with the release of individuals accused of serious crimes — often without trial or explanation — has severely eroded public trust," Haid Haid, a consulting fellow with the Middle East program at British think tank Chatham House wrote for London-based media outlet last week. "In the void left by these failures, many have turned to their own means of justice." Haid described a wave of assassinations in the southwestern city of Daraa as "a form of vigilante justice — long-standing scores settled with bullets instead of due process." In May, the Syrian Network for Human Rights documented 157 extrajudicial killings in Syria and experts suggest that around 70% of them are the result of some kind of vigilante justice or targeted killing. Often these involve former Assad regime supporters. Al-Abdallah says he's heard the government may conduct three or four major trials soon, after which there will be more focus on national peace building. "Which is obviously important too," he argues. "But to put peace-building in confrontation with justice, that's a fake choice." Syrian lawyers have already argued that decisions about people like Fadi Saqr made by the Committee for Civil Peace infringe on the NCTJ's jurisdiction. "We want justice and peace, and we can do both," al-Abdallah says. "You will not have a lasting peace if you don't have some elements of justice. But the government doesn't seem to be willing to accept that." To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video
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Scotsman
17-06-2025
- Politics
- Scotsman
Why the Government needs to 'save quality journalism education'
The funding cuts come 'at a time when we need trusted news and information more than ever' Sign up to our daily newsletter – Regular news stories and round-ups from around Scotland direct to your inbox Sign up Thank you for signing up! Did you know with a Digital Subscription to The Scotsman, you can get unlimited access to the website including our premium content, as well as benefiting from fewer ads, loyalty rewards and much more. Learn More Sorry, there seem to be some issues. Please try again later. Submitting... A campaign to 'Save Quality Journalism Education' has been launched following a Government move to cut funding to key training courses. Strategic Priorities Grant (SPG) funding is being withdrawn from journalism, media studies and publishing courses for 2025-26. Education secretary Bridget Phillipson has instead instructed the Office for Students to redirect this cash to other 'high cost' subjects like engineering, IT, pre-registration nursing, agriculture, forestry and food science. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad Industry leaders have branded the move 'irrational and misguided' at a time when trusted news and the provision of more well-trained journalists is needed more than ever. This website - and all our sister titles across National World - is supporting the Save Quality Journalism Education campaign, which is being spearheaded by the National Council for the Training of Journalists (NCTJ). We have long-established links with the NCTJ and many of the reporters who have provided your high-quality, accurate, ethical and trusted journalism over the years will have been through one of its accredited courses. The Government plans to withdraw Strategic Priorities Grant funding from journalism, media studies and publishing courses this year | (Image: National World/) We work closely with the NCTJ in ensuring today's trainee journalists join our newsrooms with the skills we need and with the knowledge they will continue to support them as they learn and develop with us. A recent survey by the NCTJ showed that 81% of working journalists hold a journalism qualification, with 84% saying it helped them secure their first job. We believe journalism education is essential infrastructure for democracy and deserves proper funding. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad NCTJ chief executive Joanne Forbes said: 'The targeted withdrawal of funding suggests the government's value and support for journalism is diminishing at a time when trusted, well-trained journalists are more essential than ever. These cuts risk reducing the accessibility, quality and diversity of journalism education, and threaten the future health of journalism in the UK.' The SPG is not the only source of funding for journalism courses, but it will reduce the resources universities can draw upon to support journalism programmes, at a time when many are already under financial strain. The campaign is backed by the New Media Association (NMA), which represents national, regional and local publishers, and the Society of Editors. NMA chief executive Owen Meredith said the funding cut was 'contrary to the government's stated policy of creating and supporting an environment in which local and national journalism can thrive'. He added: 'At a time when we need trusted news and information more than ever, this misguided and irrational move risks undermining the pipeline of talent into the industry and restricting access to journalism as a career choice. The Education Secretary has got this one wrong and needs to think again.' Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad The campaign is also backed by the Association for Journalism Education, the Broadcast Journalism Training Council, the Media, Communication and Cultural Studies Association and the Professional Publishers Association.
Yahoo
27-02-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
New reporter joins Lancashire Telegraph as part of Community News Project
The NCTJ has welcomed six trainee community reporters to the new phase of the Community News Project (CNP), a major initiative to strengthen local journalism and improve newsroom diversity across the UK. The selection process was highly competitive, with more than 500 applications received for the six available positions. This followed an extensive marketing campaign involving around 250 titles from 18 large, medium and smaller independent publishers previously involved in the project. Applicants were shortlisted and interviewed by the NCTJ, and final interviews and appointments made in partnership with the publishers. The trainee reporters have been employed by publishers on two-year contracts and will train for their NCTJ Diploma in Journalism while working in their respective communities. They will be mentored by former CNP reporters currently working as senior journalists. Day-release training will be provided by Darlington College and trainees working in England will be registered as apprentice journalists. News UK has opened its apprenticeship levy fund to pay the training costs of small publishers involved in the programme. The new recruits are: · Safiyyah Tayyeb, Lancashire Telegraph · Jennifer Cartwright, Yorkshire Evening Post · Evie Flynn, Southwark News · Emily Gray, Newcastle Chronicle · Dorota Lukasik, Kent Messenger · Grace Price, Monmouthshire Beacon This marks a key milestone for the CNP as it enters a new phase following Meta's decision not to renew its funding. To continue this important work, the NCTJ has designated £450,000 from its charitable reserves to establish the Community Reporting Fund (CRF), with plans to secure additional funding from external partners in the coming years. Each publisher has been awarded a grant of up to £65,000 from the NCTJ to contribute to the costs of funding a traineeship. The new recruits meet one or more diversity criteria agreed at the project's outset and will play a crucial role in enhancing local news coverage, strengthening community engagement, and bringing fresh perspectives to the industry. Some of the new recruits have shared their excitement about their new roles. Grace Price, who is joining the Monmouthshire Beacon, said: ''Being a part of the Community News Project will enable me to gain valuable experience as a trainee community reporter, enabling me to connect with and amplify the voices of the community. 'I am enthusiastic about the opportunity to learn and grow, eager to contribute meaningful stories whilst developing my skills and gaining new insights along the way.'' Evie Flynn, recruited by Southwark News, said: 'I am super excited to begin my career in journalism at Southwark News and study for my NCTJ. I applied to the CNP because it's an incredible opportunity to overcome some of the barriers journalism has as an industry. It puts community stories at the centre of reporting, which is so important especially in large cities. 'I'm really looking forward to making a meaningful impact and building strong relationships within my local community as part of this project.' Emily Gray, working at the Newcastle Chronicle, said: 'When the CNP opportunity came about I was excited to get involved in a role I feel passionate for. 'I'm really looking forward to meeting the other community reporters, starting training and especially giving shorthand a try! As the MOBO awards head to Newcastle for the first time this February, I'm already enjoying getting stuck in chatting to local organisations on the importance of community inclusion.' Joanne Forbes, chief executive at the NCTJ, said: 'It's fantastic to see these six new reporters joining the legacy of the Community News Project, gaining hands-on experience while working towards the NCTJ Diploma in Journalism. Their appointments mark an exciting new phase of the programme. 'We are proud of the project's impact so far and, with the support of the publishers, we remain committed to sustaining this vital work, enhancing local journalism, and improving newsroom diversity. 'However, securing additional funding partners is crucial to ensuring its long-term future. That's why we are calling on government and others to join us in supporting the next generation of journalists.' Toby Granville, the editorial development director at Newsquest, of which the Lancashire Telegraph is a part, said: 'I am thrilled that the NCTJ has successfully revived the CNP as it was highly effective in attracting journalists from diverse backgrounds into our industry. 'It is essential for us to have more inclusive reporting, and I am hopeful that, along with the NCTJ's support, additional investment from other stakeholders will contribute to the future success of the scheme.' Richard Duggan, regional editor North West at Newsquest and editor of the Lancashire Telegraph, said: "I am delighted to be a part of the CNP and am excited for Safiyyah to make her mark reporting on patch - thank you to the NCTJ for all that they do to champion local and regional journalism, especially when it comes to diversity and inclusivity. "In troubling times such as these, we need government to step up and support local news to help us to thrive in an ever-changing media landscape."
