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AP CM Naidu releases HNSS canal water; vows irrigation, industrial revival for Rayalaseema
AP CM Naidu releases HNSS canal water; vows irrigation, industrial revival for Rayalaseema

New Indian Express

time18-07-2025

  • Politics
  • New Indian Express

AP CM Naidu releases HNSS canal water; vows irrigation, industrial revival for Rayalaseema

KURNOOL: Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu reiterated his commitment to Rayalaseema's development as he released water into the Handri-Neeva Sujala Sravanthi (HNSS) canal from the backwaters of the Srisailam Reservoir near Malayala village in Nandyal district on Thursday. Later, addressing farmers, the Chief Minister emphasized that his vision is centered on providing a permanent irrigation solution to Rayalaseema to uplift the region's economy and restore pride to a land long plagued by drought and neglect. He said this initiative would enable farmers to cultivate at least two crops a year, a long-standing goal of his for the region. Key proposed developments for Rayalaseema include the completion of the Vedavathi project benefiting Aluru, Adoni, and Mantralayam constituencies; Rs 96 crore sanctioned for Ghorakallu repairs; Rs 36 crore for restoring the Alaganur bund; and plans to complete the Adavipalli reservoir to facilitate water supply to Chittoor through the Neva branch canal. He stated that just as water reached Kuppam this year, Chittoor too will receive water by next year. The CM recalled his personal connection to Rayalaseema, noting that he was born in the region and understands its hardships firsthand. He criticised past governments for neglecting the region, asserting that the TDP alone has consistently worked for Rayalaseema's welfare. He reminded people that it was NT Rama Rao who declared that Rayalaseema should receive water before Chennai, and that groundwork for major projects in the region began during NTR's tenure. Launching a scathing attack on the YSRCP, Naidu said that while the TDP invested over Rs 12,000 crore in Rayalaseema's irrigation projects, the YSRCP, during its five-year tenure, failed to spend even Rs 2,000 crore. He claimed that all major projects were completed by the TDP and criticised the YSRCP for neglecting them. He also shared his plans to transform Rayalaseema into an industrial hub by launching major projects, including a Drone City in Orvakal, Kurnool, and the establishment of the Rayalaseema Steel Plant in Kadapa.

Naidu reaffirms commitment to develop Ratnalaseema
Naidu reaffirms commitment to develop Ratnalaseema

Hans India

time18-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Hans India

Naidu reaffirms commitment to develop Ratnalaseema

Malyala (Nandyal Dist): Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu on Thursday released water into the Handri-Neeva Sujala Sravanthi (HNSS) canal from the HNSS Pumping Station-I here, taking a critical step towards alleviating drought conditions in the Rayalaseema region. The Chief Minister, arriving at the venue directly after a three-day visit to Delhi, addressed a large gathering of farmers, emphasising his government's resolve to transform Rayalaseema into a "Ratnala Seema" (land of jewels). The Chief Minister, during his address, acknowledged the drought challenges historically faced by Rayalaseema and paid tributes to former Chief Minister NT Rama Rao for laying the groundwork for major irrigation projects like Handri-Neeva and Galeru-Nagari. Detailing the significance of the Handri-Neeva project, the Chief Minister explained that its canal spans over 550 km, benefiting areas from Kurnool to Chittoor and Kuppam. He stated that approximately 4 TMC of water could be released through Malyala to irrigate about six lakh acres, with the first phase covering 1.98 lakh acres. The project is poised to deliver vital water resources to regions including Krishnagiri, Panyam, Gollapalli, PABR, Marala, Cherlopalli, Madanapalle, and Chittoor. The Chief Minister alleged that the previous regime failed to invest even Rs. 2,000 crore in Rayalaseema and neglected the Handri-Neeva project entirely. In contrast, Naidu asserted that his administration was instrumental in completing major irrigation projects like Pothireddypadu, Muchumarri, and Gandikota. He reiterated his long-standing mission of interlinking rivers, expressing confidence that upon the completion of the Polavaram project, water scarcity would become thing of the past. Concluding his address, the Chief Minister stressed the need for continued efforts towards infrastructure development in Rayalaseema, while appreciating the region's natural endowments and resources, robust road networks, and accessibility. Giving a peek into his vision, he asserted that Rayalaseema could emerge as a leading example of development under his stewardship. Ministers, MLAs, Collectors, party leaders, and other officials were present on the occasion.

Former civil servant and RBI governor YV Reddy revisits his mistakes and interventions in a new book
Former civil servant and RBI governor YV Reddy revisits his mistakes and interventions in a new book

Scroll.in

time15-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Scroll.in

Former civil servant and RBI governor YV Reddy revisits his mistakes and interventions in a new book

When a political party sweeps to power, they sometimes abandon the unfinished projects started by the previous regime in order to start their own new projects, which are in alignment with their particular agendas. But abandoning projects close to completion, especially those that were 80 per cent or more complete, had been proving to be highly wasteful. As Secretary, Planning, Government of Andhra Pradesh, I went to Chief Minister NT Rama Rao with a proposal to earmark Rs 1 crore per district (it was a substantial amount in those days), purely on grounds of efficiency, for projects that were 80 per cent completed (last mile projects). This Rs 1 crore would be spent only to complete these last mile projects. These projects were to be identified by a technical committee headed by the district collector and would be outside the normal budgetary allocations to the department concerned. The district collector's office was not subject to short-term political changes and would, I reasoned, ensure a longer-term perspective. I argued that the funds should be sanctioned straightaway as 'crucial balancing investment'. It would, I argued, greatly improve efficiencies. The then Secretary to the Chief Minister and my dear friend, UB Raghavendra Rao, was not convinced. He warned me that it would undermine both the process of expenditure authorisation by the government and the parliamentary system. I disagreed and persisted. NTR approved the crucial balancing investment scheme for each district. For a while, it was a success. After about five years, a weak Collector gave in to pressure from local politicians. The Rs 1 crore was distributed equally among Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) without the need to follow the 80 per cent completion guideline. Over time, this malpractice spread to other districts. Later, even the guideline of 80 per cent completion was officially diluted. Exactly the opposite of what was intended had taken place, and the original problem had worsened. Raghavendra Rao was proved right. Later, a similar scheme called the Members of Parliament (MP) Local Area Development Scheme was adopted by the Government of India with an even greater dilution of guidelines. What seemed at first an obvious solution using a pragmatic, dynamic plan to improve efficiency had had unintended consequences. This happened because I did not pay attention to possible second-order and third-order effects. A costly mistake, indeed. Although it is impossible to accurately envision all possible second and third-order effects, I have found that it is important to at least contemplate them. Over time, one's skill and judgement pertaining to next-order effects get honed, providing a very useful framework. As a government officer, my father would visit the villages in his jurisdiction. Despite his stature, he would sit with farmers and talk about their problems in local gathering places. He showed his deep empathy for the poor. During my vacations, I would accompany him. My father's concern for the common man influenced me greatly. As a student in Anantapur, I shared a hostel with young men from poor families, and this close experience also had a deep influence on me. The Telugu phrase 'samayam, sandarbham' translates to time and context. Samayam, sandarbham are always predominant in my decision-making. Nearly all actions and situations are meaningless when stripped of their time and context. What are considered pillars of virtue in one society (for example, the quality of harmony and collectivism in certain Asian cultures) might be less important in another, or might even be considered inferior (for example, in certain Western cultures, disruption and individualism are valued over harmony and the collective good). Also, developed markets with robust legal systems can support certain policies. These same measures will not work in less developed markets that lack strong and swift legal systems to which citizens can turn in the case of fraud or failure. Formulaic prescriptions should be viewed in context. There is a standard formula for measuring the optimum level of foreign exchange reserves of a country. In India (and elsewhere), forex reserves are the reserves of foreign convertible currencies (mainly US dollars) and gold held by the monetary authority for various reasons, including to provide stability to the system. (The International Monetary Fund's [IMF] Special Drawing Rights form much smaller components of the forex reserves.) The optimal level of forex reserves is calculated in economic terms and exposures. But what of geo-political factors? I maintained that we needed to also take geopolitical risks and security into account. President Bill Clinton was once quoted as saying that the US should help bail out Mexico in a time of need, but not some other country, such as India. (He specifically mentioned India as a country that the US would not help bail out.) In such a situation, Mexico can afford to have fewer reserves than India, which must have more because it does not belong to any bloc and cannot expect a bailout from anyone. India has to take care of at least three potential shocks from the external sector – food, fuel, and finance (external finance). I have also learnt from the sound counsel of Bimal Jalan. The RBI manages the public debt of the Government of India through the Public Debt Office. In 1997, as Deputy Governor, I argued for creating an independent debt office, separate from the RBI. This separation of powers seemed logical, efficient, and consistent with international practice. I made a presentation to Governor Jalan. He listened attentively and complimented me. Then, to my surprise, he asked me to write a note opposing my own recommendation (I later realised this was to help me think through the opposing view). On reflection, I understood his viewpoint. Our context was unique. When the RBI is the public debt manager for the government, it keeps in mind the government's interests. Once that function is taken out of the RBI's purview, the government is exposed to market risk and possible vested interests. Jalan felt we should hold off till our markets were sufficiently well-developed and the government was able to raise money without the RBI's help as a public debt manager. My initial view, while attractive at first, did not give sufficient weight to these realities. The experience of Greece (and several other countries) during the financial crisis of 2008 supported Jalan's wisdom. In summary, it is wise to look at formulae, theory, standard practice, and the experience of others while crafting policy or making decisions. To then evaluate their relevance in the particular samayam and sandarbham of the practitioner's system is even wiser. The RBI viewed certain financial innovations as healthy, but only in small quantities. A proliferation of these innovations often presented systemic risks that could be difficult to undo. Also, unlike Food and Drug Regulation authorities, which can first carry out controlled experiments with a drug before releasing it into the larger population, financial systems do not first test the safety of financial innovations before injecting them into markets. Timing can be crucial. In the 2004 elections, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led coalition government, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), was defeated and the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) coalition government, under the Congress's Sonia Gandhi, was elected. Although eventually Manmohan Singh was declared the prime minister, there was, for one day, great uncertainty about who would lead the country. During this time, there was an attack on the stock exchange. This resulted in a huge dollar outflow due to demand for the currency. The rupee began falling dramatically. The market sentiment was totally against us and acting in such an environment posed risks and costs. In addition, as RBI Governor, I had to keep the political leadership informed of my actions in a situation where we were politically rudderless. I called the outgoing finance minister, Jaswant Singh. I explained that I was not intervening immediately but would act at the appropriate time. Jaswant Singh was puzzled. He pointed out that he was not the finance minister anymore. I told him that, legally, until the next Cabinet was formed, he still was. Therefore, I reported to him. I assured him that he could convey this information to anyone he wanted if he felt it was appropriate. The rupee continued to fall, but we at the RBI did not act. By late morning, several people were asking the RBI to intervene. The clamour grew louder, as did the support for intervention. A little after lunchtime, we acted. The RBI intervened in a massive way – spending huge amounts to buy dollars, showing our strong determination, and stemming the slide. The markets stabilised. If the timing was wrong, the costs of intervention would have proved prohibitive in an environment of adverse market sentiment. We waited till such time as there was a critical minimum level at which at least some people in the markets started thinking that enough was enough and demanded that the RBI intervene. That was when we considered it appropriate to hit hard and decisively— we turned the anti-rupee sentiment into a pro-rupee sentiment. In all this, timing was key. At the RBI, one of the highlights was the chance to meet and interact with distinguished people. I served under Manmohan Singh and worked with P Chidambaram, Yashwant Sinha, and Jaswant Singh. The RBI board meetings were a delight. The Board of Directors included many eminent people – scientists such as APJ Abdul Kalam and UR Rao; industrialists such as Ashok Ganguly, Ratan Tata, and Narayana Murthy; economists such as A Vaidyanathan and Mihir Rakshit; and social workers such as Amrita Patel and Sashi Rajagopalan. The insights and perspectives gained during our regular meetings, as well as relationships formed during those sessions, still stay with me. I hosted many central bankers from other countries and a G20 summit (which at that time came and went without much fanfare). I also greatly enjoyed my interactions with journalists and looked forward to the friendly banter and repartee I shared with them. My job as RBI Governor was the ultimate in satisfaction, and in many respects, the highlight of my entire working life. Professionally, I had had a dream run and my working life had been intense, eventful, and consequential. In addition, I was immensely fortunate to be recognised for my work internationally and nationally, including with a Padma Vibhushan. YV Reddy was born on August 17, 1941. He is an Indian economist and a former IAS officer of the 1964 batch belonging to the Andhra Pradesh cadre. Reddy served as Governor of the Reserve Bank of India from September 2003 to September 2008.

Telangana, Andhra Pradesh set to formally divide New Delhi-based assets
Telangana, Andhra Pradesh set to formally divide New Delhi-based assets

Economic Times

time15-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Economic Times

Telangana, Andhra Pradesh set to formally divide New Delhi-based assets

Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads New Delhi: Eleven years after the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh, the two states of Telangana and Andhra are set to formally divide the assets in New Delhi and initiate the process of building two separate to sources, chief secretaries will sign on the dotted line soon to divide land and properties between Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. A senior Andhra Pradesh government official confirmed to ET that the state has received a letter from the home ministry formalising this division. The united Andhra Pradesh owned 19.776 acres of land in Delhi, which included Andhra Bhawan at 1 Ashoka Road and land in Pataudi House. This has now been divided, with 11.536 acres of land allocated to Andhra Pradesh and 8.24 acres to Telangana. The biggest bone of contention was the allocation of different blocks in Andhra Bhawan. Both the states had insisted on getting Godavari and Sabari blocks, which are on contiguous parcels of land inside Andhra Bhawan complex. However, in the final division of assets, Sabari block has gone to Telangana and Godavari and Swarna Mukhi blocks to Andhra Pradesh. Both the states have got one parcel each in Pataudi assets have been divided as per the 58:42 population ratio spelt out in Andhra Pradesh Reorganisation Act , with 58% going to Andhra and 42% to Telangana. With this division, the state governments will embark on the exercise of constructing their respective bhawans. According to sources, Telangana had initiated the design process over 18 months ago but has not finalised it. A similar exercise had been initiated by Andhra Pradesh, but sources indicated that chief minister N Chandrababu Naidu did not approve the design. "The design process will be initiated again," said the official. The present Andhra Bhawan is an old building and is likely to give way to two new Andhra Pradesh owned such vast land in the heart of Delhi as the Nizam of Hyderabad had obtained 18.18 acres from the Government of India in 1917, 1928 and 1936 on payment. On this, Hyderabad House was established. Later, NT Rama Rao government gave Hyderabad House to the Centre in lieu of which Andhra Pradesh received land on 1 Ashoka Road, 7.56 acres Pataudi House and 1.21 acres in Nursing Hostel close by.

Telangana, Andhra Pradesh set to formally divide New Delhi-based assets
Telangana, Andhra Pradesh set to formally divide New Delhi-based assets

Time of India

time15-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Time of India

Telangana, Andhra Pradesh set to formally divide New Delhi-based assets

New Delhi: Eleven years after the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh, the two states of Telangana and Andhra are set to formally divide the assets in New Delhi and initiate the process of building two separate bhawans. According to sources, chief secretaries will sign on the dotted line soon to divide land and properties between Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. A senior Andhra Pradesh government official confirmed to ET that the state has received a letter from the home ministry formalising this division. The united Andhra Pradesh owned 19.776 acres of land in Delhi, which included Andhra Bhawan at 1 Ashoka Road and land in Pataudi House. This has now been divided, with 11.536 acres of land allocated to Andhra Pradesh and 8.24 acres to Telangana. The biggest bone of contention was the allocation of different blocks in Andhra Bhawan. Both the states had insisted on getting Godavari and Sabari blocks, which are on contiguous parcels of land inside Andhra Bhawan complex. However, in the final division of assets, Sabari block has gone to Telangana and Godavari and Swarna Mukhi blocks to Andhra Pradesh. Both the states have got one parcel each in Pataudi House. The assets have been divided as per the 58:42 population ratio spelt out in Andhra Pradesh Reorganisation Act , with 58% going to Andhra and 42% to Telangana. With this division, the state governments will embark on the exercise of constructing their respective bhawans. According to sources, Telangana had initiated the design process over 18 months ago but has not finalised it. A similar exercise had been initiated by Andhra Pradesh, but sources indicated that chief minister N Chandrababu Naidu did not approve the design. "The design process will be initiated again," said the official. The present Andhra Bhawan is an old building and is likely to give way to two new ones. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like What Does My Family Name Mean? beenverified Sign Up Undo United Andhra Pradesh owned such vast land in the heart of Delhi as the Nizam of Hyderabad had obtained 18.18 acres from the Government of India in 1917, 1928 and 1936 on payment. On this, Hyderabad House was established. Later, NT Rama Rao government gave Hyderabad House to the Centre in lieu of which Andhra Pradesh received land on 1 Ashoka Road, 7.56 acres Pataudi House and 1.21 acres in Nursing Hostel close by.

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