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Mint
6 days ago
- Business
- Mint
From Mumbai to mini-metros: India's most valuable family businesses spread their wings
Mumbai remains the undisputed favourite for housing the headquarters of India's most valuable family businesses, hosting 91 companies this year—a sharp rise from 65 last year, according to the 2025 Barclays Private Clients Hurun India Most Valuable Family Businesses List, jointly released by Barclays Private Clients and Hurun India. But Tier 2 cities are grabbing attention as they steadily step into the spotlight, the report noted. Vadodara has six companies, while Coimbatore, Nagpur and Ludhiana each have four. These hubs host some of India's well-known family-run names, including Inox India, Elgi Equipments, Sunflag Iron & Steel and Vardhman Textiles. Reliance Industries, valued at ₹28.2 trillion and helmed by the Ambani family, firmly cements Mumbai's top spot. Among Tier 1 cities, the NCR comes second with 62 companies spread across New Delhi, Gurugram, Noida, Faridabad, Ghaziabad and Manesar—led by the Nadar family's HCL Technologies, worth ₹6.5 trillion. Kolkata follows with 25 companies, trailed by Pune (21) and Chennai (17). Meanwhile, Ahmedabad, Bengaluru and Hyderabad each host 10 companies, underscoring the wide and robust footprint of family-run enterprises across India's urban hubs. The list also highlights standout first-generation entrepreneurs now joined by their next-generation leaders. Topping the list is the Adani family, worth ₹14 trillion through Adani Enterprises, Adani Ports and more. They're followed by the Poonawalla family ( ₹2.3 trillion, Serum Institute), Murali K. Divi's family ( ₹1.8 trillion, Divi's Laboratories), the Nuwals ( ₹1.6 trillion, Solar Industries), the Reddys ( ₹1 trillion, Apollo Hospitals) and the Grandhis ( ₹98,300 crore, GMR). That said, 76% of India's most valuable family businesses are now led by second-generation leaders, marking a strong phase of intergenerational wealth transfer. Another 17% are run by third-generation heirs, highlighting families that have sustained their businesses across three economic cycles. Generational wealth transfer Nitin Singh, head of Barclays Private Bank, Asia Pacific, said, 'This year's findings reveal an unprecedented ₹130 trillion in wealth expected to transfer across generations over the next five years, and a record 71 families now operating dedicated family offices, underscoring the focus on structured wealth management." Family offices in India have skyrocketed from 45 in 2018 to 300 in 2024, driven by the need to preserve wealth, improve governance, and ensure smooth succession. Beyond managing assets, they handle tax-efficient estate planning, align philanthropy with family values and secure legacies through encrypted digital vaults. A report in June by Julius Baer and EY noted that family offices are increasingly partnering with foreign counterparts and funnelling capital into portfolio management schemes (PMS) and alternative investment funds (AIFs). For many, growth assets now make up more than half of their allocation, with startups, AIFs, private credit, and private equity/venture capital (PE/VC) offering high returns, diversification, and exposure to emerging sectors. Real estate avenues such as real estate investment trusts (REITs) and Infrastructure investment trusts (InvITs) are also being tapped for added diversification. The Barclays Private Clients and Hurun India report noted that the top 10 families are now worth ₹66.7 trillion, up from ₹59.5 trillion last year, underscoring the sustained growth of family-led enterprises. According to UBS's Global Family Office Report 2025, a global trade war was already ranked as the year's top investment risk even before the US tariff announcement. 'Looking forward five years, family offices are concerned about what risks might follow, especially major geopolitical conflict, a global recession or a debt crisis. To protect portfolios, they're looking to diversify through strategies such as manager selection and/or active management, hedge funds and increasingly precious metals," the UBS report said. The report noted that despite macroeconomic and geopolitical uncertainties, family offices raised their developed market equity allocations to 26% in 2024 from 24% in 2023, with those planning changes aiming to lift them further to 29%. PE partnership Another interesting observation from the report is that private equity has moved past merely knocking on the doors of India's family businesses. It now has a seat at the boardroom table. 'From billion-dollar stakes in icons like Haldiram's to transformative healthcare investments in Meril, private equity is reshaping India's family-run enterprises at every scale. In the past year alone, global investors such as Temasek, Bain Capital, ChrysCapital, Multiples—and sovereign wealth giants like ADIA (Abu Dhabi Investment Authority) with their $200 million investment in Meril—have partnered with promoters to unlock expansion, professionalise governance, and bridge succession transitions," Anas Rahman Junaid, founder and chief researcher of Hurun India, said. According to market participants, growth and late-stage private equity funds delivered better returns than early-stage ones, thanks to quicker liquidity and faster reinvestment. For family offices, investing in mature, exit-ready companies often means higher returns and more capital flowing back to investors.
News18
7 days ago
- General
- News18
What Is Mulakkaram, The 'Breast Tax' That Sparked One Of Kerala's Longest Social Uprisings?
In 1829, British missionaries secured partial relief for Christian Nadar women, allowing them to wear blouses, but still not in the same style as upper-caste women Before India's independence in 1947, the princely state of Travancore was known for its wealth and elaborate social hierarchy. But beneath the prosperity lay a rigid caste system enforced through some of the most bizarre and humiliating taxes ever recorded in the subcontinent. Among them was the infamous Mulakkaram, or breast tax, levied on lower-caste women if they wished to cover their breasts. Other unusual levies included Talakkaram, a tax on covering the head with a turban, and Meeshakaram, a tax linked to growing a moustache. These taxes, historians say, were not just about revenue collection but about reinforcing social inequality. While upper-caste communities like the Nairs were free to dress as they pleased, women from lower-caste groups such as the Ezhavas and Nadars were forbidden from covering their breasts unless they paid the prescribed fee. The exact origins of the breast tax are uncertain, but many accounts suggest it emerged in the late 18th or early 19th century under the Travancore monarchy. At the time, the state imposed more than 110 different taxes, some on livelihoods, such as net tax for fishermen, and others targeting personal appearance. Enforcement was often cruel. An appointed official, known as the Parvathiyar, would visit homes to assess the tax. If a woman could not pay, she was forced to remain bare-chested in public. Those who protested faced violence or punitive action. Some reports even claim the tax rate was decided based on the size of a woman's breasts, a process that stripped away dignity and privacy. Though historians differ on its precise duration, most agree the breast tax was strictly enforced between 1800 and 1859, peaking under King Srimoolam Thirunal. Some sources suggest it continued in pockets until as late as 1924. The Channar Rebellion The policy triggered one of Travancore's longest social movements, the Channar Rebellion, or Maru Marakkal Samaram. Beginning in 1813, Nadar women demanded the right to cover their breasts. The agitation turned violent in 1822 when upper-caste men attacked Nadar women, tearing their clothing and subjecting them to physical and sexual assaults. In 1829, British missionaries secured partial relief for Christian Nadar women, allowing them to wear blouses, but still not in the same style as upper-caste women. Hindu Dalit women were excluded from even this concession, and sporadic violence persisted. The struggle lasted more than four decades. On July 26, 1859, under pressure from the British Governor of Madras, Travancore Maharaja Ayilyam Thirunal issued a proclamation granting Nadar and Channar women the right to cover their breasts. It was a victory that came after years of humiliation, arrests, and bloodshed. Nangeli's Protest and Sacrifice Perhaps the most poignant tale from this period is that of Nangeli, an Ezhava woman from Cherthala. When a tax collector arrived at her home demanding payment, she refused – and, according to local lore, cut off her breasts and presented them on a plantain leaf in protest. She bled to death, and her husband, overwhelmed with grief, leapt into her funeral pyre. The story of Nangeli, however, remains disputed. While popular in oral tradition and featured in modern works of literature, some historians argue there is no documented evidence of her existence, suggesting the account may be symbolic. Still, for many in Kerala, her name is synonymous with resistance. Travancore's caste-based dress codes extended beyond women. The Talakkaram, or head-tax, forbade lower-caste men from wearing turbans without paying a fee. While some scholars believe it was more a form of standard revenue collection than a strict clothing ban, in practice it reinforced caste hierarchy. Similarly, the Meeshakaram or moustache tax symbolically marked status. In a society where facial hair was considered a badge of honour for high-caste men, a lower-caste man growing a moustache could be fined. Folklore tells of one such man who refused to pay, sparking a local rebellion that forced authorities to scrap the levy. History or Myth? top videos View all While outlets such as the BBC and The Hindu have documented the breast tax, academic consensus remains divided. Some historians point out that in Kerala's tropical climate, breast-covering among women, irrespective of caste, was not the norm until the mid-19th century. Others argue that the so-called breast tax may have been a broader clothing or poll tax that later became exaggerated in popular memory. Regardless of its exact form, these taxes reveal how deeply clothing, personal grooming, and bodily autonomy were bound to caste identity in Travancore. The Channar Rebellion and the eventual abolition of these levies marked the slow erosion of these discriminatory customs, though the scars of that era remain etched in Kerala's social history. Get breaking news, in-depth analysis, and expert perspectives on everything from politics to crime and society. Stay informed with the latest India news only on News18. Download the News18 App to stay updated! tags : history kerala view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: August 12, 2025, 12:54 IST News india What Is Mulakkaram, The 'Breast Tax' That Sparked One Of Kerala's Longest Social Uprisings? Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. 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The Hindu
04-07-2025
- The Hindu
Custodial Death of Ajith Kumar in Tamil Nadu: A Chilling Echo of George Floyd's Killing
Published : Jul 04, 2025 15:01 IST - 10 MINS READ The custodial death of 27-year-old B. Ajith Kumar in Sivagangai district of Tamil Nadu bears chilling similarities to what police officer Derek Chauvin and his three colleagues from the Minneapolis (Minnesota) police department did to George Floyd in 2020. Floyd died of suffocation when the officer forcefully kneeled on his neck, exerting extreme pressure. Ajith Kumar of Madappuram near Thiruppuvanam in the Sivagangai district was subjected to the same kind of cruelty by the personnel of the special crime squad attached to the Manamadurai police sub-division. The post-mortem report submitted to the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court and available with Frontline reveals the third-degree torture that Ajith Kumar was put through. He had died of multiple external and internal injuries, especially in the neck, chest, skull and abdomen, where multiple haemorrhages were noted. His body bore 44 'external injuries', of which 18 were major ones. The internal examination showed sub-scalp contusion and subdural and subarachnoid haemorrhage on both sides of the parietal and left temporal region. Multiple petechial haemorrhages were noticed on the bi-parietal lobes of the brain. Haemorrhage was also noted over the posterior wall of the left ventricle and pulmonary trunk. There were injuries to the neck, including its vocal cords, pharynx and larynx, causing fatal suffocation and catastrophic internal bleeding. No wonder the court expressed its anguish thus: 'Even an ordinary murderer would not have caused this much injury to a person.' Eyewitnesses, including Vineeth Kumar, brother of the deceased, who vividly recalled that fateful evening of June 28 when Ajit died of his injuries, told the court how he was tortured. One of the witnesses, Saktheeshwaran, a temple employee who took a video of the thrashing and Ajith's wails of pain without the knowledge of the police, has sought protection since he fears for his life. Also Read | Custodial violence incident in Tirunelveli shocks Tamil Nadu Ajith Kumar was not a criminal. A school dropout from a struggling, backward caste Nadar family, he had no police record whatsoever. As the eldest son, he bore the responsibility of caring for his widowed mother and younger brother, Vineeth Kumar, who was desperately searching for a job. Ajith's modest wages, earned as a contractual watchman at the State-run Shri Badra Kaliamman temple in Madappuram, near Thiruppuvanam, were their only means of sustenance. Nonetheless, the family maintained a dignified existence until June 27, when a single accusation of theft shattered their lives. On the morning of June 27, two women from Alampatti, Madurai—Nikita and her mother—arrived at the temple. Nikita sought Ajith's help to get a wheelchair for her mother and to park her car. When the women returned after the darshan, they claimed 9.5 sovereigns of gold jewellery were missing from their vehicle. Miscarriage of justice The bizarre events that followed reflect a shocking miscarriage of justice. Despite the alleged theft happening in the morning, the women waited until late evening to report it at the Thiruppuvanam police station. The inspector carried out a cursory inquiry with Ajith and another temple employee before escalating the matter to senior authorities, but he did not detain them. The case was then handed over to a special investigative team led by Manamadurai DSP Shanmugasundaram (now suspended). Reliable sources told Frontline that the women contacted an IAS officer, who in turn sought a senior police officer's assistance in the case. This officer reportedly asked the Superintendent of Police of Sivagangai district, Aashish Rawath (who has since been placed on the waiting list), to have Shanmugasundaram investigate the matter since it fell under his jurisdiction. The DSP allegedly instructed his six-member special crime squad, led by head constable Kannan of Palayanoor police station, to 'recover the valuables at any cost'. The team identified Ajith as the prime suspect and detained him for questioning, along with his brother Vineeth and two others. While this part of the sequence is not disputed, what follows is based on accounts from family members and other sources. To avoid CCTV surveillance, the police allegedly refrained from conducting the interrogation at the Thiruppuvanam police station. Instead, the suspects were reportedly taken in a van to secluded locations, including a village tank bed and abandoned buildings. There, they were allegedly subjected to beatings and torture. The police also searched Ajith's house. When they failed to find the 'stolen' jewellery, they allegedly grew more violent, torturing Ajith with renewed brutality. On June 28, he was reportedly taken to a cow shed behind a temple, where he was beaten with plastic pipes and wooden rods. Ajith fainted and suffered seizures; family members said he also passed blood in his urine. An unconscious Ajith was hurriedly taken in an auto rickshaw to a private hospital, which refused to admit him. He was taken to Thiruppuvanam Government Hospital, where he was declared 'brought dead'. The body was sent to the Madurai Rajaji Hospital for a post-mortem examination. The Thiruppuvanam police registered an FIR late at night on the same day on the basis of the complaint filed by head constable Kannan, which claimed that Ajith died while trying to escape police custody. If the murder was not shocking enough, the police's blatant disregard for legally mandated protocols and procedures concerning arrests, detentions, and interrogations was even more appalling. The police officers who detained Ajith were in plain clothes and did not carry warrants. Ajith and the others were randomly picked up, detained, and interrogated. They neither registered an FIR nor recorded its details in the station case diary. No record of arrest or detention was made. Ajith was unlawfully detained for over 40 hours based solely on the suspicion that he might be the culprit. In a State where hundreds of theft cases remain unresolved with many stolen properties, including jewellery, remaining unrecovered, the swift response of the Sivagangai police in this particular case has raised suspicions. The death sparked widespread outrage in the State, and social media buzzed with opinions and videos condemning and castigating the police and the government. A clutch of petitions demanding a thorough investigation were filed before the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court. 'It is an extrajudicial killing. The tragic irony was that there was neither a formal complaint nor an FIR in this case. It has been a flagrant violation of all laws of the country from the day Ajith was illegally detained till his death,' said Henri Tiphagne of People's Watch, a human rights organisation and one of the petitioners. With the Assembly election coming up in 2026, the incident has caused serious embarrassment for the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) government. The DMK's campaign against the former All India Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) regime in the 2021 Assembly election had focussed on two key issues—the custodial deaths of the traders P. Jeyaraj and his son J. Bennix in Sathankulam in June 2020; and the Thoothukudi police firing on anti-Sterlite protesters on May 22, 2018, in which 13 people were shot dead. During the 2021 election campaign, the DMK promised action against the perpetrators of these crimes. It is yet another story that none of the police officers held responsible by the Justice Aruna Jegadeesan Commission of Inquiry for the Thoothukudi police firing faced criminal charges. The Sathankulam double murder case, investigated by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), is still in court. Sensing that the issue was providing ammunition to his political opponents, Chief Minister M.K. Stalin, who holds the Home portfolio, handed over the case to the CBI. He contacted Ajith's family over the phone to express his regret and promised Ajith's mother stringent action against the perpetrators. An interim compensation of Rs 5 lakh was given to the family and a three-cent plot was allotted. Vineeth was given a job at the Aavin office in Karaikkudi. The Chief Minister also placed the SP, Sivagangai, on a waiting list and suspended the DSP, Manamadurai. Five of six policemen, including Kannan of the special team, who were placed under suspension initially, were arrested on murder charges under Section 103 (1) of BNS and remanded in judicial custody. DGP Shankar Jiwal ordered an immediate disbanding of all special units functioning under sub-divisional DSPs across the State. A detailed 'dos and don'ts' on arrests and investigations has been issued to all police stations. As in the case of the Sathankulam custodial deaths, the intervention of the judiciary restored the sanctity of the law in Ajith's case. But for the higher judiciary and activists, the case would have been suppressed. According to Henri Tiphagne, 31 custodial deaths have occurred in Tamil Nadu in the past four years, with not a single officer being punished. 'Every custodial death violates the Supreme Court's guidelines in the D.K. Basu case. The law enforcers breaking the law with impunity betray the very rights of citizens enshrined in the Constitution,' he told Frontline. He called for an investigation into the roles of senior IAS and IPS officials involved in the case, as well as the bona fides of the complainant Nikita, who was allegedly involved in a case of financial misappropriation in 2011. The two-member bench of the Madras High Court, Justice S.M. Subramaniam and Justice A.D. Maria Clete, acting on a batch of public interest litigation (PIL) petitions, came down heavily on the police and the state. Justice Subramaniam wondered how a state could kill its subjects. 'Can it be tolerated?' he asked during the hearings. Passing a common order on July 1, the bench insisted that an 'impartial probe is just and necessary' in the case. The judges pointed out that despite Ajith's mother filing a complaint on June 29 on her missing son, the Thiruppuvanam police did not register an FIR until July 1. Since there was an apprehension that evidence would be tampered with, the judges said material evidence such as CCTV footage from the temple should be safeguarded. They asked Madurai Additional District Judge S. John Sundarlal Suresh to conduct an inquiry and submit his report by July 8. Also Read | Custodial death of Rampurhat massacre accused a loss of face for CBI Before the dust of the Sivagangai case could settle, an earlier incident of custodial violence was reported: it occurred on January 14, 2025, at the Devathanapatti police station in Theni district. After a video showing a man being beaten up in custody went viral, five policemen were transferred to the Armed Reserve Force immediately. 'We have been fighting for a long time to bring officers who violate the rights of ordinary people to justice. Recently, we have managed to force the government to charge those police officers who commit culpable homicide in violation of the law,' said Vincent Kadir of Madurai-based Evidence, a rights organisation. Notwithstanding its progressive image, Tamil Nadu has an odious history of custodial killings. Of the 31 victims of judicial and police custodial violence in the past four years, nearly 38 per cent belong to marginalised and minority Muslim communities. This is because of the higher number of detentions among them. Tamil Nadu had the second-highest number of deaths in custody between 2019 and 2020: it recorded 490 deaths, the highest in southern India. As of December 31, 2022, Tamil Nadu had the dubious distinction of 2,129 detentions—almost half of India's total—with 38.5 per cent being Dalits. The absence of specific laws against custodial violence and a lack of scientific and advanced forensic techniques in crime detection are the major deterrents to prosecution of erring officers. All four Minneapolis police officers involved in George Floyd's death were convicted of both federal and State murder charges in the US, with sentences ranging from 22 to three years. Does the Indian criminal justice system ever enforce such strong deterrent convictions against rogue officers who brutalise citizens with impunity? Ajith's case and the Sathankulam double murder case raise troubling questions about the systemic malice that seems to mark law enforcement.
New York Post
24-06-2025
- Entertainment
- New York Post
Rock your world with a Mediterranean-flavored wedding just three hours from NYC
We're all into fusion food, but how about a fusion wedding? The upscale nuances of the Mediterranean merged into the barefoot vibes of the Caribbean, perhaps? You can have just that at Rock House, a 14-acre luxury villa development in Turks and Caicos. Perched on a rugged limestone cliff on Providenciales' quieter north shore, you would think for all the world that you were in Amalfi, Italy, were it not for the distinctive white sand and turquoise sea of these islands and the indigenous vegetation, like Joewood trees and native orchids. Advertisement 3 Couples have their choice of studios and one- to two-bedroom oceanfront homes with private pools. Rock House 'Rock House offers the same enchanting, romantic atmosphere you'd find in Capri, without leaving the Caribbean,' said Franck Chantoiseau, general manager of Rock House, which is owned and operated by Grace Bay Resorts. 'It's the perfect setting for an unforgettable wedding that's effortlessly Mediterranean, transporting guests from the moment they arrive.' Advertisement Walking paths wind through the property, where seating nooks let you pause to take in the romance. It's a heady blend that screams Instagram wedding. It may not be quite your big fat Greek wedding though — ceremonies tend to be more intimate, from just the couple themselves up to 40 people — although full resort buyout is also possible. Celebrations are often held on the restaurant dock or by the focal 100-foot infinity pool. For your wedding feast, the food is, of course, Mediterranean-inspired. At the oceanfront Vita restaurant, perched 30 feet above the dock with stellar views of the archipelago's barrier reef, the executive chef, Dennis Boon, has curated Adriatic cuisine like pasta, steaks and fresh seafood. 3 Rooms start from $800 a night. Grace Bay Resorts Advertisement 3 The T&C resort has a 100-foot-long infinity pool. Grace Bay Resorts For the after-party, head to the Cave Bar for cocktails with a rock 'n' roll theme. Love Shack might be appropriate (Nadar vodka, passion fruit liquor, vanilla vodka, lime and prosecco.) For the honeymoon, check into one of 46 stone clad villas that spill down the hillside towards the private white sand beach. Designed by AD100 interior designer Shawn Henderson, they're luxe and beachy, with lots of cool porcelain and terrazzo, plus oversized soaking tubs and, of course, a butler. Feel free to live out all your glorious Med-flavored Caribbean wedding dreams here. Weddings from $8,570 for 30; rooms from $800 per night.
Time of India
05-06-2025
- General
- Time of India
Pride and prejudice: A Kanyakumari love story:
In 1964, the novel 'Puththam Veedu' sent ripples through Tamil literary circles. First, it was written by a woman; second, it focused on the Nadar community, who were then considered part of the depressed classes; and third, it centred on a love affair that defied social norms. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now Written in the distinctive Kanyakumari dialect, a terrain few writers of that time ventured into, the book also questioned patriarchy and raised a voice for women. Those were the times when the Tamil literary world was beginning to draw boundaries between "serious literature" and "commercial writing". While the former found space in niche literary magazines, the latter was nurtured by mainstream publications. Amidst this emerged Hephzibah Jesudasan, an English lecturer at the govt College for Women in Trivandrum. 'Puththam Veedu' was her debut novel, and she wrote it in just 15 days. It was writer Sundara Ramasamy, founder of Kalachuvadu magazine, who recommended the manuscript to Tamil Puthakalayam, which first published it. Since 2009, the book has been published by Nagercoil-based Kalachuvadu Publications. Born on April 9, 1925, at Pulipunam in Kanyakumari district, Hephzibah completed her early education in Burma (now Myanmar). After World War II, her family returned to Tamil Nadu. She began writing poems in English at the age of eight. Later, she married Jesudasan, a Tamil professor who encouraged her to write and translate in Tamil. Though she wrote only four novels in Tamil and 11 books in English, Hephzibah, in her centenary year, is not as recognised as she should be considering her debut book has been in print for more than 70 years. Set in Panaivilai, a fictional village in Nagercoil, Kanyakumari district, the story centres on 'puththam veedu' (new house), once a symbol of wealth and pride. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now Over the years, due to poor management of the household, the Nadar Christian family that owned it slipped into poverty. Though no longer affluent, the family still commanded respect in the village because of the palm trees they owned. The head of the household was Kannappachi, an ageing patriarch whose word was law. His elder son was an alcoholic, and the younger one was struggling in business. Despite all the ups and downs, it was Lissy, the only daughter of the elder son, who held everything together. Lissy was not like her grandmother and mother, whose lives were confined to the kitchen, nor was she like her niece Lilly, who completed her SSLC and represented a new generation. She stood between two worlds. When she fell in love with her childhood friend Thangaraj, a Nadar palm climber, it sent shockwaves through the household. The family tried to break the relationship, while Lissy tried to hold on to both her love and her loyalty to family and tradition. Whether she succeeded or failed, and what she gained or lost along the way, forms the heart of the story. 'Puththam Veedu' was, in many ways, a first-of-its-kind Tamil novel. One of its earliest reviews came from C S Chellappa, editor of the literary magazine Ezhuthu and author of the acclaimed novella 'Vadivasal'. Chellappa reviewed the book at the Tamil Writers Association's Novel Festival in Chennai in 1966, and later published his speech in his magazine, calling 'Puththam Veedu' the first Tamil novel to depict the lives of palm climbers, the first to centre on a Christian family and community, and the first to bring the Tamil Nadu-Kerala border region into Tamil literary fiction. The novel also revealed a rarely discussed fault line within the Panayeri Nadar community: while some owned palm trees, others worked as palm climbers. This class divide was the main issue in Lissy and Thangaraj's troubled romance. Peppered with details about the festive Margazhi season (Dec to Jan), which was also the season for toddy-tapping, the prime economic activity here, to how it was often the only time women wore new sarees and cooked kilathi fish (leather jacket fish), the book also highlighted the limited understanding of Christianity among the community, with many churchgoers knowing little beyond the basics — that Christmas marked Christ's birth and Good Friday his death. At a time when Christianity was slowly spreading into southern Tamil Nadu, the novel also served as a social and ethnographic study. "In Kanyakumari district, CSI churches brought women into schools and made education more accessible. It gave them access to jobs, it gave them freedom. The novel details those aspects," says Tamil journalist Arul Ezhilan, who interviewed Hephzibah for a commercial magazine in the 1990s. He just bought his first camera, and Hephzibah was the first person he photographed, one of the few images of her available in Tamil literary circles today. "The novel was published in the 1960s, when education was slowly beginning to reach Nadar Christian women. It captures that shift," says Ezhilan. Hephzibah went on to write two more novels — 'Dr Chellappa' (1967) and 'Anaadhai' (1977). Though these works revisited characters from her debut novel and were also set in the fictional village of Panaivilai, they were not as popular. One reason was that the books were out of print for many years. They were recently republished by Chennai-based 'Her Stories', a publication known for publishing women's writings. Her Stories also organised a centenary celebration for Hephzibah. "Panaivilai was her native place Pulipunam. Another reason her later novels didn't grab attention was perhaps the dialect she used," says Nivedita Louis, publisher, Her Stories. "With her first novel, readers were drawn to the dialect. But when she used the same language in later works, the novelty wore off. Also, it's unclear how well those books were promoted. The later novels explored male psychology, and they were ahead of their time, which could be why she was largely unrecognised. " Hephzibah stopped writing Tamil fiction after four novels and shifted her focus to English non-fiction, believing that writing on history was a divine calling. "She was not just a writer," says Niveditha. "She wore many hats of translator, poet, children's author, publisher (she ran Emerald Press), educationist (she founded Thangakan Memorial Ideal English School) and historian (she authored a four-volume history of Tamil literature with her husband)." Hephzibah remained unknown beyond her debut novel because she didn't write in magazines, says R Prema, researcher and former Tamil professor at Ethiraj College, Chennai. "Back then, writers gained recognition mainly through magazines. They published short stories or serialised their novels. Hephzibah entered the literary space directly, which is why there was little awareness about her," says Prema. 'Puththam Veedu' was translated into Malayalam and later into English as 'Lissy's Legacy'. Now, under a collaboration between the Tamil Nadu Textbook and Educational Services Corporation and Rupa Publications, 'Putham House', a new English translation by G Geetha, has been released. Email your feedback with name and address to
