Latest news with #National-Act
The Spinoff
20 hours ago
- Politics
- The Spinoff
The problem with making ‘educational attainment' the key objective for schools
Honouring a promise in the National-Act coalition agreement, a bill that proposes to demote the place of te Tiriti in the official objectives for state schools is part of a concerning wider pattern, argues Jessie Moss. At first glance, it might look straightforward. The government's Education and Training Amendment Bill (No 2) proposes to 'enshrine educational attainment as the paramount objective for state schools'. But scratch the surface of the bill, on which submissions close this week, and you quickly start asking, educational attainment for whom? Spoiler alert: it's not Māori or disabled tamariki. It all gets alarming in section 127, which sets out the objectives for school boards in governing state and state-integrated kura and schools. That's where the government pulls apart education's current focus on inclusive, authentic, localised and culturally affirming schooling for all tamariki. You can trace it back to Act's coalition deal with National. Act wanted (and National agreed to) 'amend the Education and Training Act 2020 to enshrine educational attainment as the paramount objective for state schools'. And so here we are, with almost that same wording typed into this bill. The problem is that by promoting one objective as 'paramount', you demote all others – and the objectives we currently have are pretty bloody important. They are: That every student is able to attain their highest possible standard in educational achievement. That schools are safe for students and staff and give effect to the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990 and the Human Rights Act 1993. And, that they take steps to eliminate racism, stigma, bullying and other discrimination. That schools are inclusive of and cater for students with 'differing needs'. And, critically, that schools give effect to te Tiriti o Waitangi. Educators, disability rights groups and Māori fought to have the current objectives introduced in order to reverse the equity gap and address institutional racism and ableism in education. The Act Party has no record of evidence-based education policy, but it does have a record of protesting loudly against te Tiriti and equity-based approaches. When this bill was first proposed in October last year, Māori, as well those working in education and children's rights, scrutinised it and then tried to stop this rollback. The Ministry of Education's summary of consultation on the bill (prior to it heading to select committee) shows 80.5% of submitters opposed giving one objective 'paramount' status. Submitters said, 'educational achievement [was] already a key focus of schools and their core responsibility'. They felt the bill's changes 'would deprioritise the other objectives' and 'undermine the requirement to give effect to Te Tiriti'. These submissions explained what should be obvious; that educational achievement can't occur without focus on te Tiriti o Waitangi, inclusion and wellbeing. The consultation on the bill also proposed removing 'unnecessary references' to the Human Rights Act and the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act in the objectives. It was only submissions by Māori, educators and disability rights groups that saved the references. As for demoting te Tiriti o Waitangi? Educator Kārena Ngata puts it simply: 'Our obligations to te Tiriti o Waitangi should be realised in every aspect of the school's systems, policies and practices.' Māori tino rangatiratanga over Māori education has been sidelined, and the bill also weakens schools' responsibilities for engaging with mana whenua and local communities. Given the impact for Māori, you'd expect consultation would be solid, but the Regulatory Impact Statement for the bill said otherwise, noting there was 'inadequate time for comprehensive consultation with Māori, iwi and hapū'. Once again, the government has decided on a timeframe too short for real engagement. Zoom out and this bill is just part of a wider pattern emerging in education. This government has already downgraded te Tiriti in the New Zealand curriculum, scrapped Te Ahu o Te Reo Māori language programme for teachers, and defunded resource teachers of Māori. So, strap in, because here we go again. The government is taking another crack at putting Māori second in education. And that diminishes education for us all.
NZ Herald
27-04-2025
- Automotive
- NZ Herald
Accelerating the roll-out of public EV chargers
'This will remove people's 'range anxiety' and make owning an EV as easy as possible. 'The Government will therefore utilise the highly successful Ultra-Fast Broadband model to accelerate the roll-out of EV chargers. 'Under the status quo, the private sector are reluctant to invest in charging infrastructure until there's sufficient demand, but demand for charging won't grow until the purchase of EVs stops being hampered by a lack of public charging.' Bishop said this 'chicken-and-egg' situation is hampering the roll-out and justifies government action. Since 2016, government investment in EV chargers has consisted of direct grants, Bishop said. 'This made sense when the market for public EV charging was being established. This model is now outdated, with EVs now making up over 2% of the light vehicle fleet, and expected to make up around 11% by 2030.' He said a range of charge point operators have now also entered the market. 'The Government is moving to a more sophisticated, commercial procurement model. 'We have set aside up to $68.5 million in currently held grant funding, to provide concessionary loans to private operators to co-invest in public EV charging infrastructure. Loans will be quicker to implement and will help achieve the Government's objectives with less complexity, cost and risk. 'Concessionary loans will bring forward private investment in public EV charging infrastructure by lowering the cost of capital. They will also provide better value for money by maximising private sector investment while keeping the taxpayers' contribution to a minimum.' Bishop said loans will be awarded through contestable co-investment rounds, and applications will be open to proposals to establish portfolios of public EV charging sites (i.e. multiple charging locations). 'This is the best way to support scaled-up development and to maximise competitive tension between providers. 'Giving effect to commitments made on the National-Act coalition agreement, this competitive tension will help ensure public investment flows to proposals delivering the best value-for-money. 'A cost benefit analysis will also be applied at the point loan applications are assessed, with a successful applicant having demonstrated that the benefits to New Zealand of its project outweigh the costs.' Watts said that EVs make a 'huge amount' of sense for New Zealand. 'With our bountiful renewable energy resources, EVs are a winner for New Zealand. 'Kiwis charging their EVs are essentially filling their cars with predominantly water, wind, and geothermal energy – rather than fossil fuels – due to our high level of renewable energy. 'There are real benefits to owning an EV. Not only does it support our economic and climate goals, but it also delivers long-term benefits to users by helping keep running costs low. This Government is focused on growing the economy so Kiwis can get ahead. 'By giving people more options to reduce everyday expenses like transport, we're helping households stay ahead and build a more sustainable future. By co-investing to accelerate public EV infrastructure ahead of demand, we will give more Kiwis the confidence to go electric.' The new EV charging initiative will be administered by National Infrastructure Funding and Financing (NIFFCo), the successor organisation to Crown Infrastructure Partners (which delivered Ultra-Fast Broadband). EECA will provide assistance as required.
NZ Herald
24-04-2025
- Politics
- NZ Herald
Firearms Minister Nicole McKee wants the gun registry gone – review says she should keep it
McKee has questioned whether the benefits are worth the costs – annual operating costs are estimated at $8.5 million – and remains concerned about the public safety impact of data breaches. These have happened previously and, in the wrong hands, could tell criminals where they can find certain guns. She campaigned on axing the registry and has also talked about a return to the previous system where only certain firearms needed to be registered. In an interview with the Herald, she wouldn't confirm or deny the findings of the review, saying it still had to go through a Cabinet process. Asked if the review said something she didn't like, she smiled, then laughed before adding: 'It's an interesting report.' Associate Justice Minister Nicole McKee. Photo / Mark Mitchell She said she would continue to push for what she campaigned on, which also includes widening access for military-style semi-automatic firearms (MSSAs) under strict conditions. But as Opposition parties are against these changes, they require the support of both coalition parties to proceed, which McKee conceded may not happen. The wider goal was to rewrite the Arms Act in a way that endured for decades, taking account of everyone's views. 'One person alone cannot dictate for a whole country exactly how something should work, and not take on everybody else's thoughts, concerns, advice,' McKee said. 'The moment I do that, I become arrogant. So I don't want to do that ... It's not about me. It's about having good firearms laws for everyone.' Wider access to MSSAs: 'If I can't, then I won't' The current ban on MSSAs means only about 300 commercial pest controllers can legally fire them. McKee has supported widening their use, including for some recreational pest control, and for about 400 competitive shooters. 'It's a very small number ... And when you look at the previous regime of having to have yearly checks, higher security – which means thicker safes – alarm systems to stop burglaries, it was quite intense. 'And they were all good people and they did well.' She currently lacks the numbers in Parliament to make this change after National, which previously supported access for shooting competitions, changed its stance. Prime Minister Christopher Luxon has not ruled out widening access to MSSAs since taking office, though this did not make it into the National-Act coalition agreement. Instead, a rewrite of the Arms Act was included. Photo / Mark Mitchell 'They've made that quite clear. That's fine,' McKee said. 'I want to see what the feedback is, which I haven't received just yet [from consultation over the Arms Act].' During the third leaders' debate in the 2023 campaign, National Party leader Christopher Luxon said greater access to MSSAs was 'not going to happen'. He has refused to answer that question since taking office and agreeing (in the National-Act coalition agreement) to rewrite the Arms Act, which, among other things, will consider MSSAs. The powerful firearms provoke strong reactions because of their association with mass shootings, including in Christchurch in 2019 and Aramoana in 1990. Opponents of wider access argue the risk is too great: more of them in circulation means a greater chance of one falling into the wrong hands. 'These high-velocity firearms are capable of destroying humans with the most horrendous injuries. Fired at the right place, a head will disintegrate,' said Tim Ashton, a retired police officer who was on the front line during the Aramoana response. Those events continue to haunt him, he told the Herald, and 'it haunts me that 51 people died [in Christchurch] because successive governments did nothing'. 'And if we allow greater access to MSSAs, it will happen again.' For many years retired police officer Tim Ashton has been lobbying the Government – from local MPs to party leaders and other lawmakers – to change New Zealand's gun laws. Photo / Alan Gibson Ashton said he didn't consider competitive shooting with MSSAs a sport. 'I consider it a minor inconvenience to not being able to get an assault rifle and go around and shoot some paper targets. If one life is lost, it's one life too many.' McKee believed the risks of wider access can be mitigated, though she conceded this was a hard sell from a public safety point of view. 'I'm not going to let my constituents down by not campaigning on their behalf ... That doesn't necessarily mean we will get what we want.' She said she remained open-minded and didn't want to be 'put in a corner' because of her previous advocacy. 'I didn't think that was fair, especially to the Christchurch Muslim community, for them to have anxiety over thinking that I might do this. 'If I do end up putting it through, I have to think about – can I mitigate those risks and alleviate some of the fears from the community? And if I can't, then I won't.' Under the current law, firearms owners have until August 2028 to register all their firearms unless there is an "activating circumstance" such as buying or selling a gun. Photo / 123RF Is the registry worth the money? McKee and Act campaigned on scrapping the gun registry, but this didn't make it into the National-Act coalition agreement. Instead, only a review was included. Last year McKee argued in favour of what existed before the Christchurch terror attack, meaning all pistols and restricted weapons had to be registered. But this didn't exist in a form similar to the current registry, where the information can be searched and shared with frontline police officers in real-time. Nor did it have the same impact on gun owners selling firearms to the unlicensed, which criminals say the registry helps prevent. McKee conceded the registry has advantages. 'The challenge we face is, is it worth the money? Well, not only is it worth the money, but how do we get compliance? Because people are so worried about their information being accessed.' There were several privacy breaches in the early days of the FSA, the last major one in July 2023, according to a list compiled by the Council for Licensed Firearms Owners (Colfo). 'If the registry is going to stay in its format, then a lot of work needs to be done by Government to create trust and confidence in that regime,' McKee said. The gun registry was implemented after the terror attack in Christchurch in 2019. Currently, firearms licence holders have until August 2028 to register their firearms. Photo / Mark Mitchell According to FSA annual survey results, trust and confidence have significantly improved between 2022 and 2024: On the FSA's approach to managing the licensing scheme, trust and confidence jumped from 42.7% to 68%. On whether the authority is 'effective in controlling the safe use and possession of licensed firearms', it jumped from 45.2% to 65%. On effectiveness in controlling the use and possession of unlicensed firearms, it rose from 30.4% to 46.9%. McKee said this was good progress, adding: 'At the moment, the digital registry we have complies with government security assurances. We need to get that out there a bit more.' Colfo's annual survey about trust and confidence in police also showed improvements, though scores remain very low. Last year respondents scored police 1.9 out of 10 for administering the Arms Act without bias, and 1.3 out of 10 for keeping firearms registry data secure. Moving the FSA out from police to another department is another way McKee hopes to boost trust and confidence. She plans to push this through even if it costs hundreds of millions of dollars; a new IT system might be needed to maintain real-time information-sharing between the FSA and police. Might there be more urgent matters the Government would rather spend money on? 'I am committed to doing it. It's in the coalition agreement. It's something that needs to be done," McKee said. A police haul after shutting down an Auckland syndicate attempting to illegally manufacture 3D printed firearms. Photo / NZ Police Enabling some 3D printing The rewritten Arms Act will also have new provisions about technology that didn't exist when the current law was written, in 1983. Police want a new offence for possessing blueprints for 3D-printed firearms and firearms parts; since 2018, police have seized 58 3D-printed guns and between 200 to 300 3D-printed firearms parts. McKee noted the risks of 3D printing, but also saw opportunities for economic growth. 'I've just visited some commercial businesses who are making quite outstanding innovative stuff that no one else is doing in the world – very lightweight 3D-printed stocks ... that are on average half the weight of a normal stock.' That could have huge benefits for the Defence Force or hunters, she said. 'We've got to stop criminals being able to access the plans ... but I reckon there will be a way of enabling it legally.' She said public safety remained paramount and penalties needed to be sufficiently hefty to deter misuse of 3D printing. 'But I can't just go banning everything because it potentially could be a public safety issue. At the end of the day, a car will have a public safety issue with it as well. 'It's about finding that balance.' Sign up to The Daily H, a free newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday. Derek Cheng is a senior journalist who started at the Herald in 2004. He has worked several stints in the press gallery team and is a former deputy political editor.
