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Time of India
5 hours ago
- Politics
- Time of India
More than 1.07 crore people sterilised during Emergency: Govt
NEW DELHI: Over 1.07 crore people were sterilised during the National Emergency from 1975 to 1977, exceeding the "targets" set by the then Indira Gandhi govt by 60%, as per the findings of the Justice J C Shah Commission shared by the Union home ministry with Lok Sabha on Tuesday. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now The Justice Shah commission had inquired into the excesses, malpractices and misdeeds during the Emergency, including the use of force in implementation of the family planning programme. Its report was tabled in Parliament on Aug 31, 1978. Junior home minister Nityanand Rai, in a reply to a question, shared the Shah panel reported 548 complaints of sterilisation of unmarried people and 1,774 deaths linked to sterilisation. As per the Shah commission, the govt of India had set annual targets for the states and Union Territories for the sterilisation programme for 1975-76 and 1976-77. While the states exceeded the 1975-76 target of 24.8 lakh sterilisations by 5.6% (having sterilised 26.2 lakh people), the number of actual sterilisations in 1976-77 (81.3 lakh) exceeded the target(42.5 lakh) by a whopping 91%. Maharashtra saw the most sterilisations during the Emergency period (14.4 lakh), followed by Madhya Pradesh (11.1 lakh), Bengal (10.8 lakh) and UP (9.65 lakh). As per Shah commission report seen by TOI, the voluntary nature of family planning programme appeared to have undergone a sudden change during the Emergency period. A note sent by then Union health minister Karan Singh to Indira Gandhi on Oct 10, 1975, on the 'crash programme to intensify family planning', spoke of "introduction of some element of compulsion in the larger national interest". "This can be done by enforcing a judicious and carefully selected mixture of incentives and disincentives. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now The present Emergency...(has) provided an appropriate atmosphere for tackling the problem," Singh added. On Jan 22, 1976, PM Indira Gandhi spoke of "bringing down birth rate speedily" with "steps that may be described as drastic". As per the Shah panel, the health ministry's approach to family planning during the Emergency became focused on a single method: sterilisation. While the achievement of sterilisation targets was "107%" and 190% in 1975-76 and 1976-77, the performance with regard to other methods fell far short of the targets. Strangely, some states went out of their way to raise the 1976-77 targets beyond those set by the govt of India. For instance, UP revised the target to 15 lakh from 4 lakh, though it could achieve only 8.4 lakh sterilisations. Similarly, Maharashtra revised the target from 5.6 lakh to 12 lakh but ended up doing 8.3 lakh sterilisations. West Bengal revised the 3.9-lakh target set by Centre to 11 lakh, only to achieve 8.8 lakh sterilisations in 1976-77.
Daily Express
13-07-2025
- Politics
- Daily Express
‘History determines politics': Ex-AG says good time to revisit M'sia's formation
Published on: Sunday, July 13, 2025 Published on: Sun, Jul 13, 2025 By: David Thien Text Size: TOMMY said the concerns expressed by Sabahans and Sarawakians of domination by the Centre made its naked appearance within three years of Malaysia's formation. 'Stephen Kalong Ningkan's removal as Sarawak Chief Minister and his replacement by a pliable Penghulu Tawi Sli, made predictions of Kuala Lumpur's domination come true very quickly. 'The outbreak of the May 1969 riots in Kuala Lumpur without any manifestation in East Malaysia, the National Emergency that followed and the introduction of the National Economic Policy in 1971, proved critics right that race-based politics would be exported to East Malaysia.' Tommy said the politics that developed over the 60 years since 1963 is best understood against the historical background of the Federation. 'History determines politics. Without a past, how to understand the present or hope for the future? Hence, it is critical to consider the genesis of Malaysia's formation, which takes us back to the British Empire and World War II. As we complete the first quarter of the 21st century, this is as good a time as any to revisit our foundation. 'The major actors in this decolonisation exercise of the British Empire were Britain, Malaya, Singapore, North Borneo, Sarawak and Brunei. Also playing a starring role were neighbouring Indonesia and Philippines, each hostile to any federation.' 'The United States looked at every development in international affairs from Cold War lenses.' 'Finally, the United Nations was directly involved in the final months of its creation. Prime Ministers Harold MacMillan and Tunku Abdul Rahman were pivotal, with Lee Kuan Yew having a significant presence. Leading the Opposition were the charismatic leaders of the Third World, President Sukarno and President Macapagal of the Philippines.' 'As one would expect, each of the nations and its leaders had differing interests in supporting or opposing the establishment of Malaysia.' 'None of their national interests were identical. Accordingly, it is proposed to consider how each of them acted in the run-up to 1963.' 'The primary source of information on the decision-making is found in the collection of documents compiled by one of Malaya's foremost historians, Professor Anthony Stockwell in the 'British Documents on the End of Empire' in the dedicated volume on Malaysia. 'Upon the reduction to 30 years of official documents for public release by the Wilson Government in 1965, nearly all the files and records became available for publication.' 'The Malaysia volume was published in 2004. Obviously, these documents tell the story of the making of Malaysia from the perspective of British policy-makers, but with that caveat, it is a treasure trove.' Tommy said the post-war separation of Singapore and Malaya was deeply regretted, not only by the Left but also by many British policy-makers not least on economic grounds, but the prospect of merger was always kept alive. 'In a despatch dated 25th October 1960 from Lord Selkirk, the UK High Commissioner in Singapore, to Iain MacLeod, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, British policy was succinctly stated as follows:- 'Our first recommendation is that Her Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom should accept as the ultimate aim of their policy the development of a political association between Malaya, Singapore and the Borneo territories such as would enable them to take their place within the Commonwealth as a single entity strong enough to resist encroachment from their neighbours or from Communist China. 'Though the exact form of union, federation or confederation that might emerge cannot be foreseen at this stage, we consider that some such broad association provides the only satisfactory evolution which will safeguard in the longer term not only the security, economic development and welfare of the territories themselves, but also, on a basis of consent, the United Kingdom's own essential defence interests consisting of the base in Singapore and the necessary deployment areas outside it.' However, this was met by this response from Sir William Goode, Governor of then North Borneo:- 'North Borneo is a strikingly beautiful country of happy, friendly people, busy building and planting for the future and still content with colonial rule.' He narrated that as the 1960's began, British foreign policy was to reduce or eliminate her colonial and defence commitments globally. MacMillan's famous 'Wind of Change' theme was announced in Ghana in January 1960, and repeated in Cape Town in February 1960. British policy in South-East Asia must, therefore, be viewed against the background of its overall imperial policy amid the setting of the British Sun all over the world. 'With regard to her remaining colonies in South-East Asia, a high-level Committee reported to Prime Minister MacMillan in October 1960. The aims of the British Government were stated by that Committee as follows:- (a) to contain Communism; (b) to maintain Western influence; The United Kingdom also has certain special obligations in the area:- (a) as the centre of the Commonwealth and the Sterling area; (b) to her dependent territories, notably responsibility for Hong Kong and prevention of Communist control over Singapore.' Tommy noted that constraints on UK's defence policy were highlighted, viz, that British resources and facilities could not continue for another decade (that is, into the 1970s) on 'present scales and in present terms'. More decisive was the high-cost factor in the light of her economic situation. A review of her defence role in South-East Asia was, therefore, urgently needed. At the same time, the total withdrawal of British forces could not be contemplated because that would mean abandoning her colonial responsibilities and her defence treaty with Malaya. 'The making of Malaysia, at least from the British perspective, also had an economic dimension. The British economy faced balance of payments problems and galloping defence costs associated with the Cold War. Stockwell writes:- 'Strategies of decolonisation could help Britain address these problems if, by moving from formal to informal empire, it found a new role in the world. With respect to South-East Asia, the 'Grand Design' for a 'Greater Malaysia' might perpetuate Britain's influence in the post-colonial period. Those in British governing circles who welcomed Malaysia did so on account of its expected benefits for Britain.' Tommy: 'Hence, the condemnation of Malaysia from the Left as 'neo-colonialism', had ample justification, that is, the pursuit of imperialism by indirect means through favourite proxies or cronies.' What were British economic interests in real terms? British private capital investment in Malaya was estimated at about £400 million (compared with £335 million in India and £108 in Pakistan). British exports were valued at £60 million annually, while 22 per cent of Malaysia's imports were from the mother country. 'In early 1963, Sir Geofroy Tory, the United Kingdom High Commissioner in Kuala Lumpur, observed that Britain had 'a very big financial stake in Malaya and a considerable vested interest in the maintenance of a stable and prosperous Malayan economy'. Nonetheless, the impact of economic factors should not be exaggerated, for ultimately the security of the region and the cost of maintaining it was the overriding consideration. Stockwell summarised British policy this way:- 'The prospects for the 'Grand Design' were, therefore, assessed from the strategic perspective not the economic. Bases not markets, security not commerce, international influence not investment opportunities dominated the thinking of British ministers and officers'. In summary, the compelling attraction of Greater Malaysia for the United Kingdom was the prospect of retaining influence while reducing expenditure. Hence, the United Kingdom's objective to continue to play a dominant role in world affairs generally, and as a major former colonial power in South-East Asia at reduced cost, would be accomplished in the new Federation.
Time of India
30-06-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
'Namazvad, not Samajwad': BJP attacks Tejashwi for 'will bin Waqf Act' remark; says 'won't happen'
NEW DELHI: The ( ) on Monday went all out in its attack against (RJD) leader , after he vowed during a rally in Patna to "throw the Waqf Act into the dustbin" if the Mahagathbandhan (grand alliance) is voted to power in the upcoming . Tired of too many ads? go ad free now Tearing into the rival INDIA bloc, which also includes the RJD, BJP Rajya Sabha MP Sudhanshu Trivedi pointedly criticised socialist parties -- accusing them of "not standing up for the rights of the poor and oppressed Muslims". "These parties like RJD, Samajwadi Party, etc, who are wearing the garb of socialism, are not standing up for the rights of the poor and oppressed Muslims. Therefore, the socialism of RJD and SP cannot be called socialism at all. If it is called 'Namazvad', then it will not be an exaggeration," Trivedi said during a press briefing on Monday. The BJP leader claimed Tejashwi's remark was made "in the pursuit of the vote bank" and said the Congress-led INDIA bloc has "not been able to move beyond the 50-year-old mentality of throwing the Constitution in the dustbin." Trivedi was referring to the 1975 National Emergency imposed by then-Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, which caused massive upheaval across the political spectrum. The BJP leader also said that the remarks of ex-Bihar CM Lalu Yadav's son had "no respect for the Parliament, judiciary" as the Waqf Act was passed by both Houses of the Indian Parliament. "Recently, 50 years of the Emergency, the most dreadful chapter in the democratic history of India, were completed. But it is very sad that yesterday in the same Gandhi Maidan in Patna, where during the Emergency lakhs of people had gathered without caring for their lives to protect the Constitution, a rally was held in which Tejashwi Yadav said that we will throw the law passed by the Parliament in the dustbin," Shudhanshu Trivedi said during media briefing. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now Stepping up an attack on the anti-BJP bloc, Trivedi said: "I want to ask the INDI alliance, are you thinking of implementing Sharia law in Bihar, which is bigger than Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, Turkey and ISIS?" He further said: "BJP and the NDA alliance are determined that if anyone wants to throw Baba Saheb Ambedkar's constitution, any of its provisions, into the dustbin, we will not let that happen." The politics around Waqf appear to have been reaching to its boiling point as Bihar goes to the polls for 243 assembly seats in a few months. The BJP, led by Prime Minister Modi, is contesting in alliance with Nitish Kumar's JD(U) under the NDA banner. Meanwhile, Tejashwi Yadav's RJD, as part of the opposition INDIA bloc, will challenge the ruling alliance in the state elections. Tejashwi is the Mahagathbandhan CM face.
Time of India
29-06-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
'Mann ki Baat': Be vigilant to protect Constitution, says PM Modi
During his monthly 'Mann ki Baat' address, Prime Minister Narendra Modi recalled the ordeals that the country and its citizens had to go through during the 1975 National Emergency and emphasised that people should be always vigilant to protect the Constitution. Modi played three audio clips - of former prime minister Morarji Desai, former deputy PM Babu Jagjivan Ram and former PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee - on the excesses of the Emergency and the expression of public anger in the elections after it was lifted. "With the power of public participation, big crises can be confronted," Modi said, before sharing the words of Desai. Modi alleged that those who had imposed Emergency "not only murdered our constitution but also had the intention to keep the judiciary as their slave". He referred to the atrocities on people and the handcuffing of socialist leader George Fernandes. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Chuck Norris Begs Seniors: Avoid These 3 Foods Like The Plague Roundhouse Provisions Learn More Undo Recalling the 50th anniversary of the Emergency that fell on June 25, Modi hailed the people who fought it bravely.
The Hindu
25-06-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
A list of books documenting Emergency in India — its excesses and consequences
On June 25, 1975, President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, upon the request by the Cabinet headed by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, declared a National Emergency under Article 352 citing 'internal disturbance.' The Emergency, which ended on March 21, 1977, made significant changes to India's social and political fabric. Since then, historians, politicians, authors, and journalists alike have documented life during this 21-month period and its consequences. We have compiled a list of books that will help you understand the developments of the period and how it continues to make its impact felt in the current political climate: 'The Dramatic Decade: Declaration of the Emergency' by Pranab Mukherjee This is an insider account of the turbulent months by former President Pranab Mukherjee. Mukherjee recounts how he was informed about the declaration of Emergency the morning of his Rajya Sabha election and how there were rumours rife about Prime Minister Indira Gandhi abrogating the Constitution. He notes his role in putting the conspiracies to rest and in the process reveals a widely held belief in the political circles that Siddhartha Shankar Ray, the then Chief Minister of West Bengal, played an important role in the decision to declare the Emergency. He also mentions an instance when Indira Gandhi, after the declaration told him that she was not even aware of the constitutional provisions allowing for the declaration of a state of Emergency on grounds of internal disturbance. An extract from the book can be read here. 'An Education for Rita: A Memoir — 1975-1985' by Brinda Karat There are many reasons why Brinda Karat's memoir, An Education for Rita, is an eye opener: it sets chronology in place, couched in stories of the people, mill workers, in the slums of Delhi, in its crooked bylanes, at the factory gates, in conspiracies and union victories, small and big. The memoir that spans only 10 years becomes infinitely more interesting as it is set in August 1975, merely two months after Indira Gandhi declared the Emergency. Read Ramya Kannan's review of the book here. 'Emergency Chronicles — Indira Gandhi and Democracy's Turning Point' by Gyan Prakash Straying away from typical historical retellings, historian Gyan Prakash, in this seminal and vivid inquiry, explores the question: how dead was democracy during the 21-month-long Emergency? Nothing in Emergency Chronicles is unconnected to the larger drift of history. Prakash weaves in cinema, novels, urban planning, law-making, and political biographies of before and after the Emergency to locate these 21 months in the longer story of the nation. Mini Kapoor's review of the book can be accessed here. 'The Paradox of Populism: The Indira Gandhi Years, 1966-1977' by Suhit K. Sen Historian Suhit K. Sen traces the downfall of the hegemony that the Congress party system had maintained in the decade after the formation of the Indian Republic. Emergency, Sen argues, was a much more radical departure from the playbook of Gandhi's politics than is often assumed. In this sense, Sen seeks to highlight process above personality. His use of extensive archival material and intricate analysis is an important contribution to the study of modern political processes, a foundational work on the Indira Gandhi years, in particular. Refer to Janam Mukherjee's review here. 'Emergency, Constitution and Democracy: An Indian Experience' by N.M. Ghatate This book scrutinises the nature of the constitutional power that enables the executive to declare a state of national emergency. It gives a detailed account of the Emergency provisions in the Constitution and other features that permit arbitrary use of discretionary powers. It also touches on legislations that arm the executive with sweeping powers of detention without trial. The book is mainly of academic interest and in the absence of any trend that indicates that governments are inclined towards invoking the Emergency provisions. Here is the review of the book. 'Shah Commission Report — Lost, and Regained' compiled and edited by Era Sezhiyan The Shah Commission, set up to go into the various kinds of 'excesses' committed during the Emergency, submitted its report in three parts, the last one on August 6, 1978. The report, with 26 chapters and three appendices, ran to over 530 pages and was reportedly 'lost' after Indira Gandhi's return to power in 1980, indicating that the old totalitarian instinct was still in place. In 'regaining' the report and publishing it, Era Sezhiyan has ensured that an important document related to one of the aberrant phases of Indian democracy is not lost to posterity, especially to the students of the Indian political system, writes B. Surendra Rao in his review.
