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The Star
21-07-2025
- The Star
Survey finds Thai public blames monks' misconduct for Buddhism's decline
FILE PHOTO: A devotee gives alms to Buddhist monk at a flower market in Bangkok on July 18, 2025. A recent poll reveals widespread public concern over misconduct in the monkhood, with strong support for legal penalties to protect Buddhism's integrity. - AFP BANGKOK: The National Institute of Development Administration (NIDA) has released the findings of a new public opinion survey titled 'Crisis in Buddhism!', revealing widespread concerns among Thai Buddhists over the state of the clergy. Conducted by NIDA Poll between July 14–16, 2025, the survey gathered responses from 1,310 Buddhists aged 18 and above across all regions, education levels, occupations and income brackets nationwide. The sample was drawn using probabilistic multi-stage sampling from the NIDA Poll's Master Sample database. Data were collected via telephone interviews, with a margin of error not exceeding ±5 per cent at a 97 per cent confidence level. A recent survey has found that most Thais believe the decline in the image of Buddhism stems from misconduct by members of the clergy, with 76.11 per cent of respondents pointing to monks who remain attached to worldly pleasures, leading to frequent scandals involving drugs, alcohol, gambling and improper relations with women. The second most cited cause (45.95 per cent) was monks being obsessed with wealth, status and praise, while 45.80 per cent blamed consumerism and materialism among some members of the clergy. Four in ten respondents (40 per cent) said some monks enter the monkhood merely to earn a living, viewing it as a career path. Meanwhile, 29.16 per cent said some temples have become overly commercialised, and 27.63 per cent pointed to a lack of financial transparency. Around a quarter (25.42 per cent) criticised Buddhist regulatory bodies for being weak and ineffective in preventing misconduct. Another 23.74 per cent said monks who stray from religious discipline often exhibit aggressive behaviour. Some 16.72 per cent of respondents said that laypeople and disciples often encourage monks to engage in conduct that violates monastic discipline. The same percentage believed that ineffective internal governance within temples contributes to recurring scandals. Additionally, 13.59 per cent pointed to certain monks who they believe are self-absorbed and promote exaggerated supernatural claims. Another 11.60 per cent criticised temples for pressuring people into making excessive or unnecessary donations through misleading or manipulative messaging. Other concerns included distorted teachings (8.32 per cent), an overemphasis on occult rituals (7.79 per cent), political partisanship (1.68 per cent), and a small minority (0.46 per cent) said they saw no problems with Buddhism at all. While confidence in individual monks is slipping, overall faith in Buddhism remains largely intact. According to the findings, 58.4 per cent of respondents said their trust in the clergy had decreased due to repeated scandals, while 41.6 per cent said it remained unchanged. However, 68.55 per cent said their faith in Buddhism itself was unaffected, with only 31.45 per cent noting a decline. The survey also asked for opinions on a draft bill aimed at promoting and protecting Buddhism, which proposes penalties—including imprisonment and fines—for both monks and laypeople who engage in misconduct. A large majority (80.76 per cent) strongly supported criminal penalties for monks who violate core monastic codes, while another 13.59 per cent said they were somewhat supportive. Public opinion was more divided on other provisions: Just 17 per cent strongly supported penalising laypeople who willingly engage in sexual acts with monks or novices. 63 per cent backed strict penalties for monks who falsely claim supernatural abilities. 35 per cent strongly supported punishing those who parody or distort Buddhist teachings. 44 per cent strongly agreed with criminalising false accusations against monks made without evidence. - The Nation/ANN
Bangkok Post
13-07-2025
- Politics
- Bangkok Post
Poll: 80% of Thais want PM Paetongtarn to quit or dissolve House
An opinion survey by the National Institute of Development Administration early this month found more than 80% of respondents wanted suspended Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra to either resign or dissolve the House. Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha was the most favoured choice as the next premier. Nida conducted the phone survey on 1,310 people sampled nationwide from July 4 to 7. Of the respondents, 42.37% of wanted Ms Paetongtarn to resign so that the nation would have a new prime minister. Meanwhile, 39.92% of respondents called on her to dissolve the House of Representatives to pave the way for a fresh general election and 0.99% wanted to see a coup d'etat. On the contrary, 15.04% of respondents wanted Ms Paetongtarn to continue with her national administration. The rest, 0.31% of respondents, did not give an answer. When asked who among existing prime ministerial candidates should replace Ms Paetongtarn as the prime minister, the biggest group of respondents, 32.82%, favoured Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha, who is a privy councillor and is a prime ministerial candidate of the United Thai Nation Party (UTN). The second biggest group of respondents, 27.94%, did not see a favourite among existing prime ministerial candidates; 11.53% pointed to Bhumjaithai Party leader Anutin Charnvirakul; and 10.92% favoured Chaikasem Nitisiri, the presently last prime ministerial candidate of the ruling Pheu Thai Party. Meanwhile, 9.77% said they would be satisfied with any of the remaining prime ministerial candidates, 3.82% recommended UTN leader Pirapan Salirathavibhaga, 1.83% supported Democrat candidate Jurin Laksanawisit, 0.84% preferred Palang Pracharath Party leader Gen Prawit Wongsuwon, and 0.53% did not know or were not interested. Opposition and People's Party leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut was not among existing prime ministerial candidates for this opinion survey because he is from the dissolved Move Forward Party which had nominated solely Pita Limjaroenrat as its prime ministerial candidate. Of all the respondents, 8.55% lived in Bangkok, 18.70% in the Central Plains, 17.79% in the North, 33.28% in the Northeast, 13.82% in the South and 7.86% in the East. Ms Paetongtarn was suspended as prime minister by the Constitutional Court on July 1 as a group of senators asked it to remove her from the prime ministerial seat after her leaked, controversial phone call with Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen. She was appointed the culture minister at the same time.
Bangkok Post
13-07-2025
- Politics
- Bangkok Post
Poll: 80% of Thais want PM Paetongtarn to quit
An opinion survey by the National Institute of Development Administration early this month found more than 80% of respondents wanted suspended Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra to either resign or dissolve the House. Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha was the most favoured choice as the next premier. Nida conducted the phone survey on 1,310 people sampled nationwide from July 4 to 7. Of the respondents, 42.37% of wanted Ms Paetongtarn to resign so that the nation would have a new prime minister. Meanwhile, 39.92% of respondents called on her to dissolve the House of Representatives to pave the way for a fresh general election and 0.99% wanted to see a coup d'etat. On the contrary, 15.04% of respondents wanted Ms Paetongtarn to continue with her national administration. The rest, 0.31% of respondents, did not give an answer. When asked who among existing prime ministerial candidates should replace Ms Paetongtarn as the prime minister, the biggest group of respondents, 32.82%, favoured Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha, who is a privy councillor and is a prime ministerial candidate of the United Thai Nation Party (UTN). The second biggest group of respondents, 27.94%, did not see a favourite among existing prime ministerial candidates; 11.53% pointed to Bhumjaithai Party leader Anutin Charnvirakul; and 10.92% favoured Chaikasem Nitisiri, the presently last prime ministerial candidate of the ruling Pheu Thai Party. Meanwhile, 9.77% said they would be satisfied with any of the remaining prime ministerial candidates, 3.82% recommended UTN leader Pirapan Salirathavibhaga, 1.83% supported Democrat candidate Jurin Laksanawisit, 0.84% preferred Palang Pracharath Party leader Gen Prawit Wongsuwon, and 0.53% had neither interest nor answer for the question. Opposition and People's Party leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut is not among existing prime ministerial candidates for this opinion survey because he was from the dissolved Move Forward Party which had nominated solely Pita Limjaroenrat as its prime ministerial candidate. Of all the respondents, 8.55% lived in Bangkok, 18.70% in the Central Plains, 17.79% in the North, 33.28% in the Northeast, 13.82% in the South and 7.86% in the East. Ms Paetongtarn was suspended as prime minister by the Constitutional Court on July 1 as a group of senators asked it to remove her from the prime ministerial seat after her leaked, controversial phone call with Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen. She was appointed the culture minister at the same time.
The Diplomat
08-07-2025
- Politics
- The Diplomat
A Small State's Limited Playbook: Cambodia Exploits Thailand's Weakness
The recent leaking of a phone conversation between the Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra and former Cambodian leader Hun Sen marked an unexpected twist in the escalating border dispute between the two countries. Hun Sen's subsequent prediction that there would be a new Thai prime minister in 3 months and that he knows who it would be further exacerbated bilateral tensions. Days later, the Constitutional Court suspended Paetongtarn Shinawatra from office amidst a pending court case seeking her dismissal. A small state managed to inflict extraordinary repercussions on the domestic situation of its larger neighbor with a phone call. Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra reasoned that Hun Sen leaked the recording in order to 'boost his popularity without regard for the impact on bilateral ties.' A poll by the National Institute of Development Administration found that most Thais hold a similar perspective. This assessment is reminiscent of regional media discussions about the role of domestic politics during the 2008-2011 conflict over the Preah Vihear temple, an eleventh-century Angkorian ruin perched on the two nations' disputed border. However, this latest development is best understood as a product of the asymmetry of power between Cambodia and its larger neighbors, and the lessons that the Cambodian government – and Hun Sen – learned from the Preah Vihear conflict. There are important differences between the 2008-2011 conflict and the current stand-off. First, the domestic political situation in Cambodia is much more stable today than in 2008. While domestic political competition was at its height during the Preah Vihear conflict, which ignited just prior to the 2008 national election, Cambodia has had no proper opposition party since the dissolution of the Cambodia National Rescue Party in 2017. The ruling Cambodian People's Party has also since undergone a gradual leadership transition to a younger generation, which culminated in Hun Sen handing the prime ministership to his son Hun Manet in 2023. As a result, the government's recent actions should not be reduced to domestic political factors. Second, Cambodia and Thailand have forged a much closer economic relationship over the last decade. Bilateral trade amounted to just $1 billion in 2006; this rose to $4.29 billion in 2024, and the two nations have set an ambitious bilateral trade target of $15 billion by 2027. Similarly, in 2006, there were an estimated 180,000 Cambodian workers in Thailand. In 2024, this had risen to 1.2 million, according to Cambodian government estimates. Remittances from the 1.38 million Cambodian migrants working abroad amounted to $2.95 billion last year. What then explains Cambodia's – or Hun Sen's – willingness to jeopardize such a pivotal economic relationship? While the border issues faded from regional and international attention after 2011, the border has remained a top national security concern for the Cambodian government. Notably, the 2013 judgment of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on the Preah Vihear temple area, which granted the temple and its surrounding promontory to Cambodia, was never formally implemented. Former Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra denied accepting the court's decision and insisted on parliamentary approval of the ICJ judgment, which has not been passed to date. In an indication of the fragile situation at the border, Thai officials did not publicly discuss the possibility of reopening the border checkpoint at the Preah Vihear temple until last year. Negotiations over their overlapping claims area in the Gulf of Thailand resumed in January 2023, but this only reignited the dormant dispute over the island of Koh Kood in the Gulf of Thailand. Cambodia's willingness to jeopardize its economic relationship with Thailand over the border dispute needs to be viewed in the context of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The invasion highlighted the vulnerability of small states with larger neighbors and their apparent dependence on international law for survival. Cambodia co-sponsored the United Nations General Assembly resolution condemning Russia's annexation of four Ukrainian regions in 2022. Explaining Cambodia's decision, Hun Sen stated, 'If our neighbors did that to us, would we get angry? We must stand for the principle of law.' On June 15, the Cambodian government submitted an official letter to the ICJ asking it to resolve disputes over four areas of the border with Thailand. However, Thailand has rejected any ICJ involvement, saying that it would prefer to resolve the disputes bilaterally. Accordingly, the Cambodian government cannot solely rely on international law to manage the current dispute. A small state such as Cambodia has limited options for responding to a national security crisis. Even though the country has been increasing its annual military spending, the Thai military retains an overall advantage in relation to the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces. A small state with limited material capabilities thus might resort to an unconventional strategy, such as leaking a phone recording, to influence the trajectory of an escalating dispute. There was precedent for this strategy: leaking phone recordings has long been a mainstay of Hun Sen's approach to Cambodian domestic politics. To make sense of this strategy in the realm of foreign policy, it is important to consider an important lesson that the Cambodian leadership learned about its relationship with Thailand in the wake of Preah Vihear. This lesson concerned the risk that Thai domestic politics were highly sensitive to anything concerning the Cambodian border and could negatively impact Cambodia's security and economy. Up until the outbreak of the conflict in 2008, the Cambodian government was preoccupied with integrating into the global and regional economy and recovering from decades of conflict. After the Khmer Rouge surrendered at their last stronghold in the Preah Vihear area, the government turned its attention to preserving its cultural heritage in the 2000s. It submitted a letter to UNESCO proposing the temple as a World Heritage Site in January 2006. Pre-occupied with internal affairs, the Cambodian leadership might not have anticipated the extent to which Thai domestic politics would react negatively to UNESCO's decision to list the Preah Vihear temple as a World Heritage Site in July 2008. It also might not have anticipated that the inscription would touch off a border conflict, especially after joining Thailand in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in 1999. The Preah Vihear conflict demonstrated the considerable constraint that domestic politics imposed on the actions of the Thai government in its relations with Cambodia, particularly regarding the border. From this perspective, leaking the phone conversation could be a means of exploiting a key Thai weakness: the country's fractious domestic politics. It remains to be seen if this strategy will pay off or backfire for the small state, but it at least has shifted the focus of the discussion onto Thai domestic politics for now. Similarly, Cambodia's submission of an official letter to the ICJ shifts the attention to the Thai side, and whether it plans to adhere to international law. Whether or not all of this works out remains to be seen, but it's a sign that, confronted with limited resources, a small state might choose to deploy unconventional strategies.
New Straits Times
30-06-2025
- Politics
- New Straits Times
Thailand's ruling political dynasty faces day of legal peril
BANGKOK: Thailand's ruling political dynasty faces fresh legal peril Tuesday, with Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra risking suspension from office by the Constitutional Court, and her ex-premier father's separate royal defamation trial due to start. The kingdom's politics have been dominated for years by a battle between the conservative, pro-military, pro-royalist elite and the Shinawatra clan, who they consider a threat to Thailand's traditional social order. Thaksin Shinawatra, the 75-year-old family patriarch and billionaire twice-elected leader in the early 2000s, is scheduled to appear in criminal court accused of breaching strict lese majeste legislation used to shield Thailand's king from criticism or abuse. The allegations stem from a 2015 interview he gave to South Korean media and could result in up to 15 years' imprisonment after a trial set to last for weeks, with a verdict not expected for at least a month after that. Meanwhile, Thailand's Constitutional Court is due to meet for the first time since a group of conservative senators lodged a case against Paetongtarn, accusing her of breaching ministerial ethics during a diplomatic spat with Cambodia. If the court decides to hear the case, they could suspend her as they enter months-long deliberations, plunging Thailand into chaos as it grapples with a spluttering economy and the threat of US tariffs. "I will let the process take its course," a downcast Paetongtarn told reporters in Bangkok on Monday. "If you are asking whether I am worried, I am." The 38-year-old Paetongtarn took office less than a year ago but has been badly weakened by a scandal over her conduct in the row with neighbouring Cambodia. A long-standing territorial dispute boiled over into cross-border clashes in May, killing one Cambodian soldier. But when Paetongtarn called Cambodian ex-leader Hun Sen to discuss the tensions, she called him "uncle" and referred to a Thai military commander as her "opponent", according to a leaked recording which caused widespread backlash. Conservative lawmakers accused her of kowtowing to Cambodia and undermining the military, and allege she breached constitutional provisions requiring "evident integrity" and "ethical standards" among ministers. Paetongtarn's Pheu Thai party has already been abandoned by a key conservative coalition partner, leaving her with a razor-thin parliamentary majority dependent on other parties. Around 10,000 people mustered in central Bangkok over the weekend to protest her administration. Her approval rating has plunged to just nine per cent, down from around 30 per cent three months ago, according to a survey released Sunday by Bangkok university the National Institute of Development Administration. Paetongtarn's case and her father's trial are the latest round in a bitter, decades-long tussle between Thailand's powerful conservative forces and parties linked to Thaksin. Thaksin was ousted in a coup in 2006, while his sister Yingluck Shinawatra suffered the same fate in 2014, and other prime ministers from their political movement have been sacked by court rulings. After 15 years abroad, Thaksin returned to Thailand in August 2023. He was immediately ordered to serve an eight-year jail term for historic graft and abuse of power charges, but was taken to hospital on health grounds and later pardoned by the king.
