Latest news with #NationalObserver
National Observer
2 days ago
- Business
- National Observer
Canada's competition watchdog publishes final greenwashing guidelines
Businesses can make environmental claims — only if they aren't false or misleading and have been properly substantiated, according to new Canadian anti-greenwashing guidelines. The guidelines released Thursday by Canada's Competition Bureau are intended to help companies comply with anti-greenwashing laws introduced last June. Businesses making environmental claims will require an assessment, not only of the literal wording of the claim, but also of the general impression created by the advertisement as a whole, including the words, images and layout, the bureau said. The new rules elicited both praise and swift backlash. 'The bureau's guidance is important, but it is really just one piece of the puzzle, and it is not determinative,' said Keldon Bester, executive director of the Canadian Anti-Monopoly Project, an Ottawa-based think tank focused on economic competition issues. After the amended legislation came into force last summer, corporate Canada clamoured for clarity on how it would apply, so this guidance should answer some of their questions, but the real test will be the cases the bureau decides to pursue and how they fare in front of competition tribunals, Bester said. But it is encouraging to see the bureau 'matching the spirit of the law,' he said. INSERT ALBERTA ENVIRONMENT AND PARKS MINISTER REBECCA SCHULZ STATEMENT Canada's competition watchdog published finalized guidance to help corporate Canada navigate the new greenwashing rules that came into force last summer 'The new guidelines appear to get to the heart of the matter,' Green Party Leader Elizabeth May said in an emailed statement to Canada's National Observer. "'Greenwashing' is just another form of untruthful advertising. We need enforceable 'truth in advertising' laws and these guidelines move in that direction,' May said. The bureau's guidance explained that if a Canadian business claimed in its marketing that it was on its way to net-zero emissions by 2050 and 'had good intentions about reducing greenhouse gases' — but made the claim before making a clear, evidence-backed plan to reach net-zero — that would be inadequate. Keith Stewart, senior energy strategist for Greenpeace Canada called this the 'Pathways clause,' in reference to the Pathways Alliance's ad campaign. In 2023, the bureau launched an investigation into the oilsands lobby group's campaign, 'Let's clear the air,' after Greenpeace Canada filed a complaint alleging net-zero claims in the ads were false or misleading. After the new greenwashing laws came into force last summer, Pathways Alliance removed all of the content related to its 'Let's clear the air' campaign from its website, social media and other public communications. The Competition Bureau dropped the investigation a few months later, in December 2024, according to a letter Greenpeace Canada shared with Canada's National Observer. 'Given that the representations that were the subject of this inquiry are no longer publicly available, as well as the Commissioner's discretion with respect to the assignment of limited resources, the Commissioner has decided to discontinue the inquiry at this time,' reads the letter to Greenpeace Canada. 'You don't have to read very far between the lines … to see that Pathways was going to lose that case, which is probably why they took all those ads down so quickly,' Stewart said. 'I think the Competition Bureau essentially said, 'OK, we're going to give you a mulligan on this one. We're not going to go after you because you took all the ads down … and we're now putting it in black and white, clarifying the rules around what constitutes greenwashing on net-zero claims, so don't do it again',' he said. 'You'll notice Pathways no longer talk about being on the path to net-zero.' The Pathways Alliance did not respond to a request for comment on the new guidelines. Alexandre Boulerice, NDP critic for environment and climate change, said deceptive marketing practices, particularly greenwashing, are a major problem because it misleads consumers and 'hurts public trust in a genuine green transition.' The new rules could be a step in the right direction, but consumers must know that they can report deceptive or false advertising and file a complaint, Boulerice said in an emailed statement to Canada's National Observer. 'Additionally, the Bureau requires the resources and capacity to carry out all those inquiries,' Boulerice said. Boulerice said the next few months will tell whether the federal government is serious about this issue. The Conservative Party and Bloc Québécois did not respond to a request for comment. Although the legislation and guidelines could both be stronger, 'the new guidelines should quiet the trumped-up backlash from parts of corporate Canada,' said Emilia Belliveau, Environmental Defence's energy transition program manager, in a Thursday press release.
National Observer
5 days ago
- Politics
- National Observer
How to spot bad information this wildfire season
Wildfire smoke is seen on Highway 97 north of Buckinghorse River, B.C. on Friday, May 30, 2025. Photo by Nasuna Stuart-Ulin / The Canadian Press Wildfire season is here and if the last few years are any indication, Canadians will spend the summer sorting through a firestorm of disinformation. People searching for good information in times of crisis are up against a slew of broken systems. Social media algorithms promote misinformation and disinformation and bury official sources. Governments at different levels struggle to coordinate information release as quickly as rumours spread. Not every community has local news and there are fewer reporters and more news deserts. Imperfect information systems and the inherent chaos of a crisis allow well-intentioned but false information to spread, like people making false statements and observations about fire behaviour and what buildings have been destroyed. People's thirst for information during a crisis creates an information vacuum, and right-wing actors and groups are increasingly filling the empty space with conspiracies about arson, government control and environmental terrorism, as previously reported by Canada's National Observer. Different types of bad information The Canadian Centre for Cyber Security identifies three key types of bad information: Misinformation, disinformation, and malinformation. Here are the differences. Misinformation: refers to false information that is not intended to cause harm Disinformation: refers to false information that is intended to manipulate, cause damage and guide people, organizations and countries in the wrong direction Malinformation: refers to information that stems from the truth but is often exaggerated in a way that misleads and causes potential harm Some bad information is easier to spot, like baseless claims that wildfires are caused by arson carried out by environmentalists and government actors, or even space lasers. Alberta Premier Danielle Smith fed the flames of disinformation last summer after the town of Jasper was largely destroyed by wildfires. Smith told talk show host Ryan Jespersen the province would bring in arson investigators when he asked about the role climate change played in the 2024 wildfire season. Climate change, driven primarily by burning fossil fuels like coal, oil and gas, is causing higher temperatures and drier conditions, which exacerbate the frequency and severity of wildfires. When trying to identify disinformation this wildfire season people should ask themselves 'Does this feel right? Is this coming from the right place? Does this seem pretty sensational?' said Kevin Skrepnek, BCWildfire's former head information officer Maxime Bernier, the far-right People's Party of Canada leader, went even further during 2023's record wildfire year, when he said it outright: 'I bet a good portion of the wildfires raging across the country were started by green terrorists who want to give their climate change campaign a little boost.' Practical tips Sorting through information on social media is no easy task, especially when politicians are participating in the disinformation, but there are some actions we can take to identify or at least remain skeptical about bad information. What to look out for When we are consuming information on different websites and social media platforms, there are some key questions we should ask ourselves, according to the Canadian Centre for Cyber Security. Does it provoke an emotional response? Does it make a bold statement on a controversial issue? Is it an extraordinary claim? Does it contain clickbait? Does it use small pieces of valid information that are exaggerated or distorted? Has it spread virally on unvetted or loosely vetted platforms? If the answer to some of these questions is 'yes' it doesn't automatically mean you're looking at false information, but you should investigate further before trusting it or sharing it. People should ask themselves, 'Does this feel right? Is this coming from the right place? Does this seem pretty sensational?' said Kevin Skrepnek, manager of community and emergency services at the Thompson-Nicola Regional District and BC Wildfire's former head information officer. 'Is this a screenshot of something, or is this an actual link to something?' Sometimes, old photos are circulated and made to appear recent, so it's important to think critically about the account or individual that posted an image, what their claims are and whether it's possible to verify the source of the image. One way to get more information about an image is to do a reverse image search. Sometimes, a simple internet search of the topic at hand combined with the words 'fact check' will reveal whether someone has already verified or debunked the information you're unsure about. The Canadian Centre for Cyber Security also recommends checking the spelling of website domains and social media handles, keeping an eye out for small typos that are used to make a site or social media account look like it belongs to an official or trusted organization. When conspiracies impact fire response The most outlandish, viral conspiracies may appear to be confined to the online sphere, but this disinformation can and does have serious impacts on the ground. In 2023, the BC Wildfire service and police were confronted by a so-called 'Convoy of Truth and Freedom,' attempting to gain access to a roadblock while authorities tried to evacuate people and fight the fires in North Shuswap. The agencies responding to fires are 'focused on pretty meat and potatoes stuff,' like trying to keep people safe, Skrepnek said — spending effort addressing 'Looney Tunes-level' theories makes it harder to get important information out. Skrepnek emphasized that some people, especially in his rural region, ignore evacuation orders and stay behind to tend to their livestock and livelihoods and he can't fault them for that. However, he said there is a much smaller — though growing — number of people driven by disinformation or distrust of government who resist wildfire evacuation orders on that basis. He said there were issues during the 2021 White Rock Lake fire, when people ignored an evacuation order or sneaked back in because, in their minds, the wildfire service either wasn't there or wasn't doing enough to defend the remaining properties. 'That created a whole issue where now you've got civilians running around within an evacuation order area trying to fight the fire themselves, getting in the way of the wildfire service in some situations,' Skrepnek said. Getting the right information is key and Skrepnek recommends identifying all the official information channels and bookmarking them so you know where to find updates when a crisis hits. 'If your local government or your First Nation or whatever it is, has a subscription-based alerting system, subscribe to that and know that that's always going to be the right info because it's coming direct from them,' he said. Skrepnek acknowledged this answer won't be satisfactory for some people, and government communications won't always be perfect, 'but that is going to be the best information that you can get.' Relying on information that has been verified by the press or various levels of government is all well and good, but for many remote, rural and Indigenous communities the reality is a lot of information — good and bad — circulates on Facebook pages. When getting info from social media is the only option People in remote First Nations communities primarily get their information from social media, said Amy Cardinal Christianson, an Indigenous fire specialist and co-author of two books, one of which is on First Nation wildfire evacuations. Some nations are doing a great job of using Facebook and YouTube livestreams for chiefs to give timely, accurate updates to the community, Christianson said. 'But lots of times, misinformation is being shared by us, right? By community members who are very concerned and want an answer for a situation, so they see something and immediately post it,' Christianson said. Skrepenk said one citizen-led Facebook group in his region did a good job using a Facebook page to amplify official wildfire information, but said this usually isn't the case, and people often end up sharing unverified information and causing confusion. Many people have good intentions but still contribute to the spread of inaccurate information, Christianson said. 'In the past, what we've seen is people will just post like, 'I heard that so and so's house burned,' or 'this burned,' or 'that burned,' or 'the fire is here now,' or 'the fire jumped the river,' and people immediately just get very upset about that.' Christianson said a good rule of thumb is not to share anything on Facebook or social media if it's not from an official source or you haven't been able to verify it because things can get 'wildly' out of control. However, 'official' sources might look different for remote communities, she added. 'Usually, there's a contingent of folks in every Indigenous nation that gets evacuated who stay behind, and a lot of that is to do like firefighting or infrastructure protection, to feed dogs or animals that are left behind in the community,' she said. 'Those people are often incredibly reliable sources of information for the community.' Critically, these people on the ground are able to dispel rumours and misinformation by confirming what structures have and haven't been affected or answering other questions, according to Christianson's work studying the 2011 evacuation of Whitefish Lake First Nation in Alberta. In this case, it's not always as simple as checking whether the government or firefighting agency has corroborated a report or claim because it's coming from individuals. But Christianson said there are still ways to help assess the reliability of the source, like asking whether they actually have a responsibility or role in the fire event and response. This can help indicate whether someone is a trustworthy source, she said. Christianson said most people can weed through the mess of online conspiracies blaming government arson and space lasers, but it does start to create a lack of trust, not just in institutions, but in each other. Times of crisis and big events like wildfires can unite communities, she said. 'People forget about differences that they might have and other things, because you're trying to achieve a common goal together, but the second you start throwing in all this disinformation about arson and who's starting fires and other things like that, it just really complicates the situation.' Natasha Bulowski / Local Journalism Initiative / Canada's National Observer June 3rd 2025 Natasha Bulowski Journalist Keep reading Carney won't reveal spending plans, enraging critics — but some call it savvy By Arno Kopecky Analysis June 2nd 2025 Cold days are coming too late, cutting off northerners By Cloe Logan News June 2nd 2025 Doug Ford blinks on Bill 5, under fire from First Nations By Sonal Gupta News Energy Politics Urban Indigenous Communities in Ottawa May 28th 2025 Share this article Share on Bluesky Share on LinkedIn Comments
National Observer
5 days ago
- Business
- National Observer
Pro-coal advertising blitz tests Alberta's election rules
For months, environmentalist David Thomas has watched as Australian coal mining company Northback Holdings Corp. slathered Crowsnest Pass, on the southern Alberta-BC border, with a charm campaign. The area's residents had been asked to weigh in on a controversial metallurgical coal mining operation, known as Grassy Mountain, on the eastern slope of the Rockies. There were roadside signs; social media and full-page newspaper ads; coffee receptions at local restaurants — the sheer volume of pro-coal messaging ahead of the November vote made it impossible to ignore the company's side of the story. "It was quite a bit," he said. Alberta only allows advertisers to spend $0.50 per resident on municipal election campaigns, totalling $3,043.50 in Crowsnest Pass. But an investigation by Canada's National Observer into advertising by Debunk Inc., a pro-fossil fuel PR agency with close ties to the province's oil elite, and election expenditure reports filed to the municipality of Crowsnest Pass, suggest that far more money — of unknown origin — went into promoting Grassy Mountain and the coal industry leading up to the vote than the $2,063 that Northback Holding Corp. has officially reported. Debunk Inc. pulled all 22 of its pro-coal ads on May 29 and 30, after Canada's National Observer sent the company a detailed list of questions about its activities. Debunk Inc. did not respond to the questions. The Grassy Mountain project will see Northback explore the possibility of underground mining for coal in a disused mine near Blairmore, AB, the biggest town in the region. The proposal was greenlit by the Alberta Energy Regulator in May on the condition that the company only draw water from an on-site source and limit drilling waste. An investigation by Canada's National Observer suggests that far more money — of unknown origin — went into promoting an Australian mining company's controversial Grassy Mountain project and the province's coal industry. The municipal vote has no legal weight, but the town saw it as a political lever to push Danielle Smith's UCP government to approve the mine — even though most Albertans say they do not want the province to revive coal mining in the Rockies. The stakes are high for Albertans: On one hand are seven coal companies — including Northback — that are seeking $15 billion in compensation if the province maintains a decades-old ban on coal mining in the province. That's roughly 20 per cent of the province's 2024-2025 budget. On the other are fears about the industry's harms — and questions about its future. Coal mining comes with severe environmental and aesthetic consequences, risking water quality for thousands of Albertans who rely on rivers from the Eastern Rockies and harming iconic recreational areas in the province. And the coal might not be worth much, with the International Energy Agency predicting that demand for metallurgical coal will tumble as steelmakers reduce their emissions. These tensions have transformed the project into a "flagship, or poster child," said Steven Legault, senior manager of Alberta's energy transition for Environmental Defence. "When people think about the battle right now over coal, they're definitely thinking about this southern Alberta fight. They're thinking about Grassy Mountain." Coal a hard sell The coal fight started in 2020, when then-premier Jason Kenney rescinded a 1976 moratorium on coal mining. Kenney's move paved the way for a proposal by Benga Mining Ltd. and Riversdale Resources to operate an open-pit mine at Grassy Mountain. Provincial and federal regulators rejected that proposal in 2021, and a provincial committee set up to gather public comment about the project found that 98 per cent of the public comments it received (more than 4,400 in total) opposed reviving the coal mines in Crowsnest Pass. The opposition even claimed cultural stars among its numbers; acclaimed Alberta country musician Corb Lund re-released a protest song with fellow Alberta musicians Terri Clark and Brad Kisssel amid the possibility of renewed mining. That public outrage forced Kenney to reinstate the moratorium in 2022. Grassy Mountain was a key focus of the public's opposition. But on Jan. 15, 2025, current Alberta Energy Minister Brian Jean again rolled back the 1976 rules, paving the way for coal development in the region. The Alberta Energy Regulator's May decision to approve Northback's exploratory proposal makes Grassy Mountain the first coal project approved under the new policy. Days after the regulator's decision, Smith raced to reassure Albertans enraged by the reversal. 'When it comes to coal mining, people do not want to see mountaintop removal," she said on her Saturday morning radio program. "People do not want to see strip mining.' If Northback Holdings can find a way to mine without those impacts, the Alberta government will be open to it, she said. Northback reported signs. It campaigned with a lot more Thomas recalls when Crowsnest Pass itself became overrun by months of old-school ad campaigns boosting the mine. For instance, on Nov. 13, 2024, the company ran a full-page ad on the front of the Crowsnest Pass Herald urging residents to vote early. The July 17 headline story covered the tours Northback provided of the mine site. A Nov. 24, 2025 story by The Globe and Mail noted the company hosted pub gatherings, wine and cheese nights and coffee chats, and sent employees door-knocking to drive the vote. The company didn't report any of these costs in its third-party spending filing with the municipality, which states that it only spent $2,063, all of it on signs. Alberta's Local Authorities Elections Act prevents third-party advertisers from spending over $0.50 per resident annually on ads. The Alberta Regional Dashboard estimates the municipality's population at 6,087 in 2024, putting the ad spending limit at $3,043.50. In an email, Elections Alberta, the public body responsible for enforcing electoral rules, said it "cannot comment publicly about investigations that it may or may not have been conducting. We are limited to only publishing outcomes on the Elections Alberta website that result in an administrative penalty, letter of reprimand or compliance agreement." Northback responded to a detailed list of questions from Canada's National Observer with an emailed statement saying the company "fulfilled all legal requirements in the Crowsnest vote. Crowsnest residents voted overwhelmingly in support of the project, and Northback is committed to continuing to work with the local community every step of the way." But the battle to sell Albertans on coal expanded far beyond coffee chats in Crowsnest Pass. A social media campaign The local vote of the electors (similar to a referendum) was called on Sept. 10, 2024. Three days later, a pro-fossil fuel advertising company called Debunk Inc. launched 22 Facebook and Instagram ads promoting coal, according to an analysis of Meta's Ad Library by Canada's National Observer. The ads link to a webpage for a "#coaltruth" campaign, which helps visitors send a letter supporting the province's coal industry to Alberta Premier Danielle Smith, alongside her energy and environment ministers. The organization's website claims it "sets the record straight about Canadian energy" by "uncover[ing] the facts, challeng[ing] misinformation, and showcas[ing] the critical role energy plays in our lives." Debunk Inc. isn't new, with the website noting the company was founded in 2017. However, this was the first time Debunk Inc. has ever mentioned coal in a positive light. Since 2020, the page has depicted coal as dirty to bolster the green credentials of natural gas, including posting an image of the cartoon character Charlie Brown, holding a soot-covered bag with the caption 'BC Coal Exports.' Debunk Inc. has spent at least $11,200 on ads mentioning 'coal' since September 2024. The ads targeted Alberta as a whole but were seen locally in Crowsnest Pass: 10 of them were reposted by the local Crowsnest page, We Are a Coal Town. A 2024 investigation by journalist Brett McKay exposed the group's hidden connections to Energy United, an arm of the oil and gas lobbying organization Maple Leaf Institute. While Facebook's Ad Library shows that Debunk Inc. paid for these advertisements, the social media company doesn't require advertisers like Debunk Inc. to disclose their clients, obscuring which coal-backed interests financed this advocacy. In our written questions, we asked Northback directly if they had provided funds for Debunk Inc.'s coal campaign. They did not take the opportunity to confirm or deny it. It wouldn't be the first time Debunk Inc. has received fossil fuel industry funding — Canada's National Observer has uncovered evidence that the organization has received money from oil and gas company Westbrick Energy Ltd., which was purchased by international gas developer Vermilion Energy Inc. in February. Westbrick's community grants page lists Debunk Inc. as a recipient, alongside pro-oil advocacy group Canada Action. Further investigation reveals that these business relationships intersect with family connections in Alberta's oil and gas industry. Records suggest that Debunk Inc. co-founder Anastasia Columbos is the daughter of Michael A. Columbos, a prominent oil and gas executive who founded Encal Energy Ltd. and served as chairman of West Energy Ltd. until 2010. Campaign disclosure records show donations from Michael, Elizabeth, and Anastasia Columbos to the 2017 Calgary city council campaign of Alexander Columbos, while an obituary for Eugenia Columbos identifies her son as Michael, married to Elizabeth, with grandchildren named Anastasia and Alexander. Canada's National Observer sent Debunk Inc. a detailed list of questions on May 29, 2025, asking about its "#coaltruth" campaign, whether it has any links to Northback Holdings Corp., Anastasia Columbos's potential filial ties to Michael Columbos, and how the group ensures its fact-checking is accurate in light of its close ties to the fossil fuel industry. The company did not respond by deadline. For now, a pause has hit Alberta's coal wars. Northback received its exploration permit, but hasn't revealed when it plans to begin operations. At the end of May, shortly after receiving our written questions, Debunk Inc. dropped all of its Facebook and Instagram ads boosting Alberta coal, and the "#coaltruth" website was glitching when Canada's National Observer visited it Thursday. In the Crowsnest Pass, Thomas said tensions linger between those who support Northback's proposal and the company's opponents. And there remains a province-wide wariness in anticipation of Smith and the coal industry's next moves, said Legault. Many Albertans are thinking, "I thought we won, and this project was defeated," he said. "The fact that we're back here again is like an old proverb in the environmental movement: developers only need to win once. Conservationists must always win."
National Observer
6 days ago
- Climate
- National Observer
Cold days are coming too late, cutting off northerners
A worker uses heavy equipment to clear the Wetum winter road across the Moose River outside Moose Factory First Nation near the James Bay Coast in Northern Ontario. The road, which crosses the frozen Moose River, is a vital link south for the first nation, allowing citizens access to Timmins and the rest of the Ontario highway system. Jesse Winter/ Canada's National Observer You did it. Thank you to the CNO community for supporting The Climate Solutions Reporting Project goal of raising $150,000. Goal: $150k $153k Listen to article Stan Kapashesit grew up in the 1980s on the James Bay coast, and when he was a kid, travelling to see family and friends during Christmas was a given. He'd cross the Moose River over an ice road with his parents, making his way to Moosonee. Looking back, he remembers the road always being ready by early December. This year, that same road didn't open until the very end of December — and even then, it was open only to light loads, not the big trucks that bring supplies to town. After that, the temperatures spiked again, and it could only be crossed by snowmobile for about a week. The road going further south — which connects Moosonee to the provincial highway system and first opened about a decade ago — didn't open until Christmas. It didn't open for New Year's. It didn't open until a month later, the morning of January 29. 'It was open earlier, longer. It was just more accessible. Growing up here, living here, [I'm] just seeing the season get shorter and shorter,' said Kapashesit, while driving over the Moose River, a dusting of white snow trailing his black truck tires. It's a phenomenon First Nations in northern Ontario have long observed. Multiple people interviewed by Canada's National Observer along the James Bay coast in March offered the same observation, which is supported by scientific studies, including an alarming report by the Canadian Climate Institute that found that half of Canada's winter roads will be unusable in 30 years. The roads that connect Moose Cree First Nation to the outside make up a portion of the weaving network of temporary ice roads connecting communities in Ontario to paved, permanent highways. Built up each year over frozen rivers, streams and muskeg, ice roads are vital throughways — food, medicine, fuel and people are all moved along them at a fraction of the price of flying, but their seasons are being squeezed due to rising temperatures caused by climate change. Kapashesit, who is associate executive director of Moose Cree First Nation, says they're exploring the viability of building an all-season road, as is Fort Albany First Nation about 200 km north. Anyone living on the James Bay Coast will tell you: the ice road season has been steadily shrinking over recent decades. In part three of our series on ice roads in the region, we look at the climate context behind the future of ice roads in Ontario. The cost of maintaining the road is inseparable from the pressures of climate change in northern Ontario, and both are mounting in tandem. The federal and provincial governments chip in money to construct and maintain winter roads in the province, but the First Nations who manage them are on the hook for remaining costs. Funding has not caught up to inflation rates. Winter roads are invaluable to the First Nations they connect because they make goods cheaper, but those savings dwindle as the road season shrinks. In Neskantaga First Nation, an isolated community in the middle of the province, its winter road opened a full month earlier between 2008 and 2018: on Dec. 22 compared to Jan. 22. This year, according to updates posted on Facebook, it opened around the same day, on Jan. 19. And while open and closing dates paint a telling picture of the winter road season, another revealing metric is the reduction in very cold days, specifically those -30 degrees Celsius or colder. Frigid conditions are necessary for constructing a road that can bear thousands of pounds, explains Sudbury-based geologist David Pearson — they cause the ice to thicken quickly, and make it safe for road builders to get out on the surface of the road. Canada's National Observer analyzed federal data from five weather stations in Ontario, four of which are in isolated communities that rely on winter roads, and found that there has been a significant reduction in -30 degrees Celsius days in communities that need them to build winter roads. Meanwhile, a slew of climate change-related shifts are making the ice road system untenable, notes a 2023 report by Nishnawbe Aski Nation (NAN). Not only are warmer days forcing ice road opening dates to be later, but more snow and rain earlier in the winter 'increases water levels and water movement speeds, resulting in slower freeze times of water crossings,' making maintaining the roads more challenging. There isn't one way to define a winter road season as viable, explained Canadian Climate Institute report co-author Ryan Ness. 'It's generally assumed that a winter road is impassable in a particular month if the monthly average temperature is greater than -5 C,' said Ness, who explained that increased temperatures will continue to ratchet up in coming decades, making those months more common. Once there are only a few weeks cold enough to host the road, 'it's not cost-effective anymore to build them for the season,' he said. 'The discussion around an all-season road becomes ... is it more feasible to invest a million dollars every year to build the road that's gonna be open all year round, as opposed to just two months — at most,' said Kapashesit. How many back-to-back, extreme cold days occur in future (what climate scientists refer to as Freezing Degree Days, or FDDs) depends on the amount of planet-warming greenhouse gas emissions put into the atmosphere. A study by Climate Data mapped the number of FDDs under a high-emissions scenario. In Moose Cree First Nation, the accumulation of FDDs needed to construct an ice road is expected to arrive much later in the coming decades: by the 2070s, on average, there will be enough FDDs to build an ice road by mid-January, representing a 27-day push forward from the 1980s. A study from York University came to a similar conclusion. It notes the lifespan of one-metre-thick ice required by transport trucks will become much shorter under all warming scenarios. 'For these trucks, our research shows that the number of days of safe ice will decline by 90 per cent with an increase of 1.5 C of global warming,' writes lead author Reader R. Iestyn Woolway. That becomes a 95 per cent decline if the planet warms by 2 C — and a 99 per cent decline with a 3 C global temperature hike. The shrinking season of the Wetum Road and others like it will only continue to dwindle, Pearson said. Ice roads are constructed and authorities gradually let heavier vehicles onto them as the road gets thicker, so the most revealing metric is when the roads open to full loads and can handle deliveries of goods. This year on Feb. 21 — which is supposed to be in the thick of the winter road season — just seven of 33 stretches of winter roads in Ontario were open to full loads, according to an update from Indigenous Services Canada. Using the precautionary principle — a scientific approach that says decisions should be based on the most severe scenario, even if there is uncertainty, due to potential harm — is essential when considering the future of ice roads, Pearson said. 'Using the 90th percentile means that there is no long-term future for winter roads in the North. The future is limited to, I think, sometime in the 2040s — max,' he said. This is story three in a series Canada's National Observer is producing on ice roads in Northern Ontario – in collaboration with I-SEA and The Donner Canadian Foundation. June 2nd 2025 Cloe Logan Journalist @ Keep reading As ice road melts, a First Nation eyes solid ground By Cloe Logan News April 14th 2025 Driving the ice road: a journey along a community's disappearing lifeline By Cloe Logan News April 5th 2025 Wood pulp, steel cables: Scientists study how to make ice roads last longer By Bob Weber News Politics October 15th 2019 Share this article Share on Bluesky Share on LinkedIn Comments
Hamilton Spectator
29-05-2025
- Business
- Hamilton Spectator
Three high-profile development projects that would immediately benefit from Ford's controversial Bill 5
Pressure is mounting on the Ford government to withdraw its controversial Bill 5, as First Nations, environmental advocates, legal experts and opposition parties warn it threatens biodiversity, weakens environmental oversight and undermines Indigenous consultation. Premier Doug Ford says the act is needed to protect Ontario's economy from US tariffs, but critics argue the government is using trade threats as a pretext to push through legislation that would grant it sweeping, unchecked powers to fast-track development and mining projects with little scrutiny. At the heart of the bill is a provision that allows the provincial cabinet to create 'special economic zones,' where selected projects and developers — labelled 'trusted proponents' — could be exempt from normal permitting, environmental regulations and planning laws. The criteria for these exemptions are vague. Now under committee review and likely to pass in the coming months, the bill's impact could be felt quickly. From northern mining operations to landfills and Toronto waterfront mega-projects, several high-profile developments are already flagged in the legislation — offering a glimpse of what's to come. Under Bill 5's special economic zones framework, the proposed legislation would remove environmental assessment requirements for a controversial landfill project in Dresden, a community of 2,401 people in Chatham-Kent, southwestern Ontario. York1 Environmental Waste Solutions plans to resume and expand waste operations just two kilometres from town, with the site potentially receiving up to 6,000 tonnes of waste per day — much of it from the Greater Toronto Area. Earlier this year, the ministry of the environment, conservation and parks confirmed to Canada's National Observer that it responded to local concerns by requiring a comprehensive environmental assessment. But under Bill 5, that requirement would be revoked. The Chatham-Kent council has formally opposed the project and called on the province to reject it. Residents have formed a group to fight back, citing risks to groundwater, air quality, species at risk, property values and public health. The proposed 25-hectare landfill and recycling facility would be located on a site previously used for incinerator ash disposal over four decades ago. The Ford government justifies the decision as a response to the threat of US tariffs, noting that roughly 40 per cent of waste generated by Ontario businesses is currently sent to landfills in the United States. Peter Tabuns, the NDP's environment critic, says Bill 5 is nothing short of a power grab, and points to Dresden as a prime example of what could happen across the province. 'This bill will be used to advance the interests of well-connected developers and donors at the expense of public health, environmental protections and Indigenous rights,' he said. 'The landfill in Dresden is a good example of what we can expect — removing assessment requirements to push projects through.' Tabuns dismissed the Ford government's claim that the bill is necessary to respond to US tariffs, suggesting the government is using trade threats from US President Donald Trump as a cover to push through changes it otherwise couldn't justify. 'You've heard the saying: 'Never waste a crisis.' That's exactly what's happening here.' Under Bill 5, the Ford government would be exempt from providing public notice of any changes to the controversial Ontario Place redevelopment project . The redevelopment — driven by a long-term lease deal with Austrian resort developer Therme — has faced public opposition over the loss of green space, lack of consultation and the secrecy surrounding the deal. The plan includes a massive private spa complex on Toronto's West Island, replacing what is now a well-used public park and picnic area. Ontario's Auditor General is currently conducting value-for-money audits of both the Ontario Place redevelopment and the government's decision to relocate the Ontario Science Centre to the same waterfront site. Critics say it's another example of the Ford government using 'special economic zone' status to bypass transparency and avoid public notice requirements. Ken Greenberg, an urban designer and member of Ontario Place for All, calls the deal a 'disaster' that has already led to the removal of over 800 mature trees and the privatization of a beloved public space. 'We've gone from backroom lease deals to now exempting everything from public oversight,' Greenberg said. 'There is no environmental logic — just a government determined to bypass the rules.' He sees a clear pattern in the government's approach: push controversial projects through by cutting out environmental assessments and labelling them as economic priorities. 'The whole point of these exemptions is to avoid accountability,' Greenberg said. 'It's the same tactic we saw with the Greenbelt land swaps — quiet deals, rushed timelines and total disregard for the public interest.' Under the bill, Ontario would cancel a 2011 environmental assessment agreement for mining company Wyloo's proposed underground nickel mine in the Ring of Fire, arguing the project scope has changed. The agreement — originally signed in 2011 by Noront Resources (now Wyloo) — was voluntary, as mining projects are not automatically subject to Ontario's Environmental Assessment Act. It required the company to undergo a full environmental review process. Amended terms of reference were approved in 2015 after input from Indigenous communities and provincial agencies. The province now argues the scope of the project has changed significantly, making the original agreement and terms of reference outdated. Bill 5 would formally revoke the agreement, terminate the terms of reference, and exempt the project from a comprehensive assessment under the proposed bill. Connie O'Connor, director of the Northern Boreal Program at Wildlife Conservation Society Canada, says the bill would strip away environmental and planning safeguards, concentrating power with the minister while failing to address core challenges in Northern Ontario's mining sector. She notes Ontario's free-entry mining system already lacks meaningful consultation, especially with Indigenous communities, and allows claims without notifying landowners. Instead of fixing these gaps, she argues Bill 5 replaces oversight with unchecked discretion — likely increasing public opposition and legal delays.
