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Chinese PLA soldiers make first-ever appearance at Vietnam's fall of Saigon parade
Chinese PLA soldiers make first-ever appearance at Vietnam's fall of Saigon parade

South China Morning Post

time01-05-2025

  • Politics
  • South China Morning Post

Chinese PLA soldiers make first-ever appearance at Vietnam's fall of Saigon parade

Soldiers from China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) on Wednesday made their first ever appearance at Vietnam 's 50th anniversary celebration of the fall of Saigon, marching in its biggest ever annual parade to mark the event. Advertisement Vietnam's defence ministry invited a PLA honour guard to join the military parade in Ho Chi Minh City, a display that marked the end of the civil war 50 years ago, which saw the ruling party defeat the regime that controlled southern Vietnam. The celebration came as both sides confront steep trade pressures from US-imposed tariffs, with Vietnam and China facing some of the highest tariffs imposed. Chinese state media described the PLA's appearance as symbolic of a 'brotherhood' between Hanoi and Beijing. The event commemorated the seizure of Saigon on April 30, 1975, and is celebrated as National Reunification Day in Vietnam. It marked the end of the decades-long Vietnam war, in which the communist North, backed by China and the Soviet Union, defeated the US-backed South Vietnamese regime. While the anniversary is framed domestically as a celebration of unity, it is also a moment of ideological reaffirmation. The anti-imperialist tone of the event reflected enduring war memories and the continued influence of Cold War-era alliances in Vietnam's political messaging. Vietnamese Communist Party General Secretary To Lam described the day as 'one of the most glorious milestones in our history', saying the 1975 victory brought 'an end to over a century of domination by old and new colonialism' and opened a new era of 'national independence and socialism'. A Chinese PLA honour guard marches in a parade to mark the 50th anniversary of the fall of Saigon. Photo: Xinhua Speaking at Wednesday's ceremony, Lam criticised US intervention and war of aggression in Vietnam, saying the 'American imperialists sought to replace the French colonisers, divide our country, and turn the South into a neo-colony and a frontline post against communism'.

‘Bombs and bullets were like rain': 50 years on from the fall of Saigon and the end of the Vietnam war
‘Bombs and bullets were like rain': 50 years on from the fall of Saigon and the end of the Vietnam war

The Guardian

time29-04-2025

  • Politics
  • The Guardian

‘Bombs and bullets were like rain': 50 years on from the fall of Saigon and the end of the Vietnam war

The day that Saigon fell, Xuan Phuong, a war correspondent, could only hear shouting and commotion. It was 30 April 1975, and helicopters were frantically lifting personnel and civilians from the US embassy. Phuong, who had travelled down from the north, was initially held back by troops who said fighting was still continuing. When she was finally able to reach the centre of the city the following day, 1 May, she found chaos. Clothes and luggage were scattered and discarded along the streets. Buildings were being looted. It felt like a dream, Phuong, now 96, said. She stood inside the Presidential Palace on 2 May, watching as the president of South Vietnam, ​​Duong Van Minh, surrendered. 'He left through the palace's back door, because at the front there were all the tanks [of the North Vietnamese],' said Phuong. North Vietnam was victorious and the country was to be reunified after a decades-long war that had killed as many as 2 million Vietnamese civilians. For the US, which lost 58,000 servicemen, the episode was one of its most humiliating in history. On Wednesday, Vietnam will celebrate the 50th anniversary of 30 April, known officially as the Liberation of the South and National Reunification Day, with huge parades planned in what is now Ho Chi Minh City, after the revolutionary leader. In the run-up to celebrations, streets and alleys have been lined with the red flag and the gold stars of the nation, and fighter jets have roared through the skies above, rehearsing formations. The Trump administration has told its senior diplomats in Vietnam not to participate in anniversary events, according to a report in the New York Times – a decision that has dismayed veterans who have dedicated their lives to reconciliation. Relations between the US and Vietnam have shifted vastly since the war, from former foes to close economic partners – though some fear the decades of progress is being put at risk. This month, an US announcement of a punishing 46% tariff against Vietnam, which would devastate the country's economic growth targets, left leaders in Hanoi staggered. Months earlier, drastic cuts to foreign assistance were unveiled. Many fear this could jeopardise projects that assist the victims of Agent Orange, which has left 3 million people, many of them children, with continued serious health problems, or the work of teams that are cleaning up huge amounts unexploded ordnance left behind. Although North Vietnam won the war, the entire country was left traumatised by the years of conflict, said Prof Dr Pham Hong Tung. '[People] lost their relatives. They were wounded … They had some very terrible memories,' he added. Vietnam faced conflict with Cambodia and China. Its economy was left in tatters, worsened by the Communist party's limits on private enterprise and severe US economic sanctions, including a trade embargo. Reforms initiated in 1986 transformed the country into a market-oriented economy, ushering in a period of rapid economic growth, though it remains a communist one-party state, and frequently jails dissidents. Over the past 50 years, Ho Chi Minh City, has transformed into a city of skyscrapers as well as becoming a crucial manufacturing hub. Its streets are crammed tightly with motorbikes and its restaurants and markets increasingly drawing international tourists. Phuong, who now lives in the centre of the city, was born in 1929 into an aristocratic family in Hue, in South Vietnam. She left her home aged 16 to join the struggle against French rule, swapping a life of plenty to one where she slept in the jungle. She worked making explosives, in an overrun hospital and for the ministry of foreign affairs before becoming a journalist. She did not see her family throughout the war. By the time she entered Saigon in 1975, she found that her mother and siblings had already fled. 'I had been away from my family for so long,' she said. 'I was very disappointed. Even my hair turned white. I was distraught.' Her family were among the more than 1.5 million people who fled, fearing persecution and incarceration in 're-education' camps under the new Communist leaders. Between 200,000 and 400,000 died as they made their journey, according to the UN. On the walls of Phuong's apartment there are Vietnamese paintings, Buddhist sculptures and black and white photographs taken during the war. An image shows Jane Fonda, who visited Hanoi in 1972, in a white shirt, a camera hanging from her neck. Vietnam, one of America's most divisive conflicts, and the focus of protest songs, attracted various high-profile visitors, whom Phuong was often assigned to assist while working at the ministry. On one occasion, she was tasked with finding a tailor to make Vietnamese clothing for Fonda, who had arrived in short clothes unsuitable for a war zone, she recalled. Phuong began working with foreign journalists and travelled to the centre of the country, where the heaviest fighting was taking place. 'Bombs and bullets were like rain,' she says. At night, her team sheltered in a vast network of tunnels. 'For people who have lived only over ground, you cannot imagine it. But at that time there was no choice,' she said. Today the same tunnels, which stretch for 2,000km and, in parts, are more than 20 metres deep, have been reinforced and transformed into tourist attractions. Visitors, armed with flashlights on their phones, clamber down into the network of narrow pathways. The surrounding Quang Tri Province remains the area worst affected by landmines and unexploded ordnance. There have been 8,600 casualties since 1975, said Hien Xuan Ngo, of Project Renew, which conducts clearance work, assists victims and educates the community. 'In certain areas … local people, because of economic pressure, sometimes they defy the risks,' he added. US funding has been critical to clearance efforts. Project Renew's work was temporarily paused when Trump froze foreign assistance, though it has since been given an exemption. Vietnam and the US had grown closer under Joe Biden, upgrading their relationship. Now, Hanoi now faces an increasingly delicate balancing act between Washington and Beijing, underlined by the looming imposition of a 46% tariff. The US accuses Vietnam of allowing Chinese companies to use its territory as a conduit to avoid tariffs that were imposed on China during the last Trump administration. The country's economy is closely intertwined with both countries. Vietnam has always sought to avoid taking a side in the China-US rivalry. 'The pressure from China [was] a motivation for Vietnamese people to normalise the relationship with America and the west and south Asian countries,' said Prof Dr Pham Hong Tung, the director of the Institute of Vietnamese Studies and Development Sciences. 'The Vietnamese people are very practical,' he added, though the past is not forgotten. Has Phuong forgiven the US? There are others, worse affected than her, who deserve an apology. 'For those who want to ask about forgiveness, go and visit the cemetery. There are a lot of the cemeteries in Vietnam filled with graves of people who died during the war. Many were only 17, not more than 20 years old,' she said. Phuong was eventually able to meet her mother in Paris, in 1989. Her mother barely recognised her on the day they were reunited at the airport. 'My mother's first reaction was to step back and look at me. In my 80-year-old mother's mind she still thought of me as 16 years old,' she said. 'My mom hugged me and we cried. No one around us understood why,' she said. Her mother never returned to Vietnam. As the 30 April approached Phuong's friends visited the graves of those who died, and offered prayers. She will watch the parades, but from home, she said, and will spend time with friends 'to talk about our memories, to read poems, and cheer one another – it has been a long life'.

50 years after the fall of Saigon, Vietnam tweaks the story of its victory
50 years after the fall of Saigon, Vietnam tweaks the story of its victory

Miami Herald

time28-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Miami Herald

50 years after the fall of Saigon, Vietnam tweaks the story of its victory

Military officers stoop to inspect slim green cannons along the Saigon River. Construction equipment whines as workers erect towering bleachers in a downtown park. Fighter jets and helicopters roar above the city in practice drills. For weeks, Vietnam has been preparing this city for the anniversary of a defining moment in the nation's history: On April 30, 1975, North Vietnamese forces stormed the Presidential Palace in Saigon, the governing seat of the Republic of Vietnam, just days after U.S. troops had withdrawn. The victory of the communist regime over the U.S. allied armies in the south effectively ended a costly, three decades-long conflict and unified the country. Fifty years later, Vietnam is celebrating April 30 like never before. But amid the fanfare of parades, fireworks and air shows, a long-standing debate over what to call the holiday continues, a subtle acknowledgment of the lingering scars of a contentious war. The official designation is "The Liberation of the South and National Reunification Day," but it's known by many other names. Vietnamese who are aligned with the ruling communist party here often refer to it as Liberation Day or Victory Day, while those who resettled in the U.S. still use terms such as Black April or National Day of Resentment. Many Vietnamese in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City - as Saigon is known today - say they simply refer to it as April 30. In the run-up to the 50th anniversary under General Secretary To Lam, who assumed party leadership in August, academics say that state media and government have embraced the shorthand "Reunification Day." "It has been a divisive issue for Vietnamese within Vietnam, and also between the government of Vietnam and the diaspora," said Tuong Vu, a professor of political science at the University of Oregon and founding director of its U.S.-Vietnam Research Center. "But this year, they have talked a bit more about national reconciliation and unification." Throughout history, different names have often been given to the same wars and holidays, depending on who is framing the conflict. Here the Vietnam War is referred to as the American War, or the Resistance War Against America. The American Civil War was sometimes referred in the South as the War Between the States, and, later, the War of Northern Aggression. The 1973 Arab-Israeli War is also known as the Yom Kippur War and the October War, among other names. Academics suggest that, for Vietnam, using the more neutral name of Reunification Day could help bridge a gap with the generations of Vietnamese who grew up abroad. "It does show an effort to reach out to the other side, and that's what many people have been advising the government," Vu said. "If you want to take advantage of the strength of the diaspora, then you have to tone down your rhetoric." In February, secretary of the Ho Chi Minh City Party Committee Nguyen Van Nen said the holiday should be considered a day of peace. "It must be affirmed that it was a war of national defense, not about winning or losing. On the day peace came, there were mixed emotions - some felt joy; others sorrow. But after 50 years, personal sorrow needs to merge with the joy of the nation," he said, according to Vietnamese media. Vietnam's determination to navigate a changing geopolitical landscape - with a flexible approach known as "bamboo diplomacy" - has also influenced the language its leaders use to describe the past. For example, Vu said official statements now have fewer references to a "puppet government" in what was formerly South Vietnam, a term used to delegitimize its former adversary and denounce America's involvement in the war. He added this shift was probably made in the hope of improving cooperation with the U.S. and to strengthen Vietnam's territorial claims to several islands in the South China Sea. The country has benefited from maintaining strong bilateral ties to both China and the U.S., its two largest trading partners, even as the rivalry between the two superpowers has intensified. "They just kind of worked to build relationships with everybody and become a bigger player because of their economic development," said Scot Marciel, a former ambassador based in Vietnam when it resumed diplomatic relations with the U.S. in 1995. "The business community has tended to view Vietnam as really a rising star in the region. It's been a very steady, very pragmatic approach." The Trump administration may be taking action that could dim that star. Earlier this month, President Trump proposed a 46% tariff on U.S. imports from Vietnam, which could stall the country's manufacturing and economic growth. Various news outlets have reported that Trump has also told senior diplomats in Vietnam not to attend the April 30 festivities. Vietnam also invited military personnel from China, Cambodia and Laos to participate in its holiday parade. "Vietnam prioritizes its relationship with regional and ideological allies as much as this strategic partnership with the U.S.," said An Nguyen, a historian and lecturer at the University of Maine. "Maintaining that balance, I think, is becoming much harder in today's context. Hai Nguyen Hong, a senior lecturer of politics and international relations at Vin University in Hanoi, said he's noticed the use of terms such as Liberation Day and Anti-American War has decreased over the past three-plus years. That shift, he said, can go a long way in changing perceptions in Vietnam and promoting national harmony. "The day itself is a historical day. You can't change it," Hong said. "What you can change, and what you can see and observe change, is the mood and the attitude of the Vietnamese people." Vietnamese media and online discourse are tightly controlled, and there are no national surveys that include uncensored opinions about the government. But ahead of the high-profile commemoration on Wednesday, reactions to the celebration on the streets of Ho Chi Minh City ranged from enthusiasm to ambivalence. Tran Thi Loan Anh, a 27-year-old tax adviser, said that she and her friends plan to camp out downtown at 3 a.m. the day of the parade, in order to secure a front-row view. "I've been impressed by how the government has organized events that foster patriotism and national pride," she said. "I'm especially struck by how music is used - traditional songs about the nation performed in such powerful, stirring ways." Pham Phu Quy, a driver and deliveryman, was a teenager in Saigon in 1975, with a father who worked for the South Vietnamese government, and a mother who worked for the northern army. Today, the 69-year-old said, Vietnam provides a freedom that differs from his childhood experiences. During the war, soldiers and checkpoints kept him from traveling. Now he rides his motorbike all around the country, taking selfies and photos along the way. "I don't know what the future holds, but this is a good enough life for me. Of course, debates between the two sides still continue to this day," he said. "I just feel that if the country hadn't been reunified - if the war had continued - everything would still be incredibly difficult." Pham Thao Anh, 75, is used to spending the national holiday in the capital of Hanoi where she grew up. But this year, she plans to fly to Ho Chi Minh City to celebrate. "I remember that some of the soldiers that drove the tank into the Independence Palace that day were from my hometown," the retired hospital worker said. "So this day has very special meaning to me." Nguyen Thuy Vy, a 32-year-old translator, said her generation generally has less attachment to the April 30 anniversary than other holidays such as Valentine's Day, Christmas or Lunar New Year. "Young people I think nowadays are busy with work, and they don't care about this traditional holiday," she said. But Le Anh Dung, a 23-year-old graphic designer in Hanoi, grew up hearing stories about the war from his grandfather, a former military officer who was working in North Vietnam's artillery unit the day Saigon fell. Reading about the wars in Ukraine and Gaza have made him more appreciative of peace at home, he said, adding, "I feel so lucky that I don't have to endure the smell of gunpowder or crawl into a bunker once in a while, like previous generations did." His grandfather, Nguyen Van Them, 73, said watching the celebrations on television helped his grandchildren understand what previous generations sacrificed for them. He believes that tweaking the holiday's name makes it more meaningful. "'Liberation of the South' is not quite right, because it only mentions one half. But the other half also looks forward to the country's liberation, unity, harmony and oneness," Nguyen said. _____ Copyright (C) 2025, Tribune Content Agency, LLC. Portions copyrighted by the respective providers.

Fifty years after the fall of Saigon, Vietnam tweaks the story of its victory
Fifty years after the fall of Saigon, Vietnam tweaks the story of its victory

Miami Herald

time28-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Miami Herald

Fifty years after the fall of Saigon, Vietnam tweaks the story of its victory

Military officers stoop to inspect slim green cannons along the Saigon River. Construction equipment whines as workers erect towering bleachers in a downtown park. Fighter jets and helicopters roar above the city in practice drills. For weeks, Vietnam has been preparing this city for the anniversary of a defining moment in the nation's history: On April 30, 1975, North Vietnamese forces stormed the Presidential Palace in Saigon, the governing seat of the Republic of Vietnam. The victory of the communist regime over the U.S. allied armies in the south in effect ended a costly, three-decade conflict and unified the country. Fifty years later, Vietnam is celebrating April 30 like never before. But amid the fanfare of parades, fireworks and airshows, a long-standing debate over what to call the holiday continues, a subtle acknowledgment of the lingering scars of a contentious war. The official designation is "The Liberation of the South and National Reunification Day," but it's known by many other names. Vietnamese who are aligned with the ruling communist party here often refer to it as Liberation Day or Victory Day, while those who resettled in the U.S. still use terms such as Black April or National Day of Resentment. Many Vietnamese in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City - as Saigon is known today - say they simply refer to it as April 30. In the run-up to the 50th anniversary under General Secretary To Lam, who assumed party leadership in August, academics say that state media and government have embraced the shorthand "Reunification Day." "It has been a divisive issue for Vietnamese within Vietnam, and also between the government of Vietnam and the diaspora," said Tuong Vu, a professor of political science at the University of Oregon and founding director of its U.S.-Vietnam Research Center. "But this year, they have talked a bit more about national reconciliation and unification." Throughout history, different names have often been given to the same wars and holidays, depending on who is framing the conflict. Here the Vietnam War is referred to as the American War, or the Resistance War Against America. The American Civil War was sometimes referred in the South as the War Between the States, and, later, the War of Northern Aggression. The 1973 Arab-Israeli War is also known as the Yom Kippur War and the October War, among other names. Academics suggest that, for Vietnam, using the more neutral name of Reunification Day could help bridge a gap with the generations of Vietnamese who grew up abroad. "It does show an effort to reach out to the other side, and that's what many people have been advising the government," Vu said. "If you want to take advantage of the strength of the diaspora, then you have to tone down your rhetoric." In February, secretary of the Ho Chi Minh City Party Committee Nguyen Van Nen said the holiday should be considered a day of peace. "It must be affirmed that it was a war of national defense, not about winning or losing. On the day peace came, there were mixed emotions - some felt joy; others sorrow. But after 50 years, personal sorrow needs to merge with the joy of the nation," he said, according to Vietnamese media. Vietnam's determination to navigate a changing geopolitical landscape - with a flexible approach known as "bamboo diplomacy" - has also influenced the language its leaders use to describe the past. For example, Vu said official statements now have fewer references to a "puppet government" in what was formerly South Vietnam, a term used to delegitimize its former adversary and denounce America's involvement in the war. He added this shift was probably made in the hope of improving cooperation with the U.S. and to strengthen Vietnam's territorial claims to several islands in the South China Sea. The country has benefited from maintaining strong bilateral ties to both China and the U.S., its two largest trading partners, even as the rivalry between the two superpowers has intensified. "They just kind of worked to build relationships with everybody and become a bigger player because of their economic development," said Scot Marciel, a former ambassador based in Vietnam when it resumed diplomatic relations with the U.S. in 1995. "The business community has tended to view Vietnam as really a rising star in the region. It's been a very steady, very pragmatic approach." The Trump administration may be taking action that could dim that star. Earlier this month, President Trump proposed a 46% tariff on U.S. imports from Vietnam, which could stall the country's manufacturing and economic growth. Various news outlets have reported that Trump has also told senior diplomats in Vietnam not to attend the April 30 festivities. Vietnam also invited military personnel from China, Cambodia and Laos to participate in its holiday parade. "Vietnam prioritizes its relationship with regional and ideological allies as much as this strategic partnership with the U.S.," said An Nguyen, a historian and lecturer at the University of Maine. "Maintaining that balance, I think, is becoming much harder in today's context. Hai Nguyen Hong, a senior lecturer of politics and international relations at Vin University in Hanoi, said he's noticed the use of terms such as Liberation Day and Anti-American War has decreased over the past three-plus years. That shift, he said, can go a long way in changing perceptions in Vietnam and promoting national harmony. "The day itself is a historical day. You can't change it," Hong said. "What you can change, and what you can see and observe change, is the mood and the attitude of the Vietnamese people." Vietnamese media and online discourse are tightly controlled, and there are no national surveys that include uncensored opinions about the government. But ahead of the high-profile commemoration on Wednesday, reactions to the celebration on the streets of Ho Chi Minh City ranged from enthusiasm to ambivalence. Tran Thi Loan Anh, a 27-year-old tax advisor, said that she and her friends plan to camp out downtown at 3 a.m. the day of the parade, in order to secure a front-row view. "I've been impressed by how the government has organized events that foster patriotism and national pride," she said. "I'm especially struck by how music is used - traditional songs about the nation performed in such powerful, stirring ways." Pham Phu Quy, a driver and deliveryman, was a teenager in Saigon in 1975, with a father who worked for the South Vietnamese government, and a mother who worked for the northern army. Today, the 69-year-old said, Vietnam provides a freedom that differs from his childhood experiences. During the war, soldiers and checkpoints kept him from traveling. Now he rides his motorbike all around the country, taking selfies and photos along the way. "I don't know what the future holds, but this is a good enough life for me. Of course, debates between the two sides still continue to this day," he said. "I just feel that if the country hadn't been reunified - if the war had continued - everything would still be incredibly difficult." Pham Thao Anh, 75, is used to spending the national holiday in the capital of Hanoi where she grew up. But this year, she plans to fly to Ho Chi Minh City to celebrate. "I remember that some of the soldiers that drove the tank into the Independence Palace that day were from my hometown," the retired hospital worker said. "So this day has very special meaning to me." Nguyen Thuy Vy, a 32-year-old translator, said her generation generally has less attachment to the April 30 anniversary than other holidays such as Valentine's Day, Christmas or Lunar New Year. "Young people I think nowadays are busy with work, and they don't care about this traditional holiday," she said. But Le Anh Dung, a 23-year-old graphic designer in Hanoi, grew up hearing stories about the war from his grandfather, a former military officer who was working in North Vietnam's artillery unit the day Saigon fell. Reading about the wars in Ukraine and Gaza have made him more appreciative of peace at home, he said, adding, "I feel so lucky that I don't have to endure the smell of gunpowder or crawl into a bunker once in a while, like previous generations did." His grandfather, Nguyen Van Them, 73, said watching the celebrations on television helped his grandchildren understand what previous generations sacrificed for them. He believes that tweaking the holiday's name makes it more meaningful. "'Liberation of the South' is not quite right, because it only mentions one half. But the other half also looks forward to the country's liberation, unity, harmony and oneness," he said. Copyright (C) 2025, Tribune Content Agency, LLC. Portions copyrighted by the respective providers.

50 years after the fall of Saigon, Vietnam tweaks the story of its victory
50 years after the fall of Saigon, Vietnam tweaks the story of its victory

Yahoo

time27-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

50 years after the fall of Saigon, Vietnam tweaks the story of its victory

Military officers stoop to inspect slim green cannons along the Saigon River. Construction equipment whines as workers erect towering bleachers in a downtown park. Fighter jets and helicopters roar above the city in practice drills. For weeks, Vietnam has been preparing this city for the anniversary of a defining moment in the nation's history: On April 30, 1975, North Vietnamese forces stormed the Presidential Palace in Saigon, the governing seat of the Republic of Vietnam, just days after U.S. troops had withdrawn. The victory of the communist regime over the U.S. allied armies in the south effectively ended a costly, three decades-long conflict and unified the country. Fifty years later, Vietnam is celebrating April 30 like never before. But amid the fanfare of parades, fireworks and airshows, a long-standing debate over what to call the holiday continues, a subtle acknowledgment of the lingering scars of a contentious war. The official designation is "The Liberation of the South and National Reunification Day," but it's known by many other names. Vietnamese who are aligned with the ruling communist party here often refer to it as Liberation Day or Victory Day, while those who resettled in the U.S. still use terms such as Black April or National Day of Resentment. Many Vietnamese in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City — as Saigon is known today — say they simply refer to it as April 30. In the run-up to the 50th anniversary under General Secretary To Lam, who assumed party leadership in August, academics say that state media and government have embraced the shorthand "Reunification Day." Read more: The first trade war with China was a boon for Vietnam — what about now? 'It has been a divisive issue for Vietnamese within Vietnam, and also between the government of Vietnam and the diaspora,' said Tuong Vu, a professor of political science at the University of Oregon and founding director of its U.S.-Vietnam Research Center. 'But this year, they have talked a bit more about national reconciliation and unification.' Throughout history, different names have often been given to the same wars and holidays, depending on who is framing the conflict. Here the Vietnam War is referred to as the American War, or the Resistance War Against America. The American Civil War was sometimes referred in the South as the War Between the States, and, later, the War of Northern Aggression. The 1973 Arab-Israeli War is also known as the Yom Kippur War and the October War, among other names. Academics suggest that, for Vietnam, using the more neutral name of Reunification Day could help bridge a gap with the generations of Vietnamese who grew up abroad. 'It does show an effort to reach out to the other side, and that's what many people have been advising the government,' Vu said. 'If you want to take advantage of the strength of the diaspora, then you have to tone down your rhetoric.' In February, secretary of the Ho Chi Minh City Party Committee Nguyen Van Nen said the holiday should be considered a day of peace. "It must be affirmed that it was a war of national defense, not about winning or losing. On the day peace came, there were mixed emotions — some felt joy; others sorrow. But after 50 years, personal sorrow needs to merge with the joy of the nation," he said, according to Vietnamese media. Read more: Trump's tariffs reshaped manufacturing in Asia. This time, the ramifications are even broader Vietnam's determination to navigate a changing geopolitical landscape — with a flexible approach known as "bamboo diplomacy" — has also influenced the language its leaders use to describe the past. For example, Vu said official statements now have fewer references to a 'puppet government' in what was formerly South Vietnam, a term used to delegitimize its former adversary and denounce America's involvement in the war. He added this shift was probably made in the hope of improving cooperation with the U.S. and to strengthen Vietnam's territorial claims to several islands in the South China Sea. The country has benefited from maintaining strong bilateral ties to both China and the U.S., its two largest trading partners, even as the rivalry between the two superpowers has intensified. 'They just kind of worked to build relationships with everybody and become a bigger player because of their economic development,' said Scot Marciel, a former ambassador based in Vietnam when it resumed diplomatic relations with the U.S. in 1995. 'The business community has tended to view Vietnam as really a rising star in the region. It's been a very steady, very pragmatic approach.' The Trump administration may be taking action that could dim that star. Earlier this month, President Trump proposed a 46% tariff on U.S. imports from Vietnam, which could stall the country's manufacturing and economic growth. Various news outlets have reported that Trump has also told senior diplomats in Vietnam not to attend the April 30 festivities. Vietnam also invited military personnel from China, Cambodia and Laos to participate in its holiday parade. "Vietnam prioritizes its relationship with regional and ideological allies as much as this strategic partnership with the U.S.," said An Nguyen, a historian and lecturer at the University of Maine. "Maintaining that balance, I think, is becoming much harder in today's context. Read more: Vietnamese groups furious over 'Jane Fonda Day' in L.A. County Hai Nguyen Hong, a senior lecturer of politics and international relations at Vin University in Hanoi, said he's noticed the use of terms such as Liberation Day and Anti-American War has decreased over the past three-plus years. That shift, he said, can go a long way in changing perceptions in Vietnam and promoting national harmony. 'The day itself is a historical day. You can't change it,' Hong said. 'What you can change, and what you can see and observe change, is the mood and the attitude of the Vietnamese people.' Vietnamese media and online discourse are tightly controlled, and there are no national surveys that include uncensored opinions about the government. But ahead of the high-profile commemoration on Wednesday, reactions to the celebration on the streets of Ho Chi Minh City ranged from enthusiasm to ambivalence. Tran Thi Loan Anh, a 27-year-old tax advisor, said that she and her friends plan to camp out downtown at 3 a.m. the day of the parade, in order to secure a front-row view. 'I've been impressed by how the government has organized events that foster patriotism and national pride," she said. 'I'm especially struck by how music is used — traditional songs about the nation performed in such powerful, stirring ways." Pham Phu Quy, a driver and deliveryman, was a teenager in Saigon in 1975, with a father who worked for the South Vietnamese government, and a mother who worked for the northern army. Today, the 69-year-old said, Vietnam provides a freedom that differs from his childhood experiences. During the war, soldiers and checkpoints kept him from traveling. Now he rides his motorbike all around the country, taking selfies and photos along the way. "I don't know what the future holds, but this is a good enough life for me. Of course, debates between the two sides still continue to this day," he said. "I just feel that if the country hadn't been reunified — if the war had continued — everything would still be incredibly difficult." Pham Thao Anh, 75, is used to spending the national holiday in the capital of Hanoi where she grew up. But this year, she plans to fly to Ho Chi Minh City to celebrate. 'I remember that some of the soldiers that drove the tank into the Independence Palace that day were from my hometown,' the retired hospital worker said. 'So this day has very special meaning to me.' Nguyen Thuy Vy, a 32-year-old translator, said her generation generally has less attachment to the April 30 anniversary than other holidays such as Valentine's Day, Christmas or Lunar New Year. 'Young people I think nowadays are busy with work, and they don't care about this traditional holiday,' she said. But Le Anh Dung, a 23-year-old graphic designer in Hanoi, grew up hearing stories about the war from his grandfather, a former military officer who was working in North Vietnam's artillery unit the day Saigon fell. Reading about the wars in Ukraine and Gaza have made him more appreciative of peace at home, he said, adding, 'I feel so lucky that I don't have to endure the smell of gunpowder or crawl into a bunker once in a while, like previous generations did." His grandfather, Nguyen Van Them, 73, said watching the celebrations on television helped his grandchildren understand what previous generations sacrificed for them. He believes that tweaking the holiday's name makes it more meaningful. ''Liberation of the South' is not quite right, because it only mentions one half. But the other half also looks forward to the country's liberation, unity, harmony and oneness,' Nguyen said. Sign up for Essential California for news, features and recommendations from the L.A. Times and beyond in your inbox six days a week. This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.

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