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News18
24-05-2025
- Politics
- News18
Pakistan Is Dragging Itself To End Of The Road With A Broken Security Architecture
Last Updated: From Balochistan to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan remains challenged by escalating internal insurgencies In 2021, the Pakistani government introduced its inaugural National Security Policy, asserting that 'the safety, security, dignity, and prosperity of citizens in all their manifestations will remain the ultimate purpose of Pakistan's national security (p. 6)". To many, this appeared to mark a shift—at least rhetorically—towards a more citizen-focused and comprehensive understanding of security, moving away from the historically military-centric framework. Yet, four years on, such declarations appear increasingly unfulfilled. From Balochistan to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan remains challenged by escalating internal insurgencies. The Baloch nationalist movement, in particular, has withstood decades of state repression and, in recent years, has expanded both in territorial scope and tactical capability. Concurrently, Pakistan's regional stance—especially its policy alignment with the Afghan Taliban and its enduring engagement with extremist proxies—has resulted in diplomatic isolation and increased domestic exposure to militant reprisals. Pakistan must confront a difficult truth: national security cannot be sustained on the basis of repression, strategic ambiguity, and denial. Instead, it must be re-envisioned to include justice, political reconciliation, and an honest reckoning with historical missteps. This transformation must commence with Balochistan. For decades, the Pakistani state has approached Baloch nationalism not as a legitimate political grievance requiring resolution, but as a security challenge to be forcefully suppressed. This approach has involved enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and aggressive military interventions. Consequently, a profound sense of alienation has taken root among Baloch communities, many of whom, having suffered state violence, now view the state more as a colonising force than a protective authority. It is therefore unsurprising that leading non-violent advocates for justice in the province, such as Mahrang Baloch, have personally experienced repression, with numerous family members subjected to enforced disappearances or extrajudicial killings. extended their activities beyond traditional rural strongholds, increasingly targeting economic infrastructure and security personnel across the province, and occasionally in major urban centres such as Karachi. In recent years, Baloch insurgents have repeatedly attacked Pakistani military facilities and China-backed development projects, resulting in the deaths of several Chinese nationals. This trajectory does not reflect a weakening movement; rather, it underscores the failure of the Pakistani state's militarised strategy. The Pakistan government continues to portray the insurgency as externally orchestrated, particularly by India. This narrative serves to conveniently sidestep the deeper, legitimate grievances of Baloch citizens, including political exclusion, resource extraction without local benefit, and a lack of essential public services. Notably, Balochistan—despite its substantial mineral wealth—remains among the most impoverished and underdeveloped regions in the country. It is this stark disjunction between the state's strategic priorities and the lived experiences of its people that lies at the core of Pakistan's faltering national security framework. Pakistan's prevailing security architecture has been predominantly shaped and directed by the military establishment. Its conventional orientation has remained India-centric, interpreting national security primarily through the limited perspective of external threats which do not exist in reality. This strategic outlook has fostered three deeply detrimental tendencies within the country's policymaking. First, it has resulted in the systematic securitisation of internal dissent. Movements advocating for ethnic rights, such as the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement, that calls for democratic reform, and even critical journalism are frequently perceived as threats to 'national unity." The state's response has often been coercive, ranging from censorship to outright violence—as recently witnessed during the Baloch Yakjehti Committee's protest march against extrajudicial killings and ongoing state-enforced disappearances in Balochistan. This approach has only exacerbated public distrust and further eroded the cohesion of the social fabric. Second, it has normalised the deployment of terrorists as tools of regional influence. From Kashmir to Afghanistan, Pakistan has supported terrorist and extremist groups that serve its strategic objectives. While this proxy strategy may have yielded short-term gains, it has come at a significant cost, as several of these groups have turned against the state itself—most notably the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), which has resurged in strength in recent years. Third, this strategy has contributed to Pakistan's diplomatic isolation. Its ongoing support for, or at least tolerance of, the Afghan Taliban has estranged key allies, including the United States and the wider international community. Repeated statements by US officials accusing Pakistan of exploiting its partnership with Washington for counterterrorism purposes while simultaneously shielding such groups underscore this duplicity. Moreover, Pakistan's failure to present a coherent counter-extremism policy has rendered it an unreliable actor in global counterterrorism initiatives. Thus, Pakistan's national security doctrine has, paradoxically, undermined its own security. For Pakistan to break free from this cyclical pattern, it requires more than a mere superficial adjustment to its national security policy. A profound transformation is necessary, starting with a shift in focus from safeguarding the interests of the military establishment to prioritising the welfare of its citizens. This entails prioritising political dialogue over military repression. Additionally, it must recognise that dissent is not an act of treason, that ethnic grievances do not constitute national threats, and that lasting peace is achieved through negotiation, not eradication. This also requires rejecting the militarised approach in favour of empowering civilian institutions to lead on internal security. The intelligence and military apparatus must not serve as both judge and executioner in matters of internal dissent. Pakistan's democracy has failed to survive under the strain of a constant state of emergency and dominant military control. Moreover, it is crucial to abandon the 'good Taliban, bad Taliban" policy, which has always been driven more by strategic considerations than by moral principles. The Taliban's resurgence in Afghanistan represents a model that Pakistan should avoid, as it has strengthened jihadist networks across the region. Pakistan must end its strategic ambivalence and decisively distance itself from all extremist groups. No state can achieve stability while harbouring forces fundamentally opposed to the very concept of the modern nation-state. Pakistan has options, but lacks the political will. The path to reform is very challenging. It will necessitate the military's relinquishment of control over internal policy decisions, as well as political leaders demonstrating the courage to confront uncomfortable truths. Additionally, it will require society as a whole to call for a new definition of security—one that is not merely the absence of conflict, but the presence of justice, opportunity, and dignity. For Pakistan, the stakes are immense. The choice is no longer between change and continuity, but between transformation and ongoing disintegration. The writer is an author and a columnist. His X handle is @ArunAnandLive. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. tags : Afghan Taliban Balochistan Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa pakistan Location : Islamabad, Pakistan First Published: May 24, 2025, 08:21 IST News opinion Global Watch | Pakistan Is Dragging Itself To End Of The Road With A Broken Security Architecture
The Print
23-05-2025
- Politics
- The Print
What's a National Security Strategy & why CDS Gen Chauhan feels India doesn't need one on paper
In his newly published book, 'Ready, Relevant and Resurgent: A Blueprint for the Transformation of India's Military', Gen. Chauhan writes that the absence of a document should not be mistaken for the absence of a strategy. The NSS is a comprehensive document that articulates a country's long-term vision, strategic objectives, threat perceptions and policy direction across all dimensions of national security, including military, internal, economic, cyber, energy and diplomatic domains. New Delhi: Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) General Anil Chauhan has dismissed calls for a written National Security Strategy (NSS), asserting that India already has the requisite structures in place to secure itself. 'Strategic analysts and political pundits often state that India does not have a NSS. That is incorrect and a myopic understanding of the issue. What we don't have is a written document called NSS, which is published periodically by Western nations,' the CDS states in the book, which was released Thursday by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh in New Delhi. Citing examples, he writes that Israel, 'the most threatened nation on earth', has never released a formal NSS, while Pakistan issued a National Security Policy in 2022 but continues to face economic crisis, political instability and civil-military discord. 'Pakistan had the written document but lacked organisational structures, processes and policies to secure itself,' he adds. Gen. Chauhan contends that the strategic coherence behind the abrogation of Article 370 and the bifurcation of Jammu and Kashmir into two Union Territories illustrates the presence of an existing national security framework. 'Such decisions would not have been possible without the elements, 'Policy, Processes and Organisational Structures' that constitute the National Security Strategy (NSS),' he writes. This is not the first time the CDS has questioned the utility of a written NSS. Last year as well, at a book launch in May, he had made similar remarks, stating that an NSS comprised 'policy, processes and practices', all of which India already had. 'The only thing missing is a written policy. I don't know why people insist on that,' he had said. The CDS had also argued that the absence of a written NSS had not prevented India from successfully executing strategic actions like the Balakot and Uri strikes, or the revocation of Jammu and Kashmir's special status. But just a few months later, in November, Gen. Chauhan appeared to reverse course. At an event titled 'Future Wars and the Indian Armed Forces' in New Delhi, he said a 'written (national security) document' was indeed being prepared. Also Read: India, Pakistan DGMOs agree to extend measures aimed at reducing border tensions Where does India stand While countries such as the US, China, and Russia routinely publish such documents, either in full or abridged form, India has never officially released one, despite recurring demands and several attempts. In 2021, former CDS Gen. Bipin Rawat had flagged the absence of a clearly articulated NSS as a significant shortcoming. Additionally, former Army Chief Gen. M.M. Naravane echoed this in 2022, warning that creating theatre commands without an overarching national security strategy would be ill-advised. The conversation around an NSS first gained traction in the aftermath of the 1999 Kargil War, when the Kargil Review Committee led by K. Subrahmanyam called for major structural reforms to India's national security architecture. This led to the establishment of the National Security Council (NSC), Strategic Policy Group (SPG), National Security Advisory Board (NSAB) and the National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS). In 2007, a draft NSS was prepared by the Integrated Defence Staff (IDS) and submitted to the National Security Adviser and the Prime Minister's Office. However, it did not receive approval from the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) and was never adopted. The government set up the Defence Planning Committee (DPC) under NSA Ajit Doval in 2018, comprising the three service chiefs, the defence secretary, the foreign secretary and the chief of the IDS. One of its core objectives was to formulate an NSS. Though the committee began consultations, no final document emerged. In 2019, former Northern Army Commander Lt Gen. D.S. Hooda (retd.) had submitted 'a comprehensive and exhaustive' strategy document on national security—informally known as the 'Hooda Document'—to Rahul Gandhi after the Congress party had roped in for a task force to prepare a vision paper for the country. More recently, in 2023 and 2024, the NSCS initiated inter-ministerial consultations to frame a comprehensive strategy. However, no public update or timeline has since been announced. (Edited by Tony Rai) Also Read: Rajnath calls for global supervision of Pakistan's nuclear arsenal. 'Insecurity,' says Islamabad
Time of India
22-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
India does not need a written National Security Strategy, structures are in place: CDS General Anil Chauhan
NEW DELHI: Dismissing the need for a written National Security Strategy, chief of defence staff General Anil Chauhan has said India has the requisite organisational structures, processes and policies in place to secure the nation. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now In his new book "Ready, Relevant and Resurgent: A Blueprint for the Transformation of India's Military", the CDS said strategic analysts and political pundits often state that India does not have a NSS. "That is incorrect and a myopic understanding of the issue. What we don't have is a written document called NSS, which is published periodically by Western nations," he said. Israel, the "most threatened nation on earth", does not have a written policy document or NSS. "On the contrary, Pakistan issued a written National Security Policy in 2022 and ran into economic problems, political instability, rift between the Armed Forces and the citizens and problems on its western borders," he added. Pakistan had the written document but lacked organisational structures, processes and policies to secure itself, the CDS said. In 2022, after retiring as Army chief, Gen M M Naravane had argued that India needed to have a NSS that lays down long-term national and geopolitical objectives in the face of myriad threats, stating it would be a folly to create theatre commands without a policy in place.
Time of India
22-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
CDS dismisses case for a written National Security Strategy
NEW DELHI: Dismissing the need for a written National Security Strategy (NSS), chief of defence staff General Anil Chauhan has said India has the requisite organisational structures, processes and policies in place to to secure the nation. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now In his new book 'Ready, Relevant and Resurgent: A Blueprint for the Transformation of India's Military', the CDS said strategic analysts and political pundits in India and abroad often state that India does not have a NSS. 'That is incorrect and a myopic understanding of the issue. What we don't have is a written document called NSS, which is published periodically by some Western nations,' he said. Israel, the 'most threatened nation on earth', does not have a written policy document or NSS. 'On the contrary, Pakistan issued a written National Security Policy in 2022 and soon ran into economic problems, political instability, rift between the Armed Forces and the citizens and problems on its western borders,' he said. Pakistan had the written document but lacked the organisational structures, processes and policies to secure itself, the CDS said. In 2022, soon after retiring as the Army chief, Gen M M Naravane had argued that India urgently needed to have a NSS that lays down long-term national and geopolitical objectives in the face of myriad threats, stating it would be a folly to create theatre commands without such a policy in place. 'Unless there is a NSS in place, just to keep talking of `theaterisation' is to actually put the cart before the horse,' Gen Naravane had said. A primary task before the CDS is the long-delayed creation of tri-Service unified theatre commands to ensure India gets an integrated war fighting machinery within budgetary constraints.
