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The Print
a day ago
- Politics
- The Print
Rahul eyes Congress gains in Bihar with 12-day ‘Vote Adhikar Yatra'
According to Congress general secretary (organisation) K.C. Venugopal, the yatra will begin from Sasaram, the headquarters of Rohtas district, on 17 August and conclude with a rally in Patna on 1 September. 'All leaders of the Mahagatbandhan (Opposition alliance) in Bihar including RJD leader Tejashwi Yadav will join,' Venugopal, who was in Sasaram Wednesday, said. This will be the party's first major grassroots mobilisation in Bihar in decades, where its political influence has steadily declined with the emergence of regional leaders like Lalu Prasad Yadav and Nitish Kumar—both products of the Mandal movement that reshaped the state's political landscape in the 1990s. New Delhi: The Congress party is set to launch a nearly two-week-long 'Vote Adhikar Yatra' in Bihar, led by Lok Sabha Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi, covering 50 assembly constituencies across 23 districts in a bid to mobilise public support ahead of the upcoming assembly elections. Congress leaders in the know said that the yatra was conceived as part of the party's plans to build a sustained campaign around Rahul's 'vote chori' allegations. 'Originally, the plan was to launch the yatra on 10 August. But it was postponed to 17 August after Rahul Gandhi's presentation on vote chori was put off for a few days due to JMM founder Shibu Soren's death,' a senior Congress leader told ThePrint. 'The plan was to strike the iron while it is hot.' Shashant Shekhar, a Congress leader from Patna, said, 'During my travels, I have found that the issue of deletions from the voter list resonates strongly with people. They fear such deletions could cast doubt on their citizenship and, in turn, hinder their access to welfare schemes. The Yatra will bring these concerns to the forefront.' It's not just Bihar. The Congress will organise rallies on the voter list issue in all state capitals and major cities between 22 August and 7 September. On 14 August, it will take out candlelight marches across all district headquarters at 8 pm. 'He will not be on foot along the entire route. It will be a hybrid yatra like the Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra that [Rahul] undertook last year from Manipur to Maharashtra. Other leaders of the alliance will join him in stretches. In fact, INDIA bloc leaders from other states are also expected to join the yatra,' Congress leader Anupam, who led the Yuva Halla Bol platform's 'Palayan Roko, Naukri Do' movement, told ThePrint. A look at the electoral history of the 50 assembly constituencies included in the yatra shows that the Congress-led alliance won 23 of these seats in the 2020 Bihar elections. Of those, the Congress alone secured 8 seats, having contested 20 of the 50 constituencies. Anupam, who recently met Rahul in Delhi, said that the Congress MP was 'extremely serious' about reviving the Congress in Bihar. 'You will understand that if you observe his activities, from visiting the state to getting job fairs held, over the last few months,' he said. Since February, Rahul has visited Bihar eight times, participating in various public events including protest marches, 'samvidhan bachao' sammelans, and screenings of films on Dalit icons, while also holding several rounds of meetings with the party's state leadership. Sources in the Congress told ThePrint that the party, which contested in 70 seats in the previous assembly elections and won 19, was 'focusing more on winnability rather than quantity this time'. 'Last time, we were given many seats that the party could have never won. This time a different strategy has been adopted focusing more on seats that we can actually win. As a result, we may contest fewer seats this time. Another reason for that is the fact that Mahagatbandhan has more parties this time such as Vikassheel Insaan Party of Mukesh Sahni,' a Congress functionary said, adding that the Rashtriya Lok Janshakti Party may also join the Mahagatbandhan alliance. The Opposition alliance is yet to finalise seat-sharing. Sources said it is likely to happen after the culmination of the Yatra in Patna's Gandhi Maidan. Anupam said that while SIR and alleged voter list fraud are the central agendas of the Yatra, Rahul will also raise issues such as unemployment, distress migration and growing usage of drugs among the youth of Bihar while leading the march. 'The idea is to highlight the fact that Bihar is unable to fulfil even the most basic needs of people. The objective of exercises such as SIR is also to divert the attention of people from issues that matter,' he said. (Edited by Vidhi Bhutra) Also read: Free electricity to pensions, welfarism race in poll-bound Bihar as Nitish & Tejashwi vie for credit
NDTV
03-07-2025
- Politics
- NDTV
Bihar Poll Run-Up: Is Nitish Kumar King, Kingmaker, Or Just Clinging On?
Last year, at a book release event in August, the then Governor of Bihar, Rajendra Arlekar, had described Chief Minister Nitish Kumar rather peculiarly: 'Ajatashatru', meaning one who has no enemies. "He enjoys cordial relations even with the opposition and never uses wrong words against them. Nitish bears no ill will against anyone," he had said. Looking back today, that might as well be true for someone who has been administering the state of Bihar for two decades now - except for a brief interregnum of nine months - and is tipped to continue in the job even after the forthcoming assembly election later this year. Age is no bar: despite having turned 74, Kumar remains the face of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition in Bihar. Five years ago, Nitish faced a huge setback when his Janata Dal (United), or JD(U), was reduced to a paltry 43 seats in the 243-seat state assembly. But even that couldn't keep him from holding on to his chief ministerial office for the whole term, first in the company of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and then the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), and then again, the BJP. Now, with the JD(U)'s 12 MPs serving as a vital buffer to the BJP's 240 seats in the Lok Sabha, his position is virtually safe. That is, unless the INDIA bloc can wrest a win against all odds. State Of Play The trouble is that the 'Mahagadbandhan' remains a grand coalition just in name. It has failed to broaden its base beyond the Muslim-Yadav combination. There is a third player, too, in election strategist-turned-politician Prashant Kishor's Jan Suraaj Party, but it remains to be seen whether it can really emerge as kingmaker or deny Nitish a fifth term in power by splitting NDA votes. As things stand, the NDA's prospects have only brightened following Operation Sindoor and the announcement of a caste census by the Centre. In the wake of Operation Sindoor, PM Modi held a massive roadshow in Patna on May 29, his third visit to the state in five months; the next stopover was in June 20. Even Rahul Gandhi has been a bit more visible in Bihar lately, following the appointment of his close aide, Krishna Allavaru, as the general secretary in charge of the Congress, and Dalit leader Rajesh Kumar as its new state chief. Allavaru is apparently the brains behind the 'Palayan Roko, Naukri Do' padayatra led by Kanhaiya Kumar. Chirag Paswan's Gamble However, in what might set the alarm bells ringing for Nitish, Union Minister Chirag Paswan has expressed his intent to contest the assembly elections, stating that he has his heart set on Bihar politics going forward. Although Chirag clarified that there was no vacancy for the Chief Minister's chair for now, Nitish wouldn't be very pleased with the proposition of having to contend with a young face from within the NDA ranks. In any case, he has to contend with Tejashwi Yadav, Prashant Kishor and Kanhaiya Kumar in the opposition. Not to forget, it was Chirag Paswan's Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) (LJP) that was primarily responsible for the JD(U)'s dismal tally of 43 in 2020, defeating it single-handedly in as many as 28 constituencies. Rumours abounded back then that the LJP had been contesting that election with the blessings of the BJP. The 5.8% vote share registered by the party, with its candidates vying for 143 constituencies, had ensured that Chirag's faction would eventually replace the Rashtriya Lok Janshakti Party (RLJP) led by his uncle Pashupati Kumar Paras, in the NDA fold. The RLJP was also not accommodated in the NDA's seat-sharing arrangement in 2020, but, nevertheless, it stood out the contest, with Paras serving in the Modi Cabinet back then. Today, the RLJP has finally joined the Opposition-led Mahagadbandhan in the run-up to the polls. The fact, however, remains that it's a virtually untested party in the poll arena. With Nitish's popularity gradually on the wane, it is likely that the BJP will once again let Chirag do his thing in Bihar as the NDA's 'youth' face to counter the likes of Tejashwi Yadav and Prashant Kishor. Chirag is reportedly seeking a share of 42 seats - what the undivided Lok Janshakti Party was allocated within the NDA in 2015. But he could be happy with much less, too. More than the seat tally, Chirag sees an opportunity to emerge as a potential leader of the alliance in 2030, when Nitish would be months shy of turning 80. BJP's Shortage Of Faces Herein lies the BJP's main trouble in Bihar, the only state in the Hindi heartland where it has failed to independently head a government. The BJP has leaders hailing from every dominant caste group. There is Deputy Chief Minister Samrat Chaudhary, a Koeri, Vijay Kumar Sinha and Giriraj Singh, both Bhumihars, Mangal Pandey and Rajiv Pratap Rudy, both Brahmins, Nand Kishore Yadav and Nityanand Rai from the Yadav group, Sanjay Paswan and Janak Ram representing Dalit sections, and Ravishankar Prasad, a Kayastha. However, none of them has a pan-Bihar appeal. Nitish's former deputy, Sushil Kumar Modi, who passed away last year, was the BJP's best-known face in the state. He was from the Vaishya caste. While Nitish towers as the tallest Kurmi leader in Bihar, the Koeris are also part of the JD(U)'s core base, with the Kurmis and Koeris traditionally comprising the Luv-Kush grouping. Notwithstanding familiar Kurmi faces such as Keshav Prasad Maurya in neighbouring Uttar Pradesh, the BJP has failed to groom a Kurmi leader of its own in Bihar. True, Samrat Chaudhary does have some influence in the Koeri community, but there are challengers to him within the NDA ranks, such as Upendra Kushwaha, the leader of the Rashtriya Lok Morcha, who has been smarting after his loss in the Lok Sabha election. That defeat robbed him of a central ministry, even if he was later nominated to the Rajya Sabha. How The Alliances Stack Up Even so, the BJP has a robust organisation in the state, along with the goodwill factor of PM Modi. Mukesh Sahani's Vikassheel Insaan Party (VIP) is not part of the NDA anymore, and hence the 11 seats allotted to it in 2020 for Extremely Backward Class (EBC) Mallahs have been freed, although Kushwaha's RLM will have to be given some of them. In any case, it is unlikely that, as in 2020, the BJP will part with 115 seats and leave them for the JD(U), although accommodating Chirag's LJP would mean both principal parties contesting fewer seats. Nitish, on his part, will continue to drive a hard bargain, with his base more or less intact. With the addition of Jitan Ram Majhi's Hindustan Awam Morcha (HAM), the NDA looks formidable on paper. Remember, even in the challenging 2024 Lok Sabha election, the NDA had held its own in Bihar, winning 30 out of the 40 seats in the state. The INDIA bloc has its task cut out. The RJD is likely to leave around 100 seats for its allies. Apart from the VIP and the RLJP - not part of the alliance in 2020 - the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) has also reached out to Tejashwi Yadav to be accommodated within the coalition. But the Grand Alliance has shown little interest. Also, with the CPI (Marxist-Leninist) demanding its fair share on account of its impressive strike rate, the Congress's seat tally could come down from a high of 70 in 2020 to as little as 40 seats. The Nitish Formula There has been no dearth of political obituaries written for Nitish Kumar since 2014, but the 'Ajatashatru' has managed to outwit his detractors every single time. What most critics don't realise about his longevity is that he had worked hard - losing four elections on the trot - before finally becoming Chief Minister in 2005. He carved his own base out of Lalu Prasad Yadav's original coalition, getting the EBCs, the non-Yadav OBCs, Mahadalits, and even Pasmanda Muslims to add to the Kurmi-Koeri foundation. In 2020, both the NDA and the Mahagadbandhan polled around 37% votes. Now, with the addition of the LJP to the NDA and smaller parties to the opposition alliance, a winning coalition would need upwards of 40% votes. Sure, Prashant Kishor's approval ratings have been on the rise, but that may not necessarily translate to votes. Nobody understands that better than Nitish himself, who won just 4% votes in the company of the CPI(ML) in his first election, after striking out on his own in 1995. Interestingly though, Prashant Kishor seems to be playing the long game, like Nitish himself. And he has the mentor's former loyalist and handyman, RCP Singh, by his side, the latter having merged his JD(U) faction with the Jan Suraaj recently. Kishor has his sights on the JD(U)'s formidable vote base, with the party unlikely to survive after Nitish Kumar. The nine-time Chief Minister is not like his fellow socialists, who engendered dynastic politics; Nitish's 44-year-old reclusive son Nishant Kumar is highly unlikely to make a political foray at this stage. For the BJP, this could have been the perfect time to deepen its roots in Bihar, had it not been for the JD(U)'s 12 Lok Sabha MPs and the 'Ajatashatru's' ability - and tendency - to nonchalantly walk over to the opposite side with his faithful voter base. Having failed at charting a bigger role for himself outside Bihar as part of the INDIA bloc, Nitish knows that this year's election might just be his last hurrah.
India Today
19-05-2025
- Politics
- India Today
How Rahul Gandhi is stirring the poll pot in Bihar
On May 15, the afternoon air at the Ambedkar Kalyan Hostel courtyard in Bihar's Darbhanga was cloying with muggy air, the humidity hanging like a damp sheet. Even the two security officers, in their sky-blue safari suits, could not escape beads of sweat racing down their temples, their eyes darting over the perimeter with taut when Congress leader Rahul Gandhi—dressed simply in an unwrinkled white T?shirt—ascended the makeshift dais, he appeared impervious to the stifling heat or the administration's refusal to grant permission for the gathering. Greeting the assembled students with a warm, unhurried smile, he declared: 'Do you know why they couldn't stop me? Because I carry the strength of your support.'advertisementRahul's address then swept effortlessly through a litany of demands: a comprehensive caste census in the country; reservation extended to private educational institutions and corporate employers; the dismantling of entrenched obstacles inhibiting social mobility and so on. In Hindi, his promise resonated like a clarion call: 'Main aapko guarantee deta hoon, jaise hi Hindustan mein hamari sarkar aayegi, jaise hi Bihar mein hamari sarkar aayegi, hum ye sab badal denge aur aapke liye jo sahi hai, woh karke dikha denge (I guarantee that the moment we install our government in India and Bihar, we will usher in change and execute what is in people's welfare).'An enthusiastic applause rippled through the crowd, the echo momentarily outshouting even the relentless heat. This was Rahul's fourth visit to assembly poll-bound Bihar this year—a frequency unprecedented in the Congress's recent JOBSAs elections loom, the Congress is making a concerted push to reclaim lost ground in Bihar. Central to its strategy is Rahul's visible involvement. His padayatra (foot marches) through districts such as Begusarai have thrust the issues of reservation quotas and youth unemployment into the early April, Rahul had joined the 'Palayan Roko, Naukri Do' march, denouncing the state's 50?per?cent cap on caste-based reservations as a 'fake wall' that must be 'demolished'. He announced at another gathering how he had even challenged Prime Minister Narendra Modi directly: 'I told him in the Lok Sabha that if the 50?per?cent reservation wall isn't removed, we will bring it down ourselves.'By framing the debate in such stark terms, Rahul had tried to tap into the deep undercurrents of caste politics in Bihar, where OBCs (Other Backward Classes), EBCs (Extremely Backward Classes), Dalits and Muslims together form a clear his speeches, Rahul has deftly interlinked jobs, youth welfare and reservation policy. Highlighting the struggles of migrant labourers and jobless graduates, he argues that expanding government employment is vital in a state where private-sector opportunities remain scant. His focus on the 18-29 age cohort—over a fifth of Bihar's electorate—underscores a determined effort to court younger NEW LEADERSHIPParallel to Rahul's public campaign, the Congress has overhauled its Bihar set-up. In mid-March, the party replaced its upper-caste state president Akhilesh Singh with Rajesh Kumar, a two-term MLA from the Ravidas Dalit community. The decision, taken at a meeting chaired by Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge and attended by Rahul, signals a shift in emphasis towards Dalit representation. As a senior Bihar Congress leader confided: 'We're focusing squarely on the Dalit vote in this election.'Rajesh Kumar's elevation is both symbolic and strategic. The Ravidas community accounts for roughly 5?per?cent of Bihar's Scheduled Caste (SC) population, making him a figurehead for the Congress's renewed outreach to marginalised groups. Dozens of Congress district committees have been reconstituted to boost the representation of OBCs, EBCs and Dalits while state in-charge Krishna Allavaru has issued stern warnings against factionalism. Together, these moves aim to project a more unified, grassroots-oriented party SOCIAL-JUSTICE VOTERSThe Congress's messaging has homed in on themes of social justice and affirmative action. Rahul has demanded a nationwide caste census—a longstanding demand of ally Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD)—and dismissed Bihar's 2023 survey as woefully inadequate. By championing for a comprehensive caste study, he is aligning the Congress with calls for stronger protections of quotas and greater empowerment of deprived castes. This rhetoric is designed to resonate with Dalits, OBCs and EBCs, forging a broad social THE INDIA ALLIANCEAll these organisational and rhetorical shifts occur against the backdrop of the INDIA alliance, the umbrella grouping of Opposition parties. In Bihar, where the BJP-JD(U) combine remains a formidable foe, the Congress insists on contesting only those seats where it retains genuine prospects. At a March strategy meeting, Rahul reminded legislators of their 2020 performance—19 seats won out of the 70 contested—and urged for improvement. Meanwhile, the Congress has accorded the RJD a leading role in seat-sharing, accepting Tejashwi Yadav as the head of the alliance's coordination committee, thereby ensuring that electoral arrangements are managed NEXT?For decades, the Congress was Bihar's dominant force; today, it is a marginal player overshadowed by regional heavyweights. 'We lack leaders with the stature of Nitish Kumar or Lalu Prasad,' admitted a local activist. 'The Congress must identify fresh youth talent to revive its fortunes in Bihar.'Yet strategists believe that Rahul's high-profile engagement and the elevation of leaders like Rajesh Kumar mark the first steps of a gradual regeneration. Through padayatras, a focus on jobs and quotas, and a revamped district network, the Congress seeks to demonstrate genuine concern for the state's deprived communities. Whether these initiatives can translate into tangible gains at the ballot box remains to be seen. For now, however, the party has clearly signalled its intent: to fight and not fade away in Bihar's fiercely contested political to India Today MagazineTune InMust Watch
Indian Express
27-04-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Today in Politics: Govt's ‘retaliatory options' after Pahalgam; Bihar election pitch
After the Pahalgam attack, the Indian government is considering a range of retaliatory military options, including capabilities that allow New Delhi to strike back from within the country's borders, top sources told The Indian Express. A top source in the government told The Indian Express, 'There will be military retaliation and we are prepared. We are discussing the nature of the strike… Since 2019, we have taken a series of measures to modernise our weapons. We have the option of targeting the terrorists from within our territory.' Lt General DS Hooda, former General Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the Northern Command, said both options (a ground operation and aerial strike) are still on the table. 'At this stage, the government has taken some pretty strong steps, particularly regarding the Indus Water Treaty. But I wouldn't at this stage completely rule out the military option.' 'In fact, some targets can be taken out even from your side of the Line of Control. There is the use of attack drones that can be made. I know the Air Force has some attack drones,' said Lt Gen Hooda, who was the Northern Army Commander when the 2016 surgical strikes at Balakot were conducted. 'But it isn't as if the use of ground forces is completely ruled out. You can use it in different ways. You can have different kinds of targets,' he said. While he acknowledged that the Line of Control is 'heavily guarded', the terrain is such that 'you can find, you can find some vulnerable points, vulnerable targets'. 'I wouldn't completely rule out,' he said at an Idea Exchange interview with The Indian Express. Insisting that Pakistan's role is undeniable in the Pahalgam attack, the government sources pointed out that 'it has so much to do with Pakistan Army Chief General Asim Munir' and his interests. The assessment of the government and security agencies is that the Pahalgam attack was probably part of 'General Munir's attempt to gain popularity and create divisions among communities in India in the backdrop of an economic crisis and internal disturbances in Pakistan', the sources said. Bihar unemployment In Bihar, unemployment, poverty and migration have been perennial election issues. With the state heading to the Assembly polls in October-November this year, major parties have again started building up their campaign on these issues. The Nitish Kumar -led NDA government and the principal Opposition Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) have often engaged in 'credit wars' for job-creation initiatives, going back to their days in the Mahagathbandhan government before Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, the JD(U) chief, returned to the NDA fold in January 2024. Last month, the Congress, which is a key constituent of the RJD-led Mahagathbandhan, launched a 'Palayan Roko, Naukri Do (stop migration, give jobs)' yatra, while the BJP, senior ally of the JD(U), made special efforts with its nine-day Bihar Diwas celebrations to reach out to the Bihari migrants across the country. The 2011 Census data shows that migration and unemployment are closely linked. Bihar was second only to Uttar Pradesh in terms of the number of migrants spread across the country, including for those who moved to other states for employment. Of Bihar's 74.54 lakh out-migrants, 22.65 lakh or 30% said employment was the reason for migration, making it the most cited justification followed by moving with their household at 26.6% and marriage at 24.4%. While work is the primary reason for men to migrate, it is marriage for women. Nationally, 23% of all migrants cited employment as the reason for migration. Again, only UP at 37.35 lakh had more out-migrants who moved for employment.
Indian Express
26-04-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Why migration, jobs will shape the campaigns of key Bihar poll players
In Bihar, unemployment, poverty and migration have been perennial election issues. With the state heading to the Assembly polls in October-November this year, major parties have again started building up their campaign on these issues. The Nitish Kumar -led NDA government and the principal Opposition Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) have often engaged in 'credit wars' for job-creation initiatives, going back to their days in the Mahagathbandhan government before Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, the JD(U) chief, returned to the NDA fold in January 2024. Last month, the Congress, which is a key constituent of the RJD-led Mahagathbandhan, launched a 'Palayan Roko, Naukri Do (stop migration, give jobs)' yatra, while the BJP, senior ally of the JD(U), made special efforts with its nine-day Bihar Diwas celebrations to reach out to the Bihari migrants across the country. The 2011 Census data shows that migration and unemployment are closely linked. Bihar was second only to Uttar Pradesh in terms of the number of migrants spread across the country, including for those who moved to other states for employment. Must Read | Why Nitish Kumar singled out Lalan Singh for JD(U)'s 'mistake' of exiting NDA in 2022 In total, there were 74.54 lakh migrants from Bihar across 34 states and UTs, as per the 2011 Census data. Only UP, at 1.23 crore, had a larger out-migrant population than Bihar. India has a total 5.43 crore inter-state migrants, accounting for 4.5% of the country's population. As a proportion, Bihar's out-migrants count for 7.2% of the state's population. At 13.36 lakh, Jharkhand was the top destination for migrants from Bihar, followed by Delhi at 11.07 lakh, West Bengal at 11.04 lakh, UP at 10.73 lakh, and Maharashtra at 5.69 lakh. [MAP: State-wise population of migrants from Bihar] Four of the top 10 migration corridors across the country included Bihar as the source state, while there were eight such corridors involving Bihar in the top 50. The most popular migration corridor was from UP to Delhi at 28.5 lakh. Of Bihar's 74.54 lakh out-migrants, 22.65 lakh or 30% said employment was the reason for migration, making it the most cited justification followed by moving with their household at 26.6% and marriage at 24.4%. While work is the primary reason for men to migrate, it is marriage for women. Nationally, 23% of all migrants cited employment as the reason for migration. Again, only UP at 37.35 lakh had more out-migrants who moved for employment. [TABLE: Reasons for migration]In the 2001 Census too, UP and Bihar stood at number one and two positions in the country, respectively, in the number of migrants originating from the states. Delhi was then the top destination for migrants from Bihar, followed by UP, Maharashtra, Punjab and Haryana. Then too, the top reason for migration was employment, and Bihar had the second-largest number of such out-migrants. While the Census data on migration is now over a decade out of date, there are some more recent measures of migration. For instance, the 2016-17 Economic Survey of India used a Cohort-based Migration Metric (CMM) to gauge net migration as the percentage change in population between the 10-19 year-old cohort in an initial census period and the 20-29 year-old cohort in the same area a decade later. 'It is likely to capture labour migration, as other bilateral movements for reasons such as marriage are netted out in the equation,' the report says. The 2016-17 Economic Survey data shows that UP and Bihar have the highest such net migration which has increased between 1991-2001 and 2001-11. While Bihar saw 11.35 lakh people aged 20-29 years leave the state in 1991-2001, this figure rose to 26.95 lakh in 2001-11. Last December, a study by the Economic Advisory Council to the Prime Minister (EAC-PM) measured the number of passengers travelling using unreserved or general tickets, which are among the cheapest available, as a proxy for blue collar migrants. The EAC-PM report used 2023 data to show that UP, Maharashtra, West Bengal, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh were the most popular destinations for such passengers. Bihar was the origin state for four of the 10 most popular state-to-state routes with the top destinations for Bihar migrants being Delhi, West Bengal, UP and Maharashtra – a pattern that mirrors those in the 2011 Census. A 2024 report published by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and the Delhi-based Institute for Human Development found that in 2021, 39% of Bihar's migrants cited employment as the reason for leaving the state, which ranked last in India on the 'employment condition index' that measures the quality of employment, including metrics like wages, formal versus casual work, and youth employment. This report also shows that Bihar ranked last when it came to employment levels for educated youth aged 15 to 29 years. Underlying the volume of out-migration from Bihar is the state of its economy, and persistently high levels of poverty and unemployment. Bihar's Economic Survey for 2024-25 shows that the state is still heavily reliant on the primary sector (that is, the extraction of raw materials including agriculture) for employment. Though the primary sector only contributed to 19.9% of the state's economic output in 2023-24, it accounted for 54.2% of employment – both figures are above the national average of 16.6% and 46.3% respectively. As per Bihar's Economic Survey, the secondary sector, which includes manufacturing and construction, accounted for 21.5% of the economic output and 23.6% of employment in 2023-24. Though the tertiary sector, which includes services, contributed to 58.6% of the economic output in 2023-24, it only employed 22.2% of the workforce. A comparison of Bihar's per capita income with the national average shows that the state has consistently lagged behind. Since 2011-12, Bihar has had the lowest per capita income, which stood at Rs 32,174 per year in 2023-24 compared to the national average of Rs 1.07 lakh. [CHART: Per capita income, Bihar vs national average]Data from the NITI Aayog's Multidimensional Poverty Index – which measures poverty as a composite of several indicators including income, health, education and other standards of living – found that poverty fell in Bihar from 51.89% of its population in 2015-16 to 33.76% in 2019-21. However, despite the decline, Bihar has the highest rate of multidimensional poverty in the country. The 2023-24 Household Consumption Expenditure Survey, which measures the spending capacities and patterns of households, shows that a rural household in Bihar spends an average Rs 3,788 per month, while an urban household in the state spends Rs 5,165, while taking into consideration the value of free or subsidised goods received through government welfare schemes. Both these figures are well below the national average of Rs 4,247 (rural) and Rs 7,078 (urban). Bihar's labour force participation and unemployment rates paint a worrying picture, particularly for the youth. The Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) for July-September 2024, which contains data only for urban areas, put Bihar's labour force participation rate (a measure of the share of the working age population that is actively working or seeking work) for those aged above 15 years at 40.6% and for those aged 15-29 years at 24.7%. Bihar ranks as the worst state in India on these metrics. For the same period in the PLFS, Bihar's unemployment rate for those aged above 15 stood at 7.3%, which is above the national average of 6.4% but below a number of states including Chhattisgarh, Kerala, Odisha and Jammu and Kashmir. But for those aged 15-29 years, the unemployment rate was 23.2% – well above the national average of 15.9%, and the sixth worst among the states.
