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Nawaz leaves for London on special plane
Nawaz leaves for London on special plane

Express Tribune

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • Express Tribune

Nawaz leaves for London on special plane

Former prime minister Nawaz Sharif on Sunday left for London on a special plane. According to family sources, the PML-N president will celebrate Eidul Azha with his sons in the United Kingdom during the two-week visit and will also get his medical examination conducted during the stay. Nawaz is visiting London after seven months. The former PM was scheduled to spend his Ramazan in Saudi Arabia but had cancelled the trip on his doctors' advice. The PML-N chief remained in London from October 2019 to October 2023 in what could be described as a self-imposed exile. Upon his return to the country after formation of a PML-N led coalition government Nawaz was acquitted of the charges of corruption.

Take a tour inside Nawazuddin Siddiqui's glamorous Bungalow in Mumbai
Take a tour inside Nawazuddin Siddiqui's glamorous Bungalow in Mumbai

Pink Villa

time2 days ago

  • Entertainment
  • Pink Villa

Take a tour inside Nawazuddin Siddiqui's glamorous Bungalow in Mumbai

Nawazuddin Siddiqui is one of Bollywood's most critically acclaimed actors and a household name. The versatile actor has successfully touched the hearts of both the public and critics with the poignant and compelling characters he portrays. The sky's the limit for his progressing career. However, it was not always the case. The Manto actor had a rather humble upbringing. His residence in Mumbai stands as a stark reminder that success comes to those who remain persistent. Nawaz is humble and true to his craft, a quality that is brightly reflected in every conversation he holds. Let's take a look at his house and how Nawaz has embraced minimalism in decorating his abode. Nawazuddin Siddiqui's Dream Nest Is a Fusion Between Modern And Vintage Architecture Staying true to its name, the house gives glimpses of the Nawabi architecture with its sun-kissed patio, hardwood stairs, white marble exterior, and opulent motif. Nawaz wanted a space with a cozy and homely vibe where he could take a step back and relax. The entrance features a wooden French door. The hall is adorned with a wooden billiard table and posters of famous plays by Moliere and Shakespeare at every corner. The inspiration behind this is the corridor of the National School of Drama. There is also a tiny bar in one corner with a sitting area for guests. Nawaz mentions that he loves to experiment with different aesthetics and colors. The cosmopolitan ambiance of the house aligns with the actor's deep understanding of interior planning. One of the main attractions of his home is the hall upstairs, where he relaxes and watches films. He decided to install big windows so he wouldn't feel suffocated. The room leads you to a small balcony, which is surrounded by Jali carving white marble railings. Lush greenery graces the area and fills it with serenity. He then escorts us to his makeup room, whose big attraction is a gigantic Hollywood-style wooden vanity mirror. Next, Nawaz invites the viewers to his terrace, which serves as an escape from the noise of the city. He spends most of his evenings there, chatting with his peers. According to the actor, his bedroom is the smallest room in the house. He jokingly mentions that he wants to stay true to his roots. With minimal furnishing, the room is stylishly decorated with a poster and a few planters. The next visit is to another hall, which Nawaz calls the busiest corner of the house. He has decorated the walls with posters of some of the most notable plays and playwrights. Nawaz lovingly christened his residence 'Nawab' as a homage to his father, who had a significant impact on his life. Not just a structure of bricks and stones, Nawaz wanted a memoir of his childhood home in Uttar Pradesh. He wanted a space where time stood still. That is why he curated the house in a way that takes him on a stroll down memory lane. Nawab, nestled in Mumbai's Versova, is where luxury meets sophistication. He has embellished every corner of the house with ornaments that hold deep value to him.

PSL 10: Quetta Gladiators provide update on Hasan Nawaz's injury
PSL 10: Quetta Gladiators provide update on Hasan Nawaz's injury

Business Recorder

time23-05-2025

  • Sport
  • Business Recorder

PSL 10: Quetta Gladiators provide update on Hasan Nawaz's injury

Quetta Gladiators received a timely boost ahead of the PSL final as batter Hassan Nawaz has been declared fit to play. Nawaz had twisted his ankle during a recent practice session, but his X-ray report has come back clear, confirming no serious injury. Team officials confirmed that he is now fully fit and will be available for selection in the title clash. Hasan has been key to Quetta's successful PSL campaign so far. The 22-year-old thus far scored 323 runs in nine innings, including a century during the ongoing edition of the marquee league. Quetta Gladiators will face Lahore Qalandars in the PSL final on Sunday, a much-anticipated showdown between two top-performing sides this season. As part of their preparations, the Gladiators held a training session today at 6 PM at the LCCA Ground in Lahore. Meanwhile, the squad has been further strengthened with the arrival of all-rounder Gulbadin Naib and opening batter Finn Allen, both of whom reached Lahore earlier today and are expected to join the team for practice this evening. With key players returning and fitness concerns resolved, Quetta are aiming to bring their A-game to the final.

PSL 10: Quetta Gladiators give Hasan Nawaz's injury update
PSL 10: Quetta Gladiators give Hasan Nawaz's injury update

Business Recorder

time23-05-2025

  • Sport
  • Business Recorder

PSL 10: Quetta Gladiators give Hasan Nawaz's injury update

Quetta Gladiators received a timely boost ahead of the PSL final as batter Hassan Nawaz has been declared fit to play. Nawaz had twisted his ankle during a recent practice session, but his X-ray report has come back clear, confirming no serious injury. Team officials confirmed that he is now fully fit and will be available for selection in the title clash. Hasan has been key to Quetta's successful PSL campaign so far. The 22-year-old thus far scored 323 runs in nine innings, including a century during the ongoing edition of the marquee league. Quetta Gladiators will face Lahore Qalandars in the PSL final on Sunday, a much-anticipated showdown between two top-performing sides this season. As part of their preparations, the Gladiators held a training session today at 6 PM at the LCCA Ground in Lahore. Meanwhile, the squad has been further strengthened with the arrival of all-rounder Gulbadin Naib and opening batter Finn Allen, both of whom reached Lahore earlier today and are expected to join the team for practice this evening. With key players returning and fitness concerns resolved, Quetta are aiming to bring their A-game to the final.

Nawaz Sharif's N-bombshell: ‘If India attacks Azad Kashmir…'
Nawaz Sharif's N-bombshell: ‘If India attacks Azad Kashmir…'

India Today

time22-05-2025

  • Politics
  • India Today

Nawaz Sharif's N-bombshell: ‘If India attacks Azad Kashmir…'

(NOTE: This article was originally published in the India Today issue dated Sep 15, 1994)Even by the usually surcharged standards of India-Pakistan relations, this could be aptly described as a nuclear-charged fortnight. Barely had the commotion raised by the revelations of plutonium smuggling in Germany, with likely Pakistani involvement, subsided when former Pakistan prime minister Mian Nawaz Sharif made the unequivocal claim that his country possesses nuclear weapons, something Pakistan has persistently denied officially. With Nawaz belying initial expectations of resiling, the consternation in New Delhi and western capitals was sharp and immediate, even though Washington appeared to play down the claims of nuclear status have been made by key Pakistani officials and politicians at regular intervals, this one marked a qualitative difference from the past since it talked of a "bomb" instead of the "capability" to make one, which has been Pakistan's official line for more than five years now. Also vital was the timing of the statement as it came just when the West's nuclear consciousness had been heightened, with disclosures of plutonium smuggling in Europe dominating international from Washington did not bode well for Pakistan. Selig Harrison, the prominent Asia expert at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, called it "a blip on the South Asian political radar screen rather than a storm", but asserted that it would hammer the last nail into the coffin of the US Administration's "F-16s for nuclear capping" Anti-proliferation activist Leonard Spector pointed out that the statement had confirmed something known all along though it had been played down by Washington in its policy to achieve nuclear capping in the subcontinent. And Senator Larry Pressler, author of the Pressler Amendment which prohibits US aid to Pakistan if it is found to possess nuclear arms, said: "Nawaz's statement confirms the wisdom of Congressional opposition to the transfer of nuclear weapons delivery capability to Pakistan which the Clinton Administration once sought to do."A week after dropping the nuclear bombshell, Nawaz was obviously shying away from the media. He cancelled a pre-scheduled press conference in London and avoided references to his statement in his public meetings in Birmingham and Manchester. While the promised press conference at Birmingham never materialised, at the convention centre, he seemed wary of walking past the waiting journalists without a security Block's initial reaction was to play down the controversy. Prime Minister Narasimha Rao said at the Congress Parliamentary Party meeting: "You should not worry... we are capable of defending ourselves. You go back to your constituencies and work for elections."Initially, the line from the PMO was to avoid joining issue with Nawaz and to confine Indian reaction to that of the Congress(I) party. But once the matter came up in Parliament, it was decided that Minister of State for External Affairs Salman Khursheed would make a statement. "If the safety and security of the nation require deployment of conventional and non-conventional weapons on the border, the Government will not hesitate to do so," Khursheed told the Rajya Sabha. This came closest to an admission of possession of nuclear weapons by interpretation of Nawaz's statement has been that it stems primarily from Pakistan's internal politics, although it does hold implications for the security and foreign policies of both countries. It is felt that Nawaz's move will narrow Benazir Bhutto's options and will push her towards adopting a more combative policy towards India. Caught in a domestic political crisis, seeing her Kashmir policy drift and now facing the threat of Nawaz hijacking the hawkish constituency, Benazir will be at her acrimonious best in the coming is expected to go all out to have a resolution on Kashmir passed at the forthcoming session of the UN General Assembly. The build-up will be provided by the Organisation of Islamic Countries meeting, being hosted by Pakistan on September 11 and 12. While Bosnia and Afghanistan are to be discussed, Kashmir is the centre-piece of the agenda. In an interesting coincidence, UN Secretary General Boutros-Boutros Ghali will be in Pakistan at the same time. Though not connected with subcontinental politics, his presence is likely to be used to raise the Kashmir Nawaz's primary motive is to embarrass Benazir and snatch the hawkish platform away from her is a belief most western analysts share. It is evident that Nawaz and his advisers have embarked on a shrewd new approach to fight their way back into this consists of sounding more anti-India than her, making a greater noise over Kashmir and lacing it with a heavy dose of anti-Americanism. Some of his key advisers are already questioning the conventional wisdom in Pakistan that anyone who wants to rule the country must have American backing. And Nawaz's statement is bound to strain Pakistan's relations with the West. It will also put an end to any chance of Benazir gaining immediate success during her September visit to the darkest of the conspiracy theories-and one that South Block seemed to believe in-is that Nawaz's statement is neither an innocent faux pas nor irresponsible rhetoric. It is a consequence of a deeply thought out strategy by some of his party's key ideologues and their friends within the army top brass, and marks the beginning of a new phase in the delicate balance of power between Pakistan's traditional ruling troika - the army, the President and the prime more we analyse it, the more it seems to be Mushahid Hussain-Kuldip Nayar episode part two," says a senior me a official, referring to the famous 1987 incident when Hussain, then editor of the Islamabad-based daily The Muslim, took Nayar, a prominent Indian columnist, to meet Abdul Qadir Khan, considered to be the father of the Pakistani the interview with Nayar, Khan made Pakistan's first open claim of possessing nuclear weapons capability, and Hussain paid for this apparent indiscretion with his job. As Hussain is Nawaz's closest adviser and ideological guru now, he is believed to have persuaded Nawaz to make the statement and stand by has persistently chafed at Washington's influence over the nuclear situation in the subcontinent in general and Pakistani politics in particular, arguing that both Pakistan and India should make a clean breast of their nuclear weapons status and drive the US out of the picture. He said the same in a recent article in the Lahore-based daily, The Nation, which was reproduced in the Indian journal Mainstream. "For too long we have had this pussyfooting under the guise of nuclear ambiguity, because of American pressure,'' he has obviously not found favour with the US. Says Michael Krepon, director of the Washington-based Henry L. Stimson Centre: "If this statement indicates that the Pakistan Muslim League has adopted the nuclear issue as a campaign plank, it is terrible news because of the populist pressure it will generate." But the point is, ideologies apart, could Hussain or even Nawaz have embarked on such a course without a nod from at least a sizeable section of the army top brass? South Block thinks it is impossible. Hence the faith in the latest conspiracy statement is generally believed to have had the blessings of at least a section of the army and was meant to serve as a warning to Benazir. For several weeks now, there has been growing evidence through political developments and writings in the Pakistani media that the "social contract" arrived at mutually between Benazir and the army brass has been under the summer of 1993, one of the primary reasons the army brought about the change in government replacing Nawaz with Benazir was that it thought that she, given her popularity with the US, could help end Pakistan's international isolation and resume the US arms pipeline, besides removing the threat it faced of being declared a state sponsoring terrorism.A year later, the prime minister gets a mixed report card. Pakistan has suffered international setbacks on the Kashmir issue, including the failure of the human rights resolution at Geneva, hopes of getting F-16s and other hardware from the US have vanished for now, and the internal situation has worsened. Also, there is a growing opinion among policy makers that India is "bulldozing" its way through Kashmir, and following the Rao-Clinton summit, that US policy has acquired a distinct pro-India there is the feeling that, at the same time, the US is succeeding in its strategy of capping Pakistan's nuclear programme without giving anything in return. A section of the army is therefore eager to join hands with Nawaz who, in any case, had never fully lost their the surface there are clear contradictions in this theory. If the military is upset with Benazir for failing to make headway with the US, why should it encourage Nawaz to make a statement that is likely to seal any possibility of the US resuming military aid in the foreseeable future? The fact is that ever since the Gulf War in 1991, two clear lines of thought have existed in the Pakistani is led by the more modern, westernised generals who are professional in their military outlook, are keen to avoid war with India and want a closer relationship with Washington. The other is the "strategic defiance" school of Islamic warriors which believes in flexing its nuclear muscle to the West and dreams of strategic depth through an anti-superpower Islamic bulwark with Iran, Afghanistan and the Central Asian theory of "strategic defiance" was first put forward by former army chief General Mirza Aslam Beg on December 2, 1990, at Wah, while addressing a seminar of defence production technology. He received a standing ovation from the younger officers. Former ISI chief Lt-General Hamid Gul too was of the same "pan-Islamist" the pro-West group has dominated the top brass for some time, the right wing is now back in business, particularly because of the increasing frustration in Islamabad's dealings with Washington. They believe that given Pakistan's size, nuclear status and geographical location and its status as the only sizeable Islamic country with a modern, disciplined army, it could prosper in defiance of the West, provided the necessary relations with Muslim countries in the neighbourhood work is the key to this approach. In recent months, even moderate Pakistanis have tried to get Washington's attention back through what they consider a policy of workable blackmail-raising the spectre of an isolated and vulnerable, but nuclear-armed Pakistan under the control of an irrational and anti-West fundamentalist military. The message to the US is: it is better to play honest broker between India and Pakistan on Kashmir or tilt towards New Delhi and face the prospect of a hardline reaction in are other straws in the wind. Army Chief General Abdul Wahid Kakar set tongues wagging last fortnight by personally receiving a delegation sent by Altaf Hussain, the exiled chief of the neo-fascist Mohajir Quami Movement (MQM), which has held the cities of Sindh to ransom and against which the army has carried out extensive it was the earliest indication of the military being back in mainstream politics. Secondly, it could indicate impatience with Benazir's governance, as the army has been worried by the worsening Mohajir versus Sindhi situation in Kakar agreed to meet the delegation within a fortnight of receiving an insolent letter from Altaf Hussain an open letter faxed to him from London, copies of which were released to the press is seen to indicate the army's inclination towards a rethink of the whole ethnic equation in Sindh and a willingness to begin talking directly to the PPP's arch Altaf was one of the things Nawaz was planning to do during his visit to London last week and there was already speculation in Pakistan that a wider Muslim League-MQM alliance, including some fundamentalist parties, was in the making again.A sort of sequel to the earlier Islamic Jamhoori Ittehad which deposed Benazir in 1990. While Mushahid Hussain's masterminding of Nawaz's move is a widely accepted fact even within Pakistan, it is possible that the larger picture of a discontented army wishing to bring about a change in domestic power could be part of South Block's wishful the past year, a firm view has emerged among India's top policy makers-and the view comes from the prime minister himself-that it is neither practical nor possible to engage in any constructive dialogue with Benazir. Rao, who sees her as frivolous and given to empty rhetoric, makes no secret of his irritation with her, not only at top-level policy meetings, but also at his meetings with foreign heads of openly expressed his irritation with Benazir to Clinton, and though many in the US State Department dismissed it as no more than an "old-fashioned South Asian contempt for a young woman in power", Rao has made it clear that he would much rather deal with a Pakistan led by someone relatively "genuine", like Block has, in fact, shown unconcealed glee at Benazir's failure to consolidate her position in her second stint in power. Many Indian analysts see, in the ongoing developments in Pakistan, the beginning of "endgame-II" for Benazir, referring to the similar web of intrigue that had led to her fall in 1990 just as she had heightened her rhetoric on Kashmir in a desperate bid for theories may still be premature particularly as, unlike in the past, the President, Sardar Farooq Ahmed Leghari, is from Benazir's party. But Benazir has not helped her own cause either. Her coalition is still weak, Sindh is in a mess and there is growing dissatisfaction with her fence-sitting Chief Minister in Punjab, Mian Manzoor the economy is stagnating, taxes have been raised, and the Opposition pillories her for having spent nearly a fifth of her time in power travelling abroad-including to inconsequential destinations such as North Korea, Ireland and Croatia. Her husband, Asif Ali Zardari, is once again facing charges of corruption and extra-constitutional meddling in the Government. Her Kashmir policy too has failed to yield attempts to arrive at a national, bipartisan consensus have failed with even the proposed parliamentary committees not yet formed. The choice of maverick politician and master intriguer Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan as the chairman of the parliamentary committee on Kashmir has angered the Muslim League. And while the failure at Geneva added to her discomfiture, she has, instead of widening her agenda, repeated the mistake she made during her last stint in power, by laying excessive stress on western diplomats say that unless India does something terribly stupid in Kashmir or something happens to alter the situation drastically, Benazir has set herself up for more embarrassment on the issue. Rao, in his typically shrewd and low-key manner, is on the way to fulfilling all her demands on Kashmir that found international support. The bunkers around the Hazratbal shrine have been process of releasing jailed Kashmiri leaders began with the arrival of Yasin Malik in Srinagar and more releases are on the cards. And the repeal of TADA, now an Indian rather than a Pakistani demand, is likely to be met, at least partly, in the weeks to come. Meanwhile, Benazir has been compelled to firmly oppose the third option of independence for Kashmir, a stand not exactly popular in the Valley. As winter approaches, there is obvious desperation, both in India and Pakistan, to win the battle at the UN General Assembly, while consolidating their respective positions on the ground in the diplomatic level, a replay of the pre-Geneva kind of suitcase diplomacy is already in evidence. Foreign Secretary K. Srinivasan has already toured nearly a dozen countries and other special messengers and ambassadors are scouring world capitals for support. At the same time, the Indian Army has been authorised to use greater firepower, particularly along the Line of Control where incidents of exchanges with Pakistani troops have increased. In sharp contrast to the Government's earlier cautious approach, the army has now been allowed anything short of hot pursuit deep inside Pakistan to acquire a military edge before feeling on the Indian side is that the momentum achieved after Geneva and the resolution of the Hazratbal siege can now yield long-term gains only if there are major successes on the military as well as the diplomatic battlefields. Pakistan, on the other hand, is desperate to win the same battles for two reasons-to salvage its Kashmir policy and to enable Benazir to shore up her political fortunes. Nawaz's bombshell has only added a sharper edge to what was already building up as a bitter and acrimonious phase in India-Pakistan relations.—with Sunrita Sen in LondonSubscribe to India Today MagazineMust Watch

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