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Sky News AU
13-05-2025
- Sky News AU
My grandfather was a Nazi executioner at Auschwitz - and I had no idea until seventh grade history class
In a Stuttgart classroom in the 1970s, seventh-grader Kai Höss learned something that would change his life. A teacher was reading from a history textbook about the Holocaust when the name 'Rudolf Höss' came up. Kai went home and asked his mother if there was any relation. She confirmed that Rudolf was his grandfather — and a Nazi SS officer and Auschwitz commandant who was responsible for the deaths of 1.1 million people, mostly Jews. 'I just felt ashamed,' Kai told The Post of learning the horrible truth about his father's father. Rudolf personally ordered subordinates to herd prisoners into the 'showers' where lethal clouds of poison Zyklon-B gas were released. He was captured in 1946 and confessed to killing 2,000 people hourly in gas chambers. Polish authorities executed him in 1947 at Auschwitz. '[Our] name is synonymous with incredible crimes against humanity and atrocities and the Holocaust and antisemitism,' Kai said. Now 63 and a Christian pastor still based in Stuttgart, he has made it his mission to support Jewish communities, promote reconciliation and educate people about the Holocaust. The passage of 80 years since the end of World War II, he said, and a contemporary culture now saturated with violent video games has 'desensitized' people, especially young adults, to the past, he believes. 'We need to bring people back to see what happened in Auschwitz and in Nazi Germany, what they did, how inhumane, how horrible this was,' Kai said. 'People can study all the historical facts and the statistics, but they need to have tears.' His mother, Hedwig, only learned of Rudolf's crimes five years into her marriage to one of his sons, Hans-Jürgen Höss. He dismissed it as 'water under the bridge,' but his silence poisoned the home. Hans-Jürgen left his mother when Kai was in his 20s for another woman, and they had a violent clash in which she stabbed him with a dagger-like letter opener that had belonged to Rudolf. 'My mother's heartbreak turned to wrath,' Kai recalled. 'She almost murdered him.' Kai wasn't initially a religious man. Early in his career, he worked in the hospitality industry in luxury hotels across Africa, the Middle East, and Asia. A near-fatal tonsillectomy in the 1980s led him to Christianity. He now lectures on the Holocaust and visits synagogues in Europe, America and, soon, Australia, sharing his redemption story. A few years back, Kai reunited with his father, who had remarried and moved to Germany's Baltic Sea coast. The two are featured in a recent HBO documentary, 'The Commandant's Shadow,' which was just nominated for a 2025 Emmy Award for 'Best Documentary.' It details Rudolf's crimes through his autobiography, read partly by Hans-Jürgen, and shows Kai and his father meeting Auschwitz survivor Anita Lasker-Wallfisch and her daughter, Maya, a psychotherapist. 'She was one of the people that suffered under this machine that [my grandfather] created,' Kai said of Anita. Now 99-years-old and living in London, she survived Auschwitz thanks to her musical talent, which earned her a spot in the women's orchestra playing cello. Their meeting was an emotional one, filmed in Anita's flat. It was about 'morality,' not just an apology, Maya said. '[Hans-Jürgen] sufficiently took the opportunity in a very dignified manner which he needed to, not because he was responsible [for Auschwitz, but] because he was responsible for acknowledging the truth he did.' Hans-Jürgen passed away in December from pneumonia Kai is grateful they were able to connect with Anita before he died. 'It was just a wonderful blessing and experience to be there, to meet that woman, who actually was hurt so much, when you think a whole family was exterminated in Auschwitz and she suffered,' he said. Holocaust experts laud Kai's efforts to acknowledge his family's past and educate others. 'With the rise of antisemitism, It's brave of him to be doing this,' said Trisha Posner, author of 'The Pharmacist of Auschwitz.' It's a very sensitive period we're in at the moment … with the denial of the Holocaust [and] the denial of October the seventh.' Gerald Posner, her husband and the author of 'Hitler's Children,' a book about Nazi officials' offspring, noted that Kai could have just ignored his family's ugly ties. 'It would have been very easy for him to have said, 'Well, you know, I have nothing to do with him, and just gone on with his life.' Rabbi Abraham Cooper of the Simon Wiesenthal Center is grateful he didn't. 'To have someone with that last name stepping forward and saying, 'I'm leading a different life and different commitments,' it does make a difference,' he said. For Kai, it all comes down to making sure people really grapple with recent history and not just coldly intellectualize the past. He said, 'We have to move people's knowledge six inches down, from the head to the heart.' Originally published as My grandfather was a Nazi executioner at Auschwitz - and I had no idea until seventh grade history class
New York Post
12-05-2025
- New York Post
My grandfather was a Nazi executioner at Auschwitz — and I had no idea until 7th grade history class
In a Stuttgart classroom in the 1970s, seventh-grader Kai Höss learned something that would change his life. A teacher was reading from a history textbook about the Holocaust when the name 'Rudolf Höss' came up. Kai went home and asked his mother if there was any relation. She confirmed that Rudolf was his grandfather — and a Nazi SS officer and Auschwitz commandant who was responsible for the deaths of 1.1 million people, mostly Jews. Advertisement 6 Kai Höss' grandfather ordered subordinates to herd prisoners into the 'showers' at Auschwitz where lethal clouds of poison Zyklon-B gas were released. Getty Images 'I just felt ashamed,' Kai told The Post of learning the horrible truth about his father's father. Rudolf personally ordered subordinates to herd prisoners into the 'showers' where lethal clouds of poison Zyklon-B gas were released. He was captured in 1946 and confessed to killing 2,000 people hourly in gas chambers. Polish authorities executed him in 1947 at Auschwitz. Advertisement '[Our] name is synonymous with incredible crimes against humanity and atrocities and the Holocaust and antisemitism,' Kai said. Now 63 and a Christian pastor still based in Stuttgart, he has made it his mission to support Jewish communities, promote reconciliation and educate people about the Holocaust. The passage of 80 years since the end of World War II, he said, and a contemporary culture now saturated with violent video games has 'desensitized' people, especially young adults, to the past, he believes. 6 In recent years, Kai (second from right) and his father Hans-Jürgen Höss (far right), met with Auschwitz survivor Anita Lasker-Wallfisch (from left) and her daughter Maya. Warner Bros/ HBO Advertisement 'We need to bring people back to see what happened in Auschwitz and in Nazi Germany, what they did, how inhumane, how horrible this was,' Kai said. 'People can study all the historical facts and the statistics, but they need to have tears.' His mother, Hedwig, only learned of Rudolf's crimes five years into her marriage to one of his sons, Hans-Jürgen Höss. He dismissed it as 'water under the bridge,' but his silence poisoned the home. Hans-Jürgen left his mother when Kai was in his 20s for another woman, and they had a violent clash in which she stabbed him with a dagger-like letter opener that had belonged to Rudolf. 'My mother's heartbreak turned to wrath,' Kai recalled. 'She almost murdered him.' Advertisement Kai wasn't initially a religious man. Early in his career, he worked in the hospitality industry in luxury hotels across Africa, the Middle East, and Asia. A near-fatal tonsillectomy in the 1980s led him to Christianity. 6 Historians estimate more than one million people were killed at Auschwitz. The shoe hangar at the concentration camp gives an idea of the breadth of loss. Roger Viollet via Getty Images He now lectures on the Holocaust and visits synagogues in Europe, America and, soon, Australia, sharing his redemption story. A few years back, Kai reunited with his father, who had remarried and moved to Germany's Baltic Sea coast. The two are featured in a recent HBO documentary, 'The Commandant's Shadow,' which was just nominated for a 2025 Emmy Award for 'Best Documentary.' It details Rudolf's crimes through his autobiography, read partly by Hans-Jürgen, and shows Kai and his father meeting Auschwitz survivor Anita Lasker-Wallfisch and her daughter, Maya, a psychotherapist. 'She was one of the people that suffered under this machine that [my grandfather] created,' Kai said of Anita. 6 'We need to bring people back to see what happened in Auschwitz and in Nazi Germany, what they did, how inhumane, how horrible this was,' Kai told The Post. AFP via Getty Images Now 99-years-old and living in London, she survived Auschwitz thanks to her musical talent, which earned her a spot in the women's orchestra playing cello. Advertisement Their meeting was an emotional one, filmed in Anita's flat. It was about 'morality,' not just an apology, Maya said. '[Hans-Jürgen] sufficiently took the opportunity in a very dignified manner which he needed to, not because he was responsible [for Auschwitz, but] because he was responsible for acknowledging the truth he did.' Hans-Jürgen passed away in December from pneumonia Kai is grateful they were able to connect with Anita before he died. 'It was just a wonderful blessing and experience to be there, to meet that woman, who actually was hurt so much, when you think a whole family was exterminated in Auschwitz and she suffered,' he said. Advertisement 6 '{Our] name is synonymous with incredible crimes against humanity and atrocities and the Holocaust and antisemitism,' Kai said. Getty Images Holocaust experts laud Kai's efforts to acknowledge his family's past and educate others. 'With the rise of antisemitism, It's brave of him to be doing this,' said Trisha Posner, author of 'The Pharmacist of Auschwitz.' It's a very sensitive period we're in at the moment … with the denial of the Holocaust [and] the denial of October the seventh.' Gerald Posner, her husband and the author of 'Hitler's Children,' a book about Nazi officials' offspring, noted that Kai could have just ignored his family's ugly ties. Advertisement 'It would have been very easy for him to have said, 'Well, you know, I have nothing to do with him, and just gone on with his life.' Rabbi Abraham Cooper of the Simon Wiesenthal Center is grateful he didn't. 6 The meeting of Anita (not pictured) and Maya Lasker-Wallfisch with Kai (center) and Hans-Jürgen Höss is the subject of an Emmy-nominated documentary, 'The Commandant's Shadow.' Warner Bros/ HBO Advertisement 'To have someone with that last name stepping forward and saying, 'I'm leading a different life and different commitments,' it does make a difference,' he said. For Kai, it all comes down to making sure people really grapple with recent history and not just coldly intellectualize the past. He said, 'We have to move people's knowledge six inches down, from the head to the heart.'
New European
11-05-2025
- Politics
- New European
How Twitter broke Elon's mind
Musk's tweets are now wildly overrepresented to basically all Twitter users, so that using Twitter often feels as if the worst guy at the party had trapped everyone else in a one-sided, unending conversation. Six months after that, X allowed political ads back on the site after banning them in 2019. This meant that users were increasingly being exposed to ideas that had money behind them. In February 2023, the billionaire Elon Musk noticed that his tweet about the Superbowl had done much worse than President Biden's on the same topic. He called a 2.30 a.m. emergency meeting of X engineers (and indeed any employees who could code) to change the algorithm and expand his reach. The engineers designed a new algorithm that inflated Musk's tweets' reach by a factor of 1,000. By the time the next American presidential election came around, Musk had also become increasingly obsessed with X personally, and not just professionally. One journalist noted that, during some weeks, 'there was [only] one 90-minute period – between 3.00 and 4.29 a.m. local time – when he never posted. Every other half-hour period, night or day, he [had] sent at least one tweet [during the course of that week].' Because Musk is chronically online, speaks English and sleeps odd hours, he has ended up taking in a great deal of British content (since Britain is five to eight hours ahead), which made him strangely and deeply invested in British culture wars even as the US election loomed: 'His shortest overnight break [was] … him logging off after retweeting a meme comparing London's Metropolitan police force to the Nazi SS, before bounding back online four and a half hours later to retweet a crypto influencer complaining about jail terms for Britons attending protests.' The algorithm of his own platform shaped his brain. X's own AI, Grok, flagged Musk as perhaps the biggest spreader of misinformation on the site. As went Musk, so went the platform. Studies from the University of Wisconsin and Cambridge University show that on X, right-wing ideas reach more people and other, (somewhat) left-wing accounts, including Biden's White House, reach fewer. On election night, Trump and Musk celebrated together. And Musk, who has $3bn in contracts with the US federal government, ended up as head of the Department of Government Efficiency, which has been continuously shrinking (and outsourcing, and arguably destroying) the federal government, week after week this year. Many of the people who were upset or outraged by the changes to Twitter (who often are the same people outraged by the current changes to the US government) tried, and sometimes struggled, to explain why. It was, strangely, as if they didn't quite have the language for it. For example, Luke Zaleski, the legal affairs editor at Condé Nast, wrote a popular rejoinder tweet: 'Just a reminder to everyone – Elon is a rightwing media mogul with massive conflicts of interests in various fields that require governmental oversight and regulation – who's openly and not so openly – utilizing his giant personal social-media platform to serve his own political purposes.' Absolutely. But our capitalist society generally allows wealthy people to buy companies and do things for political gain. The thing that made people especially upset in this case, I'd suggest, is that the company Musk owns is a vehicle for the public to engage in activities that are central to civic life. As an unknown tweeter, Avi Bueno, put it (his account later disappeared), 'We should probably have a serious discussion about the ease with which a billionaire haphazardly purchased & immediately destroyed a company that… facilitated essential communication for hundreds of millions.' The missing word here is 'infrastructure': 'we' let Musk buy a crucial piece of digital infrastructure. Musk purchasing the platform was painful to many people not only because it changed their digital habits but also because they sensed, without necessarily being able to express it, that he had captured a piece of potential democratic infrastructure and turned it into something far worse. Although most probably didn't think about Twitter as 'infrastructure', many already grasped that there was something about its function that was potentially more socially and politically important than, say, Netflix. The frequent fury over being charged for premium use emerges from people's intuitive sense that something like Twitter should be an important, free service (not owned by a belligerent, radicalised billionaire). Many commentators had long believed that Twitter might play a central role in certain kinds of political and social change. Andrew Sullivan, for the Atlantic, published a piece titled 'The Revolution Will be Twittered'. Mark Pfeifle, a former deputy national security advisor in the George W. Bush administration wanted to award Twitter a Nobel Prize. I suspect Twitter will not be winning that prize now. But once upon a time many saw it as the platform that would lead to all their favoured democratic uprisings and/or enact the ideal of democracy itself. In practice, as Bevins notes, Twitter was a weak point for movements in many ways, not only because it meant that protests were only loosely organised, or because activists often thought they were doing more than they were, but also because governments used social media platforms to find and arrest dissidents. Indeed, infrastructure is always contested in this way: used by both the powerful and the masses in competing ways to gain power, used for and against democratic life. At one end of things, users might feel they are engaged in democratic life, but at the other end, the platforms and governments involved in digital communication are often pulling their own strings, sometimes with greater effect. For example, TikTok has now been caught up in a cold war between the US and China. So while these platforms seem frivolous on the surface to many (all the weird dancing videos! All the incomprehensible disputes and subtweets!), they are the centre of conflicts between the most powerful states on earth because of their central, infrastructural role in public life. And in truth, as upsetting as the takeover of Twitter was in some ways, the most remarkable thing about it was that it wasn't remotely an anomaly. Nothing about a billionaire owning an important piece of communications infrastructure (or using it to try to influence democratic elections) is unusual. And it doesn't just happen in the US – Musk has also turned his influence to other elections around the world, perhaps most notably in Germany. Fifteen or so billionaires own a huge percentage of America's news channels, and six corporations alone control much of it. Rupert Murdoch owns Fox News and the Wall Street Journal. Jeff Bezos owns the Washington Post. Michael Bloomberg owns, well, Bloomberg. Donald and Samuel Newhouse own the media company that in turn owns Wired, Vanity Fair, The New Yorker and Vogue. In 2016 the Cox Media Group division owned seven daily newspapers, 59 radio stations, more than a dozen non-daily publications and 14 broadcast television stations. And so on. Twitter's takeover felt upsetting because it felt like a piece of infrastructure for democracy. And it felt extra upsetting because it already felt like it belonged to all of us: so many users helped make it the place it was. It was Twitter users' labour, interests and relationships that made the site work. It felt wrong for a collective conversation about the future of the world to be purchasable, weaponisable. But from the perspective of capitalism, the only unusual thing about the Twitter acquisition was that people could see it happening and understand its impact on their life straight away. The world was treated to a real-time demonstration of what happens when our public discourse infrastructure is owned by someone with his own particularly obvious, slightly bizarre and constantly live-tweeted agenda. The temptation is to focus on the dramatic figures, on Trump, on Musk. But it's not really about them, comic and frightening though they are in turns. It is the system that brought them there; it is about the economy where the three wealthiest Americans own more than the bottom 50% of the country. And there are many ways to try to change that system, but when it comes to helping people think differently and engage in the form of life we might meaningfully call democracy, I hope we now turn our attention to democratic infrastructure. We need to own it collectively; we need to build new collective forms of it. We need to take it out of the hands of billionaires and the far right. The quality of this infrastructure will determine the quality of the thinking we are able to undertake. I have read a great many definitions of infrastructure. One I liked best was from the CEO of the Vancouver Airport Authority, who defined infrastructure as 'the stuff you build for the future you want'. Do we want a future where we are stuck now, tweaking the words we use but never really reaching one another? Or do we want a future where people have real options for how to live their lives and, as a result, sometimes change their minds? This is an edited extract from Don't Talk About Politics: How to Change 21st-Century Minds by Sarah Stein Lubrano, published by Bloomsbury
Telegraph
13-03-2025
- Telegraph
Bayeux Tapestry piece stolen by Nazis will be returned to France
A missing fragment from the Bayeux Tapestry that was looted by Nazi archaeologists will be returned to France, after it was discovered in northern Germany. The missing piece of the 11th-century tapestry was taken from the collection of Karl Schlabow, a textile archaeologist who worked in league with the Nazi SS as they scoured Europe for Germanic artefacts. Schlabow and his colleagues looted the piece after Heinrich Himmler, the SS leader, sent them to study it in occupied France in 1941. According to German newspaper Stuttgarter Zeitung, a member of the team removed part of the fragment and took it back to Germany, where it was hidden for decades. But this month, it emerged that the elusive fragment had finally been discovered in the state archives of Schleswig-Holstein, where the Schlabow collection is held. A press conference is due to be held in late March where further details about the fragment, which was taken from the underside of the tapestry, will be revealed. The Bayeux Tapestry, which depicts William the Conqueror's invasion of England in 1066 and his ascension to the throne, is an integral part of France's cultural heritage. It is full of brutal depictions of combat, with the bodies of slain soldiers littering the bottom half of the tapestry. Schlabow looted the fragment while working for Ahnenerbe, an occult-obsessed organisation created by Himmler to promote the idea that Germans descended from a superior Aryan race. Research by Ahnenerbe was often used by the Nazi regime to justify its racist policies, though the group largely engaged in bizarre pseudoscience and conspiracy theories. Himmler himself was fascinated by occult mysteries, keeping a rock crystal on display in his lair of Wewelsburg Castle that supposedly represented the Holy Grail. The fragment is being returned to France just in time for major restoration work that will start this summer, when the tapestry will leave its public viewing gallery in Bayeux, Normandy for two years. 'In terms of economic and cultural influence, this is the most complex and ambitious project … ever undertaken by the Town of Bayeux,' said Bayeux mayor Patrick Gomont of the £30 million restoration efforts. However, even after the Schlabow piece has been stitched back into the tapestry, it will not be complete. Another section of up to 10ft of fabric, which is presumed to show the coronation of William I, is also missing - and its whereabouts are still unknown.
Yahoo
27-02-2025
- Automotive
- Yahoo
Elon Musk Is Becoming the Face of the Global Far-Right
Over the past few weeks, multiple clips of Elon Musk in action have gone viral across the world, each conveying evidence of the billionaire's transition from high-tech superstar to right-wing political activist. With every passing day, as he carries out his prominent role in the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump and wades ever more deeply into European politics, Musk is becoming an aspirational leader of a far-right movement that is rising across the democratic West. There's the video of Musk gleefully waving a chainsaw in an appearance alongside Argentine President Javier Milei at the Conservative Political Action Conference, a symbol of both men's approach to slashing government spending and jobs. Another shows Musk with his four-year-old son on his shoulders in the Oval Office next to a seated Trump, lecturing the media about his cost-cutting plans. Then there is Musk's video address to a campaign rally for the ultra-rightwing party Alternative for Germany, or AfD, just before that country's elections, with only a Big Brother-style closeup of his head appearing on the screen. In his remarks, Musk not only threw his support behind a party that is viewed as too extreme even by some of the other right-wing populist parties across Europe. Speaking on the eve of Holocaust Remembrance Day, he told the crowd that Germany should discard its guilt over its Nazi past and that the AfD is the only force that can 'save' the country. The AfD ended up finishing second in the election, a strong showing and major advance on its previous electoral results, but there is no evidence that Musk's endorsement—or that of Vice President JD Vance—moved the needle. The AfD is far more extreme than its European peers. Last year, one of its top officials declared that members of the Nazi SS were 'not all criminals.' That was the last straw even for other European anti-immigrant populist leaders. In response, the grouping of far-right parties in the European Parliament, known as Identity and Democracy, announced it had expelled AfD from its midst. To get more in-depth news and expert analysis on global affairs from WPR, sign up for our free Daily Review newsletter. Incidentally, Musk's ostentatious Nazi salute last month at an inauguration event in Washington has already inspired others to do their own stiff-armed salute, including Steve Bannon, another far-right stalwart and Trump supporter who nevertheless is engaged in an open feud with Musk himself. After Bannon flashed the gesture during his own appearance at the Conservative Political Action Conference, or CPAC, French far-right leader Jordan Bardella canceled his appearance at the event, citing what he described as a 'gesture referring to Nazi ideology.' As in Germany. the far right in the U.S. is becoming too extreme even for Europe's far right. As a result, outside Europe's ultra-rightwing circles, Musk is increasingly viewed there as an activist pushing an extremist ideology that is a palpable threat to democracy. In the U.S., his detractors are more focused on his more immediate impact: the casual cruelty of his heavy-handed dismantling of government programs and jobs. On both sides of the Atlantic, he is becoming the personification of the threats taking shape as the political pendulum swings further to the right, with no one knowing just how far it will reach. When Musk, sporting square sunglasses and a wide smile, hoisted Milei's trademark chainsaw at CPAC last week, it helped cement his emerging image among a large portion of the public as a callous, borderline sadistic actor. One may agree or disagree with the need to fire large numbers of public servants, but the sheer joy he displayed, and the lack of empathy for people suddenly and unexpectedly finding themselves without a paycheck, offered a dark glimpse into the billionaire's values. Days earlier, when he took his child, named X, to the White House, it was perhaps meant to humanize him at a time when he is causing so much angst and engendering so much antipathy. But it also showed just how comfortable the unelected mogul felt at the center of power. The scene—with Musk standing and running the show, while Trump sat at the Oval Office's famous Resolute Desk watching the spectacle—visually reinforced Musk's link with the Trump administration, a link that looks almost sure to cost Trump dearly. Polls show that only about 1-in-4 Americans approve of Musk and his high-profile, slash-and-burn campaign targeting the U.S. federal government. In his signature black MAGA baseball cap, Musk is becoming a villain in the minds of large parts of the population. The wealthiest man alive is dismantling agencies that help the poorest of the poor, flexing his new political muscle with threatening emails to federal workers, while showing absolutely no compassion for the hardships he is causing. He has all the ingredients of a cartoon-style bad guy, sometimes resembling a Bond-style evil genius, but often more of a caricature from an Austin Powers parody. For Trump, the risk is great. When Americans start to tangibly feel the impact of cuts made with little planning, Musk will remain adored by the extreme right and despised by almost everyone else. But it is Trump who will rightly be blamed for the excesses of Musk's so-called Department of Government Efficiency, DOGE. In Europe, the pushback against Musk is already in evidence in the public square, in the courts, in the media—and in Tesla sales. Musk's increasingly direct efforts to influence elections in support of the far right in the U.K., France, Germany and elsewhere is alarming voters and political leaders. His transformation of X—formerly Twitter—into a home for disinformation and incitement against minorities, with Musk as one of the main promoters of controversial and false material on the platform, has caught the eye of European regulators. Legal cases and investigations of X are now popping up across the continent. In France, investigators are pursuing complaints from a member of parliament, Eric Bothorel, who accused Musk of deliberately changing X's algorithm to influence elections in Europe. Bothorel called Musk 'a real danger and threat to our democracies.' The X algorithm does its work quietly, but Musk likes the spotlight. As a result, sales of the product most closely identified with him—his Tesla electric vehicles—are tanking in Europe, despite sales of electric vehicles climbing across the globe. In the most recent month, January 2025, sales in Europe in particular nosedived, falling almost 60 percent in Germany, more than 63 percent in France and 75 percent in Spain. The value of Musk's most prized asset has declined about 30 percent since Trump took office just over five weeks ago, shaving billions off his net worth and underscoring the financial consequences of his political adventurism. Of course, Musk can make up the losses elsewhere given his influence on the U.S. government, with which his companies hold lucrative contracts that, when combined with government loans, subsidies and tax credits they have received over the years, amount to $38 billion, according to the Washington Post. In the meantime, Musk has completed a transformation from admired businessman and tech visionary to a symbol of the threats facing democracy in the West and a champion of the callous, cruel model of government that is emerging under his watch. Frida Ghitis is WPR's senior columnist and a contributor to CNN and The Washington Post. Her WPR column appears every Thursday. You can follow her on Twitter and Threads at @fridaghitis. The post Elon Musk Is Becoming the Face of the Global Far-Right appeared first on World Politics Review.
