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Associated Press
13-05-2025
- Politics
- Associated Press
Lawmakers seek investigation into South Carolina's firing squad execution
COLUMBIA, S.C. (AP) — Two South Carolina legislators have requested an investigation into the state's firing squad execution last month after lawyers for the inmate said his autopsy showed the shots nearly missed his heart and left him in extreme pain for up to a minute. The Democratic and Republican representatives asked the governor, the prison system and leaders in the state House and Senate for an independent and comprehensive review of the April 11 execution of Mikal Mahdi. They also want the firing squad removed from the methods of execution that an inmate can choose until an investigation is complete. Condemned prisoners in South Carolina can also choose lethal injection or the electric chair. Reps. Justin Bamberg and Neal Collins wrote in their letter that the request doesn't diminish the crimes Mahdi was convicted of, nor was it rooted in sympathy for the 42-year-old inmate. Mahdi was put to death for the 2004 shooting of an off-duty police officer during a robbery. 'This independent investigation is to preserve the integrity of South Carolina's justice system and public confidence in our state's administration of executions under the rule of law,' they wrote. Bamberg, a Democrat, and Coillins, a Republican, are deskmates in the South Carolina House. Prison officials say the execution was conducted properly Prison officials said they thought the execution was properly conducted. House and Senate leaders did not respond. Republican Gov. Henry McMaster said he sees no need to investigate. 'The governor has high confidence in the leadership of the Department of Corrections. He believes the sentence of death for Mr. Mahdi was properly and lawfully carried out,' wrote spokesman Brandon Charochak in an email. Even without an investigation, what happened at Mahdi's execution may get hashed out in court soon. A possible execution date for Stephen Stanko, who has two death sentences for murders in Horry County and Georgetown County, could be set as soon as Friday. He would have to decide two weeks later how he wants to die. Mahdi had admitted he killed Orangeburg Public Safety officer James Myers in 2004, shooting him at least eight times before burning his body. Myers' wife found him in the couple's Calhoun County shed, which had been the backdrop to their wedding 15 months earlier. Just one autopsy photo The autopsy conducted after Mahdi's execution raised several questions that the lawmakers repeated in their letter. The only photo of Mahdi's body taken at his autopsy showed just two distinct wounds in his torso. A pathologist who reviewed the results for Mahdi's lawyers said that showed one of the three shots from the three prison employee volunteers on the firing squad missed. The pathologist who conducted the autopsy concluded that two bullets entered the body in the same place after consulting with an unnamed prison official who said that had happened before in training. Prison officials said all three guns fired and no bullets or fragments were found in the death chamber. 'Both bullets traveling on the exact same trajectory both before and after hitting a target through the same exact entrance point is contrary to the law of physics,' Bamberg and Collins wrote. Shots appeared to have hit low In the state's first firing squad execution of Brad Sigmon on March 7, three distinct wounds were found on his chest and his heart was heavily damaged, according to his autopsy report. The shots barely hit one of the four chambers of Mahdi's heart and extensively damaged his liver and lungs. Where it likely takes someone 15 seconds to lose consciousness when the heart is directly hit, Mahdi likely was aware and in extreme pain for 30 seconds to a minute, said Dr. Jonathan Arden, the pathologist who reviewed the autopsy for the inmate's lawyers. Witnesses said Mahdi cried out as the shots were fired at his execution, groaned again some 45 seconds later and let out one last low moan just before he appeared to draw his final breath at 75 seconds. Little documentation at the autopsy Bamberg and Collins said Mahdi's autopsy itself was problematic. The official autopsy did not include X-rays to allow the results to be independently verified; only one photo was taken of Mahdi's body, and no close-ups of the wounds; and his clothing was not examined to determine where the target was placed and how it aligned with the damage the bullets caused to his shirt and his body. 'I think it is really stretching the truth to say that Mikal Mahdi had an autopsy. I think most pathologists would say that he had 'an external examination of the body,'' said Jonathan Groner, an expert in lethal injection and other capital punishments and a surgeon who teaches at Ohio State University. Sigmon's autopsy included X-rays, several photos and a cursory examination of his clothes Prison officials have used the same company, Professional Pathology Services, for all its execution autopsies, Corrections Department spokeswoman Chrysti Shain said. They provide no instructions or restrictions to the firm for any autopsy, she said. The pathologist who conducted the autopsy refused to answer questions from The Associated Press. Bamberg and Collins also want the state to allow at least one legislator to attend executions as witnesses. State law is specific about who can be in the small witness room: prison staff, two representatives for the inmate, three relatives of the victim, a law enforcement officer, the prosecutor where the crime took place, and three members of the media.
The Independent
13-05-2025
- Politics
- The Independent
Lawmakers seek investigation into South Carolina's firing squad execution
Two South Carolina legislators have requested an investigation into the state's firing squad execution last month after lawyers for the inmate said his autopsy showed the shots nearly missed his heart and left him in extreme pain for up to a minute. The Democratic and Republican representatives asked the governor, the prison system and leaders in the state House and Senate for an independent and comprehensive review of the April 11 execution of Mikal Mahdi. They also want the firing squad removed from the methods of execution that an inmate can choose until an investigation is complete. Condemned prisoners in South Carolina can also choose lethal injection or the electric chair. Reps. Justin Bamberg and Neal Collins wrote in their letter that the request doesn't diminish the crimes Mahdi was convicted of, nor was it rooted in sympathy for the 42-year-old inmate. Mahdi was put to death for the 2004 shooting of an off-duty police officer during a robbery. 'This independent investigation is to preserve the integrity of South Carolina's justice system and public confidence in our state's administration of executions under the rule of law,' they wrote. Bamberg, a Democrat, and Coillins, a Republican, are deskmates in the South Carolina House. Prison officials say the execution was conducted properly Prison officials said they thought the execution was properly conducted. House and Senate leaders did not respond. Republican Gov. Henry McMaster said he sees no need to investigate. 'The governor has high confidence in the leadership of the Department of Corrections. He believes the sentence of death for Mr. Mahdi was properly and lawfully carried out," wrote spokesman Brandon Charochak in an email. Even without an investigation, what happened at Mahdi's execution may get hashed out in court soon. A possible execution date for Stephen Stanko, who has two death sentences for murders in Horry County and Georgetown County, could be set as soon as Friday. He would have to decide two weeks later how he wants to die. Mahdi had admitted he killed Orangeburg Public Safety officer James Myers in 2004, shooting him at least eight times before burning his body. Myers' wife found him in the couple's Calhoun County shed, which had been the backdrop to their wedding 15 months earlier. Just one autopsy photo The autopsy conducted after Mahdi's execution raised several questions that the lawmakers repeated in their letter. The only photo of Mahdi's body taken at his autopsy showed just two distinct wounds in his torso. A pathologist who reviewed the results for Mahdi's lawyers said that showed one of the three shots from the three prison employee volunteers on the firing squad missed. The pathologist who conducted the autopsy concluded that two bullets entered the body in the same place after consulting with an unnamed prison official who said that had happened before in training. Prison officials said all three guns fired and no bullets or fragments were found in the death chamber. 'Both bullets traveling on the exact same trajectory both before and after hitting a target through the same exact entrance point is contrary to the law of physics,' Bamberg and Collins wrote. Shots appeared to have hit low In the state's first firing squad execution of Brad Sigmon on March 7, three distinct wounds were found on his chest and his heart was heavily damaged, according to his autopsy report. The shots barely hit one of the four chambers of Mahdi's heart and extensively damaged his liver and lungs. Where it likely takes someone 15 seconds to lose consciousness when the heart is directly hit, Mahdi likely was aware and in extreme pain for 30 seconds to a minute, said Dr. Jonathan Arden, the pathologist who reviewed the autopsy for the inmate's lawyers. Witnesses said Mahdi cried out as the shots were fired at his execution, groaned again some 45 seconds later and let out one last low moan just before he appeared to draw his final breath at 75 seconds. Little documentation at the autopsy Bamberg and Collins said Mahdi's autopsy itself was problematic. The official autopsy did not include X-rays to allow the results to be independently verified; only one photo was taken of Mahdi's body, and no close-ups of the wounds; and his clothing was not examined to determine where the target was placed and how it aligned with the damage the bullets caused to his shirt and his body. 'I think it is really stretching the truth to say that Mikal Mahdi had an autopsy. I think most pathologists would say that he had 'an external examination of the body,'' said Jonathan Groner, an expert in lethal injection and other capital punishments and a surgeon who teaches at Ohio State University. Sigmon's autopsy included X-rays, several photos and a cursory examination of his clothes Prison officials have used the same company, Professional Pathology Services, for all its execution autopsies, Corrections Department spokeswoman Chrysti Shain said. They provide no instructions or restrictions to the firm for any autopsy, she said. The pathologist who conducted the autopsy refused to answer questions from The Associated Press. Bamberg and Collins also want the state to allow at least one legislator to attend executions as witnesses. State law is specific about who can be in the small witness room: prison staff, two representatives for the inmate, three relatives of the victim, a law enforcement officer, the prosecutor where the crime took place, and three members of the media.
Yahoo
06-03-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
$1.5 million in taxpayer funds mistakenly allocated in SC school voucher program
A recent report from South Carolina's Education Oversight Committee revealed that approximately $1.5 million in taxpayer funds was mistakenly allocated to families of students who were ineligible for state-funded tuition assistance, according to the Herald. Nearly 1,000 of the 2,880 students initially approved for $6,000 scholarships were removed from the program in October after the first payments were made before the school year began. The scholarships were intended to be distributed in four $1,500 installments throughout the year. State Representative Neal Collins expressed concerns about the lack of oversight and accountability in the program, stating, 'We have no accountability, we have no oversight towards what happens after purchases are made... It's just very concerning when we're talking about public money and how it's being used.' The confusion over eligibility was partly due to a South Carolina Supreme Court decision that deemed part of the program unconstitutional, specifically the use of funds for private school tuition. This decision came after the school year had started, leading to uncertainty among parents about their children's eligibility. ALSO READ: SC education leaders discuss 'age appropriate' material Additionally, some parents misunderstood the eligibility requirements, with some believing the funds could be used for college or not realizing that homeschooled children were ineligible. The Education Oversight Committee's report suggests that the education department accepted applicants without verifying their eligibility, recommending that eligibility be confirmed before distributing funds in future application processes. The funds were distributed through an online portal called ClassWallet, and some parents reported that funds were removed from their accounts without explanation after initially being awarded. The oversight committee's recommendations aim to prevent future misallocation of funds and ensure that only eligible families benefit from the scholarship program. Both the South Carolina House and Senate are considering legislative changes to address these issues and potentially revive the use of public funds for private school vouchers. VIDEO: SC education leaders discuss 'age appropriate' material
Yahoo
27-02-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
SC House passes bill to revive K-12 vouchers, as deadline for next school year approaches
Rep. Neal Collins, R-Easley, talks about K-12 vouchers on Wednesday, FEb. 26, 2025. (Provided/SCETV legislative livestream) COLUMBIA — House Republicans on Wednesday easily passed their plan for reviving K-12 private tuition payments in South Carolina, as the floor debate provided new insight into how parents used their taxpayer-funded scholarships this school year. The bill approved 79-38 mostly along party lines — no Democrat voted for it — is purposely similar to the voucher law partially thrown out by the state Supreme Court last September. Republicans expect a do-over before the state's high court with whatever they pass. And this proposal 'is what we need' to get a ruling that allows private tuition payments to resume, House Education Chairwoman Shannon Erickson, R-Beaufort, told her colleagues. At issue is the state constitution's ban on public dollars directly benefiting private education. The House bill attempts to get around that by putting a trustee in charge of the transfers. Rep. Justin Bamberg, a Bamberg County Democrat, likened the move to money laundering. 'The state effectively money launders it through this third-party trustee and then they go to a private business,' he said. Rep. Neal Collins, who was among five Republicans to vote against the bill, argued the scholarships are still funded with public money and, therefore, still unconstitutional. 'You really have to do some mental gymnastics to think this public money is not public money,' said the Easley Republican. Numbers he provided from the podium offered the first public details on how parents used their allotments this school year, which the Department of Education has previously declined to provide the SC Daily Gazette. The September court ruling came after the state transferred the first of four, quarterly $1,500 allotments to parents' accounts. While the ruling abruptly stopped all private tuition payments, it kept the rest of the law intact, meaning the transfers continued for still-allowed expenses. As of mid-January, computers and other 'technological devices' made up the single biggest category of parents' spending, at $1.5 million total over 4,387 transactions, according to a spreadsheet the Department of Education provided the Gazette after Collins' floor speech. That represents just under half of the $3.1 million spent by Jan. 17 through the online portal. (Parents choose how their money's spent through the portal. They do not receive cash or reimbursements.) It's great that students received roughly 4,400 computers, Collins said. 'What I'm concerned about is, nothing stops anybody from returning these computers' and pocketing the money, he said. The second biggest category was school tuition, at about $970,000 over 947 transactions. The spreadsheet doesn't provide any breakdown on how many students were involved in those transactions. At least some of them could be for fees charged by public schools for students who transferred from another district. The ruling didn't stop those. What the numbers show is just how much of the $30 million the Legislature allocated for the program's first school year will go unused. Even before legislators finalized the state budget last year, it was clear the full $30 million wouldn't be necessary. While up to 5,000 Medicaid-eligible students could participate the first year, most applicants didn't qualify. Less than 2,900 students were enrolled by the deadline, the Daily Gazette reported last May. A $6,000 scholarship for each enrolled student meant less than $17.3 million total could be spent by parents this school year. As of mid-January, the department had transferred about $6.7 million to the accounts for 1,845 students statewide, according to the spreadsheet. How scholarship money has been spent Computers and technological devices: $1,503,010 School: $969,651 Tutoring: $265,502 Other: $150,039 Instructional materials: $138,174 Curriculum: $34,549 Retailer: $28,929 Textbooks and reading books: $13,366 Therapist: $6,420 Tuition and fees for online schools: $3,627 Source: SC Department of Education. Dollar figures are as of Jan. 17. Erickson attributed the low participation to private tuition payments stopping in September and parents being unaware of the program in its fledgling year. The spreadsheet, which breaks down the number of participants per county, shows students in all 46 counties received scholarships. Richland County, home to the state capital, accounted for the most students in a single county, by far, at 304; followed by Greenville (the state's most populous county), at 160 students; then Spartanburg, at 148. Fifteen counties were in the single digits, with Bamberg and McCormick counties tying for the smallest number of students, at two each. 'We've got students in every single county using it, and those numbers will continue to grow,' Erickson said. 'We barely got to roll it out with good information last year, and we know that there are other children that are interested in coming.' But that wouldn't explain why roughly 1,000 of the students enrolled last May dropped out of the program entirely before any transfers were made. Collins and other opponents offered possibilities: Rural students have few, if any, local private school options. A lack of transportation may be an obstacle for getting students to options that do exist. Private schools may not be accepting students who don't meet their criteria, such as high grades, or if they have a behavioral issue. And even with a $6,000 scholarship, poor parents can't afford schools that can charge several times that. Under the 2023 law, eligibility expands in the upcoming school year to 10,000 students with family incomes up to 300% of the federal poverty level, which is about $96,000 for a family of three. The application period closes March 15. More than 4,700 students have already applied, according to the state Department of Education. Republicans' proposals, both in the House and Senate, would maintain the existing law's income eligibility rules for next two school years. In 2026-27, 15,000 students from families who make up to 400% of the poverty level can participate. Under the House bill, there won't be any income limits starting in school year 2027-28, though there will be application priority windows for lower-income students. 'That's a handout,' said Rep. David Martin, R-Fort Mill. 'That's not helpful. That's free money for rich people.' And unlike existing law, both the House and Senate plans would open up eligibility to students already attending private schools, though public school students would get priority. The 2023 law required students to be leaving a public school or entering kindergarten. 'I consider this a tuition discount for people who already send their kids to private schools,' said Rep. Heather Bauer, D-Columbia. Rep. Jeff Bradley, chairman of the House education K-12 subcommittee, stressed that program's cost is a tiny fraction of the nearly $15 billion going into South Carolina's K-12 public schools from local, state and federal taxes. 'I think given the total amount we spend on education, it's worth taking a risk to see if we can do something better about it,' said Bradley, R-Hilton Head Island. Opponents argued that money would be better spent improving public education. Bamberg noted state funding for the scholarships will rise to an estimated $96 million in 2026-27 and keep going up. That amount may be comparatively small to overall spending statewide, he said. But it's a huge amount for poor, rural school districts that pass along massive amounts of debt to pay for renovations or new schools, which Bamberg argued should be a state responsibility. In districts with little tax base, residents pay higher property taxes on their homes and vehicles to pay for school construction debt. 'At this point to me, it's so obvious,' Bamberg said. 'This isn't about giving everybody choice.' A perfunctory vote Thursday will return the bill to the Senate, which can either agree to the House changes and send the bill to Gov. Henry McMaster's desk or insist on its version.
Yahoo
26-02-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
South Carolina again faces showdown over spending public money on private school tuition
COLUMBIA, S.C. (AP) — The South Carolina House approved its own version of a bill Wednesday that would let parents spend taxpayer money on private school tuition. After a routine final vote Thursday, the bill will go back to the state Senate, which can either accept the House version or work on a compromise. The version passed by the Senate would fund the vouchers through state lottery profits, whereas the House version would allocate money from the regular budget. If the two chambers can solve their differences, a bigger showdown looms. The General Assembly passed a similar bill in 2023 that the state Supreme Court struck down. The justices pointed out in their 3-2 decision that the state constitution bans public funds from being used for the direct benefit of private or religious schools. See for yourself — The Yodel is the go-to source for daily news, entertainment and feel-good stories. By signing up, you agree to our Terms and Privacy Policy. The state Senate hopes that using lottery proceeds to fund the private school funding might sway the court. The House version would put the money in the hands of a trustee in the state Education Department to dole out, which supporters believe would not run afoul of the constitutional limits, since the money would go through someone's hands before getting to parents. 'That trustee somehow magically makes those public funds not public any more,' said state Rep. Neal Collins, an Easley Republican who was one of five members of his party to oppose the bill because he said public money doesn't need to go to private schools. 'You really have to do some mental gymnastics to think this public money is not public money,' Collins said. The state House voted 79-38 in favor of the bill. South Carolina is trying to join about 15 other states that allow public money to be used on private school tuitions. Several other states offer tax credits for private school expenses. Allowing parents to spend public money on private schools in South Carolina has been a two-decade effort running through three governors, four House speakers and five education superintendents in a state where Republicans have been consolidating and expanding their power. The House bill passed Wednesday would set aside $30 million for what the proposal calls education scholarships. Scholarships of up to $6,000 would be offered per school year, with the amount rising as the amount the state spends per pupil increases. Eligibly would be limited to families making 300% or less of the federal poverty level, meaning the cutoff would be about $100,000 for a family of four. Money could be spent on tuition, tutoring or equipment. Republicans knocked down a proposed change to the bill by Democrats that would have required private schools that accept public money to have open enrollment policies including accepting students with disabilities and not barring students based on race, religion or sexual orientation. Another killed proposal would have mandated transportation for poor students who want to go to a private school more than 10 miles (16 kilometers) from their home. 'This isn't about giving everybody choice. This bill isn't about being fair to everybody in the state,' Democratic state Rep. Justin Bamberg said. 'This bill is about excluding certain people. This bill is about looking out for a small segment of folks in this state at the expense of everyone else.' There is one solution that wouldn't require a nervous wait for a state Supreme Court ruling. The Republican supermajority in the General Assembly could get two-thirds support for a proposed constitutional amendment to be put before voters. But supporters don't seem confident they could get a majority vote with the public. Republican state Rep. David Martin suggested creating a workaround instead of an amendment was not the right solution and that allowing parents with six-figure salaries to get money for private education was not the way to try and help students from poor families. "This is only going to be free money for rich people," Martin said. Tennessee expanded voucher access earlier this month while Texas is considering starting its own program. Shortly after taking office, President Donald Trump signed an executive order telling federal officials to use discretionary money to prioritize school choice programs.
