Latest news with #NetzahYehuda
Yahoo
02-08-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Understanding the ultra-Orthodox: Is haredim in the army a pipe dream or within reach?
Fears, hopes, and the IDF's efforts to work with the community – and improve conditions to maximize ultra-Orthodox recruitment Testifying before the Knesset State Control Committee in January 2025, Brig.-Gen. Shay Tayeb, head of the IDF Personnel Directorate's Planning and Personnel Management, said that in 2025 the army is able to draft 4,800 haredi recruits, and by 2026 the number is expected to rise 20% to 5,700. After that, if provided with the resources needed, the IDF will be able to absorb haredim 'without any restrictions.' Is this a pipe dream or can it actually happen? To understand the greatdebate about haredim joining the army, one must understand the culture of the haredi world and recognize the spectrum of outlooks in the community, whose groups range from tightly segregated anti-government to more integrated but still devoutly stringent culturally Israeli. Such an outlook would govern, for example, how the community interfaces with non-haredim and whether they consume non-haredi books or media. The IDF is making tremendous efforts to better understand this important and growing segment of society in order to make mandatory army service comfortable enough for its members. 'For a non-Zionist, I have logged more time in the IDF than most Zionists,' says Yechiel Reit, an American haredi doctor who came to Israel in 2005, and began serving as a reservist medical officer 16 years ago. The Beit Shemesh doctor was assigned to the new haredi battalion Netzah Yehuda (previously known as Nahal Haredi). Reit admits he does not consider the State of Israel to have any theological significance. 'We didn't go to Mount Sinai to become Ukrainians,' he says. 'If Jews are fighting for their glory, they may as well be Ukrainian. We don't pledge allegiance to the State of Israel, but we do pledge allegiance to the Jewish people, our brothers.' His eldest son also joined the army, recently completing his three years of service with the rank of sergeant. 'He got a commendation and gave a three-minute acceptance speech, and he didn't speak to me in advance about what he was going to say,' Reit recounts. 'He gave a nice talk about the meaning of doing for the Jewish people, without once mentioning the State of Israel.' 'Netzah Yehuda,' Reit explains, 'came from the haredi world, not the defense industry. Netzah Yehuda stood up to the defense industry.' According to Reit, Avigdor Kahalani, a former career officer in the IDF and Yom Kippur War hero, became a big supporter of Netzah Yehuda. 'Although there was a lot of opposition to it, he was a hard guy for people to fight with. 'At the same time that the army was starting Netzah, there was also a big push to open up positions to women,' he says. 'But even high-ranking female officers are not allowed into the Netzah bases. When Netzah was training, the army cleared out all women.' Reit says that although his son joined the army, he would not approve of his daughters doing likewise. The haredi community: Not homogeneous In general, many haredim prefer to remain insular and separate, not just from women but from people of different backgrounds, according to Leah Bloy, a PhD student at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem who has been working with an organization called TATYA to study the haredi universe. She and other researchers have determined that there are four types of haredim. The range begins with the most stringent and most insular anti-government type of haredim. Stigma plays a large role in influencing behavior, particularly in this group, according to Nechumi Yaffe, professor in the department of public policy at the Gershon H. Gordon Faculty of Social Sciences at Tel Aviv University, who is haredi and has been researching the haredi community for more than 15 years. She says this strictest group constitutes only about 29% of the ultra-Orthodox world. And even though the majority of haredim do not strictly embrace all aspects of haredi behavior, there is stigma associated with those who don't subscribe to the haredi norms. In a research paper published in 2024, she and her team point out that 'soldiers from the ultra-Orthodox community must return to their communities after they have violated a communal norm and must bear the consequences of this choice – consequences that cultivate stigma.' This presents one more task for an army drafting strict haredim. Yaffe recommends intervention programs to enhance the self-esteem of these soldiers and collaboration with the community's spiritual leadership about reducing the stigma and increasing the young men's sense of community. She also recommends awareness campaigns within the ultra-Orthodox community about the harmful aspects of stigma in regard to these soldiers. This group is followed by a more 'modern' group that may be more accepting of government policies, and holidays like Independence Day, and is more tolerant about interfacing with non-haredi and even non-observant people. Members of this group are more familiar with the 'outside world.' Also on the haredi spectrum is the 'independent' type that, while observing the norms, does not subscribe to the government or the community. And then there is the type of haredi that identifies as Israeli. 'They keep the norms but want to integrate like the modern, and are okay with going to university,' says Bloy. 'They want to be Israelis. This group tends to have more Sephardim, as well as hassidim. They constitute about 25% of the ultra-Orthodox community. They read Israeli books, use filtered Internet, and listen to Israeli music. They are more balanced and can integrate in society more successfully. They work alongside secular people and go to university. Their children see that [life] can be balanced. This is the most successful model.' Professor emeritus Sergio DellaPergola, former chairman of the Hebrew University's Institute of Contemporary Jewry, was born in Italy and made aliyah in 1966. Throughout his career, he has followed Israeli society and demography. 'There is a fundamental gap between most of the people in the haredi domain and their leadership,' he explains. 'Many would serve in the army if they were permitted to do so by their leaders. Their rabbis and politicians do not allow them to. 'However, had it not been for the existence of Israel, there would not be a haredi world. They are supported by the political power and budgets that are a normal manifestation of being part of Israel and Israeli policy.' Rabbi Yisrael Wilk, a resident of Beit Shemesh, concurs that the haredi world is actually a nuanced one. 'There's the so-called mainstream – represented in the political sphere [with its own further divisions] – and there are the extremists who refuse to be politically represented. 'These extremists are not a small segment of the population. They see the state as illegitimate, anti-God; therefore, the discussion of participation in the army doesn't even begin. 'While the secular and even National Religious feel repelled by this outlook, they overlook the fact that the core of this extremist segment has been here many generations longer than anyone else. This segment of haredim very much look at the conquering of the country by the Zionists as the Indians rightfully viewed the American colonist takeover. And, truthfully, there's a heavy element of this feeling at the root of all haredi outlooks, mainstream included, except that the latter takes a more practical approach of coming to terms with the facts, and trying to salvage whatever possible. 'I think the main difficulty behind the whole discussion for the mainstream haredi world is a complete lack of trust in the government and the army, particularly as both of these are bound by the judicial dictatorship. There's a long list of broken promises that has severed any ability to trust and rely on the army and the state that this time will be different. 'Even Rabbi Tamir Granot, whom I contacted in an attempt to try to explain to him how big a mistake he's making in his approach to this topic, admitted to me that this lack of trust was duly earned.' [Rabbi Granot – head of Tel Aviv's hesder Yeshivat Orot Shaul, whose son Lt. Amitai Granot fell in battle against Hezbollah – pleaded for haredim to join the army in an essay titled 'Are Your Brothers To Go to War While You Stay Here?'] Wilk said that the solution is 'not a quick fix, so it doesn't fit Israeli culture (maybe today, it's already world culture). All the geniuses dealing with this topic apparently are unaware that quick fixes to serious problems virtually don't exist.' He said the situation has made him unhappy. 'For months after the Simchat Torah attack, the haredi world was becoming closer and closer to the rest of Israeli society, and it was beginning to translate even into higher haredi enlistment. 'The extreme Left realized this is bad news for them, for the biggest threat to their control is if all the religious world bands together. So, they pulled out the Joker card, which always works to immediately cause a rift between the National Religious and haredi worlds, and ensure the anti-religious control over the country – the army card. And much of the National Religious rabbinic world took the bait.' Wilk feels that the natural outcome of being demonized and attacked is that the haredi world has become more extreme than ever before. Fighting the religious 'war of attrition' To understand the haredi mindset, it is important to understand the greater war that all religious Jews are fighting – the war against assimilation and attrition. Of all the Orthodox groups in the world, the haredim have the best record when it comes to keeping their offspring within the world of Jewish observance. While every Orthodox Jewish community spends time, money, great effort and energy to foster Jewish continuity, those living within the haredi 'bubble' have a lower rate of attrition in Israel than any other Orthodox stream. Does joining the army increase the chances of any Orthodox person choosing a non-observant lifestyle? Yaffe points out that the army can be viewed by some as a passport to leave the haredi community and to leave observant life, if they are so inclined. Although her focus is on the haredi community, she says leaving the fold is higher among the Modern Orthodox – or as they are called in Israel, the National Religious community. 'National Religious is a gateway community,' she explains. 'From the beginning, you have a way to make it in the secular world. Your exit is much easier. Therefore, the number of 'defectors' is much higher.' Ido Liberman of Western Galilee College, in a 2020 study, found that among the Modern Orthodox, National Religious, and Bnei Akiva and Ezra youth groups, 24% left the fold, with half of them leaving during their army service. The number of people leaving the haredi world is much lower, estimated by Yaffe at around 13%, with many retaining some traditionalism and spirituality in their lives. Liberman surmises that the haredi reason for not serving has less to do with fear of attrition and more to do with the fact that army service could disrupt the haredi communal structure. 'The haredim manage the structure of their community through their rabbis. The yeshivot allow the rabbis complete control of the community. The army structure competes with that structure. And that presents a conflict.' Reit says it is not unheard of for young people to abandon religion because of peer pressure. 'You are 30 guys among 300, and the majority use their cellphones on Shabbat and have girlfriends. When kids are rebelling, going to the army can save a child from a life of drugs, but there are many who are susceptible to the environment, even if they aren't explicitly looking to do that.' Hanna, from Bnei Brak, knew at age 14 that her religious background was not only uninspiring, but she felt squashed by it. The middle child of a very large haredi family, she left home and lived with friends and family until she was old enough to enlist in the IDF. 'Unhappy in the haredi world, whatever messages I got, I decided to do the opposite,' she says. 'For me, I knew I wanted to join the army – even though it was unheard of for a haredi girl to join the army. It is very easy for religious women to get out of joining the army; but when offered the opportunity, I said I wanted to join,' she recounts. 'I was a very good soldier. Anything I did, I did wholeheartedly. I was always on time, always doing exactly what needed to be done. I became a driver, driving Hummers, and was assigned to Artillery [Corps] officers. I drove a truck, would bring the food and water and drop it off. And I was the most cautious driver. I followed all the rules. 'Yet, where I came from in the haredi world, I broke all the rules.' She describes the process as 'very deep and complex. 'When my mom is looking at me, she thinks I'm walking on a cliff and I'm going to fall. 'It is hard for haredim to see that in the army, people can blossom and thrive. It was a platform for me to find out who I was. That's where my journey began. Now my life is very healthy, and I have never been happier in my life.' Hanna, who moved to America, has a brother currently in the army who is still religious and haredi. 'He is thriving in the army. He is loving it, and it has given him a purpose. It creates a different kind of bond.' She has rediscovered spirituality in the form of energy healing. She coaches people in person and online ( She says she understands the haredi dilemma about the army. 'The fear is that their children will be exposed to the world, the 'evil inclination,' etc. It's coming from a place of fear. Putting people in a bubble or box and not letting them go in or out. Fear and control, coming from a place of protectiveness; they really believe that it's dangerous. It makes sense why they are doing it. However, forcing ideas is what makes people run away.' Creating a haredi comfort zone on base According to Yaffe, 'The army can be an opportunity, but the community has to be reassured that the army is not taking people away from religion. The more successful the army is in maintaining the haredi culture, the less of a stigma [army service] will become.' Reit concurs. 'The biggest fear of haredi parents is that kids will go 'off the path' in the army. However, many times the army will actually save kids.' He says he knows of one rebellious young man who ended up with a sincere and serious haredi roommate who dragged him to minyan, and he actually came out of the IDF more religious than when he went in. 'Keeping them separate is the solution Netzah Yehuda came up with, and for the most part it worked.' The haredi lieutenant-colonel in charge of haredi military service, who asked to remain unnamed in this article, says the army's goal is to turn out effective soldiers. 'We do a lot of research to understand what they need,' he explained. He continued: '1. A haredi soldier has been dealing with strict boundaries his whole life. This is very important to the community. Therefore, we build physical separations to keep them apart from others. '2. They only eat [food with] special mehadrin kashrut certifications. The army is kosher for the most part, but for these soldiers we go beyond the call of duty. '3. We are careful about providing a proper atmosphere. This means providing a synagogue, and a wholesome environment where cursing is not tolerated.' Another haredi unit that was introduced, the Hashmonaim Brigade, requires seven months of training. The soldiers generally are between 22 and 28, married, and have three to five children. According to one reservist, the challenges of being a haredi reserve soldier, while difficult, are less likely to cause an identity or religious crisis. These soldiers tend to be more established, with families, and aren't trying on new personas. That said, the lieutenant-colonel said that strong support services are put in place to help the families of these soldiers, particularly women who may be shouldering the breadwinning along with the childbearing. From the beginning, the IDF takes into account that they are dealing with young men who have had little or no secular studies. They have not learned math or geography. They may not even know how to read a map, and may not understand how to navigate computers or electronics. Still, the lieutenant-colonel says, many are extremely bright and quick to learn. The aptitude and psychology tests administered to haredi recruits are different from the standard ones. The lieutenant-colonel explains: 'A haredi soldier can be whatever he is able to do. He can be a combat soldier or can choose to remain in support services. We train him to do what he wants to do within the army context. If he wants, he can become a driver. We teach him to drive. He can be a medic or learn to fix things like smartphones, computers, and even bulldozers. Some of these soldiers have never handled a smartphone but have become expert at fixing them. Our haredi soldiers were even inspecting the airplanes before we attacked Yemen. 'When they come into the army, they have no background, but they leave with skills that they can take home with them. They earn a certificate that enables them to go to university, work, or volunteer with local security teams or Magen David Adom.' According to Reit and the lieutenant-colonel, there are challenges for haredi soldiers who want to advance in army life. If, for example, they want to join Golani, which is a mixed brigade and, while they will be respected, they will not be given a separate male or all-haredi environment and may have trouble accessing the appropriate rabbinically supervised foods at certain bases. Hashmonaim does promote from within, but haredim will need to boost their numbers to turn out more officers, as only two of every 100 is referred onward. Adds the lieutenant-colonel: 'Most haredi soldiers start their service and they don't know math, they don't know where to put a pin on a map. And they finish, in many cases, with a certificate. This is what the army does, what the army did, to open the doors for everyone.' 'The army potentially is the greatest tool of socialization, says DellaPergola. 'What I learned in the army was enormously useful to my own sociological insights.' He points out that army life also can provide a source of training that haredi education has not yet covered, one that will help the community produce sustainable income.'If the Pew [Research Center] demographics are correct, and the haredi sector is going to grow to a point where their collective numbers will become such a hefty proportion of the total [population] that it won't be able to sustain [itself] economically without increasing its members' incomes, joining the army may actually keep haredi life in Israel sustainable.' In a YouTube interview, Yaffe asserts: 'There is something in the ethos of the army – of strength, of power, of taking your fate into your own hands. In the simplest sense, that is what clashes most with the ethos of the haredim... 'If there is a shifting of boundaries that will make it easier for haredim to go to the army, that will change the haredi community overall.' On a heartening note, when asked whether the haredi community's attitudes about the stigma of joining the army have changed since Oct. 7, Yaffe says she is still working on developing data – but 'there are indeed signs that the attitudes are softening.' Solve the daily Crossword
Wall Street Journal
31-07-2025
- Politics
- Wall Street Journal
Haredim Are in the Israeli Army Now
Four soldiers from the Netzah Yehuda battalion fell in a Hamas ambush in Gaza on July 7, together with a fifth soldier not part of the battalion. It was the deadliest event in the history of the ultra-Orthodox battalion of the Israel Defense Forces. Amid the grief I felt a deep pride in these soldiers, whom I knew as chairman of Nahal Haredi, a civilian organization that supports ultra-Orthodox soldiers in the IDF. These young men came from Haredi communities that traditionally oppose army service and attend schools that speak openly against enlistment. Yet they chose to serve. Some had to fight bureaucratic and social resistance to join a combat unit.
Al Mayadeen
15-07-2025
- Politics
- Al Mayadeen
No visits by Netanyahu to families of soldiers killed in Gaza
Israeli newspaper Haaretz confirmed that 62 soldiers from the Israeli occupation forces had been killed in the Gaza Strip since the start of 2025. The report underscored that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had not visited any of the bereaved families of the soldiers who were killed. Israeli media also reported the death of an Israeli contractor working alongside the occupation forces in northern Gaza. Earlier this week, the Israeli occupation forces acknowledged that five soldiers from the Netzah Yehuda battalion were killed and two others were wounded following the detonation of explosive devices during confrontations in northern Gaza. The initial admission came after Israeli media had circulated preliminary reports of casualties. However, subsequent updates from Israeli outlets revealed that a total of 14 Israeli soldiers had been injured in the same incident. Among the wounded, two were listed as being in critical condition, six sustained moderate injuries, and another six were lightly wounded. Israeli media outlets described the incident in northern Gaza as 'extremely serious' and 'one of the most complex security events' since the outbreak of the war on October 7, 2023. This comes in light of a deadly ambush targeting Israeli occupation forces in northern Gaza late on Monday, carried out by Palestinian Resistance fighters. The operation killed five soldiers, including two officers, and wounded 14 others. Some of the soldiers were reportedly burned to death during the operation, which closely resembled a previous ambush on June 24, when seven Israeli troops were killed after Palestinian Resistance fighters targeted an armored combat engineering unit. The latest operation is believed to have occurred in Beit Hanoun, a town in northern Gaza that has been under relentless Israeli bombardment since October 7, 2023. Israeli media described the operation as "extremely serious" and one of the most complex confrontations since the war began. Read more: Abu Obeida: Captive area surrounded, you won't retrieve him alive The complex operation in Beit Hanoun, which targeted an area the occupation forces believed to be empty after completely leveling it, dealt a significant blow to the prestige of the Israeli military, said Abu Obeida, spokesperson for the al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas. In a statement published on Telegram on Tuesday, Abu Obeida added that the war of attrition being waged by Resistance fighters across the Gaza Strip, from north to south, continues to inflict daily losses on the Israeli occupation. "Our fighters launched their attack from the very ruins the occupation believed were devoid of life," Abu Obeida stated, adding, "The war of attrition our fighters are fighting across the entire Gaza Strip, from the North to the South, will continue to cost the enemy more losses by the day." He also warned that even if the occupation previously managed to extract its soldiers from what he described as "the inferno", it would not succeed again, alluding to the potential for more Israeli soldiers to be captured in future confrontations. Directly addressing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Abu Obeida said the decision to keep occupation forces inside Gaza was "the most foolish," cautioning that such a move would only deepen the occupation's losses and prolong its failure on the battlefield.
Saudi Gazette
12-07-2025
- Politics
- Saudi Gazette
Israeli defense minister boasts destruction of Beit Hanoun amid Gaza offensive
TEL AVIV — Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz on Friday shared an aerial image of Beit Hanoun, a city in northern Gaza, boasting of its total destruction and declaring, "After Rafah and Beit Hanoun ... there is no refuge for terrorism." The image, posted to Katz's official X account, depicts a flattened urban landscape — reduced to rubble and ruins — revealing the extent of devastation inflicted on the town. Beit Hanoun, located along Gaza's northern border with Israel, was among the first areas invaded by the Israeli army during its ground operation that began on October 28, 2023. More than 21 months into the war on Gaza, Palestinian armed factions have continued to launch organized ambushes in the area, challenging Israel's military objectives. Last week, five Israeli soldiers from the 'Netzah Yehuda' Battalion were killed and 14 others injured — two critically — in an attack in Beit Hanoun, according to official Israeli military reports. A military investigation confirmed that Hamas fighters detonated three explosive devices targeting an Israeli foot patrol, followed by direct gunfire. The Israeli military has increasingly relied on heavy artillery and aerial bombardment to enforce control over Beit Hanoun, which it recently claimed to have surrounded. On June 2, 2024, Gaza's Municipal Emergency Committee declared Beit Hanoun a 'disaster area' due to near-total destruction of infrastructure, essential services, and the collapse of humanitarian conditions. Before the war, the town had a population of around 60,000 spread over 17,000 dunams. Despite mounting global pressure, Israel continues to reject calls for a ceasefire. Since the launch of its full-scale offensive in late October 2023, Israeli bombardments have killed nearly 57,800 Palestinians, most of them women and children. The destruction has triggered catastrophic humanitarian conditions across Gaza, with widespread food shortages, the collapse of medical facilities, and the rapid spread of disease. The war has drawn international legal scrutiny. In November, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant over war crimes and crimes against humanity. Israel also faces a genocide case at the International Court of Justice. — Agencies
CNN
12-07-2025
- Politics
- CNN
Battered but not beaten, Hamas embraces guerilla tactics with deadly force
The deadly surprise attack in Gaza was almost as shocking as its location. On Monday night, a group of Israeli soldiers walked across a route used by tanks and armored vehicles about a mile from the border fence when a bomb exploded. Remotely operated, it tore into the troops from the Netzah Yehuda battalion, a unit made up of ultra-Orthodox soldiers. More Israeli forces rushed to their aid as a second bomb exploded, also remotely operated. When a third bomb went off moments later, it came with a hail of small arms fire from a Hamas cell that had been hiding nearby. Within minutes, five Israeli soldiers had been killed and 14 more wounded, some with critical injuries. The attack took place in the city of Beit Hanoun in Gaza's northeast corner, easily visible from the Israeli city of Sderot, in territory that was supposed to be under Israeli military control. An initial investigation found the Hamas cell placed the bombs within the previous 24 hours, preparing an ambush against Israeli forces, who likely believed they were operating in relative safety so close to Israeli territory. The complex attack highlights a Hamas shift to guerilla-stye tactics as the militant group, battered and weakened after nearly 21 months of war, wages an insurgency campaign against the Israeli military. But even in its depleted state, Hamas has continued to mount deadly attacks against Israeli forces in the strip. Throughout the war, Israeli forces have had to return to parts of Gaza multiple times as Hamas reemerges in areas Israel claimed it had cleared. The recent string of attacks shows that Israel's goal of eradicating Hamas remains very elusive. Hamas' military wing, the Al-Qassam Brigades, said Monday's attack happened 'in an area the occupation thought was safe after leaving no stone unturned.' In a statement, Hamas described the war as a 'battle of attrition' waged against Israel, one in which it would attempt to add to the soldiers it seized during the Oct. 7 attacks. 'Even if it miraculously succeeded recently in freeing its soldiers from hell, it may fail later, leaving us with additional prisoners,' Hamas said. On Wednesday, Hamas militants targeted an Israeli military engineering vehicle in Khan Younis, launching a rocket-propelled grenade and charging the vehicle as the driver tried to flee, as seen in a video of the attack released by Hamas. According to the Israeli military, the militants tried to abduct the soldier, killing him in the process. The attempt was thwarted by Israeli forces operating in the area. In a statement posted on Telegram two days later, the Al-Qassam Brigades vowed 'the fate of the next soldier will be better as our new prisoner.' The brutal, grinding war of Gaza contrasts sharply with Israel's quick and precise operation in Iran, a campaign carried out by air and on land without any military casualties. Since the end of the 12-day Israel-Iran conflict, at least 19 soldiers have been killed in Gaza, according to the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), including the attack in Beit Hanoun. On the day of the Israel-Iran ceasefire, a Hamas militant threw an incendiary device down the open hatch of an armored engineering vehicle in southern Gaza, killing all seven soldiers inside. The attack was one of the deadliest incidents in months for the IDF in Gaza. Former IDF Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Herzi Halevi said in January that Israel had killed 20,000 Hamas fighters since the beginning of the war. Israel has also assassinated much of the terror organization's top leadership. But Hamas has recruited new fighters as well, a senior Israeli military official said earlier this year, replenishing their ranks. In March, Israel's public broadcast, Kan News, reported that Hamas had recruited 'hundreds' of new fighters. What remains is a loosely organized group of militant cells, able to carry out hit-and-run attacks, using what remains of Gaza's underground tunnel network to move and stay hidden, according to Retired Maj. Gen Israel Ziv, former head of the IDF's Operations Directorate. Hamas has had time to study how the IDF operates, Ziv told CNN, and they are turning that to their advantage. 'Their war is built around our weaknesses. They don't defend territory — they seek targets,' he said. Ziv said the strain on Israel's military manpower has allowed Hamas to exploit vulnerabilities, even in its weakened state. 'Hamas has undergone a transformation — it has become a guerrilla organization operating in small cells. It has an abundance of explosives, much of it from the munitions the IDF has dropped there. This is a war of IEDs. Hamas is creating ambushes and taking initiative by controlling key bottlenecks,' said Ziv. Operating as decentralized, independent groups has made it harder for Israel to target a cohesive leadership structure. Last month, an Israeli military official told CNN that it has become more difficult to effectively target what remains of Hamas. 'It's harder now to achieve tactical goals,' the official said. Hamas long ago expended the vast majority of its rocket arsenal, able now to launch only sporadic rockets that have near-zero impact. But their ability to move among the ruins of Gaza, armed with improvised explosive devices culled from tens of thousands of Israeli munitions, has turned the rubble of the besieged enclave into a source of resilience. Challenged by armed gangs in southern Gaza and a population that has expressed open anger at Hamas, the militant group has nevertheless found a way to continue the fight, exacting a deadly price with each passing week that goes by without a ceasefire. Even with talks ongoing in Doha and signs of some progress, a ceasefire remains elusive, with mediators so far unable to bridge the key gaps between the sides. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said during his recent trip to Washington, DC that Hamas must lay down its arms, ceding its military and governing capability, or Israel will resume the war. But Hamas has shown no willingness to make such major concessions in negotiations, and the recent attacks are an indication of the power they still retain. CNN's Ibrahim Dahman contributed to this report.
