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First Post
06-05-2025
- Politics
- First Post
Pakistan wargamed response to Pahalgam attack, counts on China to save the day
Two weeks have elapsed since the Pahalgam massacre of tourists and it's now becoming clear that Pakistan had wargamed the response to the terror attack well in advance. Now, amid rising tensions with India, Pakistan is counting on China to save the day but it depends on whether Beijing sanctioned the attack or not. read more Chinese Premier Li Qiang and Pakistan's Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif react after unveiling a plaque to mark the completion of the New Gwadar International Airport, during a ceremony at the Prime Minister's House in Islamabad, Pakistan October 14, 2024. (Photo: Reuters) Since the Pahalgam attack, Pakistan has conducted missile tests, naval and aerial drills, emptied terrorist facilities in bordering areas, ramped up nuclear weapons' rhetoric, and mounted a disinformation campaign. The missile tests and naval drills kept any Indian naval operation at bay. The constant rhetoric of an 'imminent' attack ensured that no Indian attack took place — India would not attack in the time chosen by Pakistan. Pakistan's actions suggest that the military-intelligence establishment had wargamed the response to the Pahalgam attack well in advance and preparations for the response must have started right after the India-Pakistan confrontation in 2019 after the Pulwama attack, says Yusuf Unjhawala, a scholar of geopolitics at the Takshashila Institution. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD ALSO READ: As India vows response to Pahalgam, why is Pakistan itching for war? While drivers for the Pahalgam attack, which could not have taken place without the go-ahead from Pakistani Army chief General Asim Munir, are entirely domestic, such as restoring the primacy of the Pakistani military, there is an external element that could be the decisive factor in any India-Pakistan confrontation. That is China. Pakistan wargamed response to Pahalgam attack well in advance Everything that Pakistan has done so far after the Pahalgam attack is part of a calculated, pre-decided plan that had been years in the making. For instance, daily cross-border firing is not merely military aggression that is a result of Pakistan's decision to up the ante with India, but it is an effort to prevent any cross-border action from India, such as the one in 2016 in response to the Uri attack. 'If the entire border is lit up, as it is since the Pahalgam attack, a cross-border action would be highly unlikely. Similarly, Pakistan's military drills that extended almost to the edge of India's exclusive economic zone (EEZ) put a check on Indian naval activities,' says Unjhawala. Moreover, Indian intelligence has assessed that Pakistan has emptied camps and launchpads in Pakistan Occupied Jammu and Kashmir (POJK) in an apparent effort to prevent India from carrying out any targeted strikes at these locations. While it is natural for countries to hold military drills and demonstrations in times of tensions, the kind of drills that Pakistan is holding are intended to deter an attack from India and convey preparedness for any confrontation. The Hatf-II missile has a range of 450 kilometres and the test-launch was conducted in the east-west direction, telling India that the mainland is within reach. The Fatah missile has a range of 120 kms. Pakistan has also unveiled the long-range ground surveillance radar AM-3505, which is supposed to monitor Indian military activity on land and in the air. It is aimed at monitoring Indian military activity across land and air up to 350 kms away on ground and 60,000 feet in the sky. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This handout photograph released by the Inter Services Public Relations (ISPR) on February 15, 2013, shows a Pakistani short range surface to surface Ballistic Missile Hatf II (Abdali) launched from an undisclosed location. File Photo/AFP Unjhawala tells Firstpost, 'Everything that we have seen so far suggests that, after the Pulwama-Balakot episode, Pakistan had wargamed how it would respond the next time a large-scale terrorist attack would be carried out inside India. Pakistan is now following that plan to deter or at least delay an Indian response and internationalise the issue in an attempt to blunt any Indian response.' Will China come to Pakistan's aid? For years, India has been preparing for what has been called a 'two-front' situation in which India faces confrontations with Pakistan and China at the same time. Pakistan would want China to get involved in the conflict, but that is not certain despite the two countries being iron brothers. 'Pakistan would want China to get involved, but China's involvement would depend on the fact whether it approved or sanctioned the Pahalgam attack,' says Unjhawala. It is understood that India does not wish to enter into a full-scale war with Pakistan because of the possibility of China indirectly entering the war on Pakistan's side. While military planners have long been concerned about scenarios in which India's borders with both Pakistan and China might see simultaneous battles, China may not need to open a second front at all. China may rather fight India via Pakistan. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD 'China would fight India to the last Pakistani. Nothing would suit China more than an India-Pakistan war. China would bankroll Pakistan's war on India if it concludes that the war would harm India substantially — and it will harm India substantially. China's principal aim with India is to bog down the country and subdue it. China wants to prevent India from emerging as a power in the region. The India-Pakistan war would provide the best opportunity. That's why India has to avoid a full-scale war,' says Unjhawala. ALSO READ: How Modi govt avoided China's strategic ambush by delaying kinetic action against Pakistan For China, the stakes are much higher than Pakistan. For years, India and others had been chipping away at manufacturing concentrated in China. India's production-linked incentive (PLI) schemes have ramped up manufacturing in some sectors like mobile phones. Recently, plans of Apple to shift manufacturing of iPhones for the United States to India from China had surfaced. Along with like-minded countries, India had also been tackling Chinese hegemonic designs in the Indo-Pacific and checking its influence in the Global South. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD With a war-ravaged economy, however, India would neither be able to attract investments for manufacturing nor check Chinese advances in the world. For China, an India-Pakistan war would be a chance it would not want to miss. But Pakistan didn't wargame one thing While Pakistan appears to have planned how to manage India after the Pahalgam attack, it appears that the wargame skipped one element: the suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty. Even though Prime Minister Narendra Modi told the world in an extremely rare speech in English that India would pursue terrorists and their backers 'to the ends of the Earth', Pakistan's rhetoric barely mentioned it. What really rattled Pakistan was the suspension of the Indus treaty — Pakistan called it 'an act of war'. Pakistan has valid reasons to be rattled. Around four-fifths of the nation's agriculture and one-third of its hydropower depend on the Indus river system. Moreover, agriculture accounts for one-fourths of its economy. While India cannot stop the Indus river system's waters from flowing into Pakistan, it can tamper with the flow that can affect the availability of water for agriculture, hydropower generation, and other purposes at times of high requirement, such as in summers, according to Prof Medha Bisht, a scholar of water governance and transboundary issues in the subcontinent at the South Asia University, Delhi. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The Baglihar Dam in Jammu and Kashmir's Ramban after India cut the flow of water through the dam on the Chenab river following suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty. PTI Now that the Indus treaty is in abeyance, India is no longer obliged to share information related to the release or restriction of waters and that gives India the ability to induce water-scarcity or floods in Pakistan with sudden release of water or reduction in the flow of water without notice, as per Bisht. ALSO READ: With Indus Waters Treaty's suspension, India is playing long game to corner Pakistan The effect is already being felt. India has started to maximise the retention of waters in Chenab, one of the Indus system's rivers. Pakistan's Indus River System Authority (IRSA) has said that the kharif crop season could face a 21 per cent water shortage if India continues to withhold Chenab's waters. What are India's options? As the India-Pakistan border is hot almost consistently, a cross-border ground operation in Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoJK) is unlikely. It would not make much sense anyway as most of the terrorists have been withdrawn from the area. Moreover, India has to strike decisively enough to enforce deterrence, but has to plan escalation in a way that does not lead to a full-scale war. The strikes would also have to set a new normal in the India-Pakistan relationship — the kind of new normal that the response to the Pulwama attack established. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Unjhawala, the geopolitical expert at Takshashila, says that India should go for some demonstrable hits like strikes at the headquarters of terrorist organisations, such as the Lashkar-e-Taiba's in Punjab's Muridke and Jaish-e-Mohammed's in Punjab's Bahawalpur. 'Even if these headquarters and other seminaries have been emptied, India should hit them with missiles, perhaps with a dozen Brahmos missiles. That would demonstrate the ability to strike inside Pakistan as well as leave room for de-escalation as that would allow Pakistan to claim no damage has been done and seek an off-ramp if it so desires,' says Unjhawala. However, Unjhawala does not expect any imminent Indian attack despite whatever Pakistani leaders might say. It is understood that Indian military action would take place before the election cycle kicks in later this year. First, the government has committed to an action so it would face backlash if nothing happens. Second, the government would want to avoid criticism by timing the attack, and possibly a long-drawn conflict, around the time of elections that could potentially derail the exercise. A lot also depends on how Pakistan's domestic situation evolves — particularly in the wake of the Indus treaty's suspension. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The best case for India would be a pre-emptive Pakistani attack that would allow India more justification and liberty to respond and make it harder for China to come to Pakistan's side strongly, says Unjhawala. 'Pakistan may be forced into launching a pre-emptive attack if summer crops die from the water crisis caused by the Indus Waters Treaty's suspension. After Imran Khan's campaign, the Army's reputation is already in tatters. There is already unrest in Sindh. Dead crops in Punjab and Sindh may be the last draw for these two areas. If these two areas rise up in a movement, then Pakistan may be forced into making a pre-emptive strike," says Unjhawala.
Khaleej Times
24-03-2025
- Business
- Khaleej Times
Gwadar International Airport: Pioneering a new era of trade and connectivity
The strategic evolution of Gwadar has long been a subject of geopolitical and economic significance. With its deep-sea port positioned at the crossroads of major global trade routes, the city has been steadily transforming into a linchpin of regional commerce. Now, with the operationalisation of the New Gwadar International Airport (NGIAP) on January 20, 2025, this transformation has reached a pivotal moment. A flagship project under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), NGIAP is more than an infrastructure milestone - it is a statement of intent. Designed to integrate Gwadar into the global aviation network, the airport's impact is expected to ripple across multiple sectors, from trade and logistics to tourism and investment. According to Saif Ullah, Additional Director of Public Relations at the Pakistan Airports Authority (PAA), NGIAP is set to redefine regional connectivity. 'This airport is not just about passenger traffic - it is a strategic gateway that will enhance economic mobility, attract investment, and strengthen Pakistan's role in global commerce,' he explains. Infrastructure Built for the Future Spanning 4,300 acres, NGIAP is Pakistan's largest airport by land area and one of the most ambitious aviation projects undertaken in recent years. The terminal building, covering 15,000 square meters, is designed to handle 1.6 million passengers annually, with an initial capacity of 400,000 passengers per year. Since its inauguration, the airport has already accommodated 22 international and 39 domestic flights, signalling a rapid integration into the aviation network. In the past month alone, private media reports indicate that 42 flights were operated, serving over 1,500 passengers - a strong indication of growing demand. But NGIAP's significance extends far beyond commercial aviation. As a logistics and trade hub, its proximity to Gwadar Port, one of the deepest seaports in the world, positions it as a critical enabler of maritime and air trade linkages. 'The synergy between Gwadar Port and NGIAP will make this region a major node in global supply chains,' says Saif Ullah. The airport's economic impact is already evident. Employment opportunities for the local population have surged, with skilled and unskilled laborers finding work across multiple sectors - airport operations, hospitality, and transport. Moreover, with increasing flight operations and a bustling atmosphere of passengers, businesspeople, and traders, NGIAP is fostering a climate of commercial optimism. 'The ripple effect of this airport will be felt in every sector - real estate, tourism, logistics, and retail,' Saif Ullah notes. While NGIAP is already operational, further enhancements are on the horizon. Discussions are underway to expand cargo handling facilities, optimise air traffic operations, and attract international carriers to establish direct routes to key Middle Eastern, Central Asian, and Chinese destinations. At Allama Iqbal International Airport (AIIAP) in Lahore, a transformative expansion is underway. With a completion target of September 2026, the project includes an additional 350,000 square feet of terminal space, an apron expansion with two new bays for large aircraft, upgraded access roads, and a new sewage treatment plant. The expansion is set to increase AIIAP's passenger capacity to 12 million annually, ensuring that Lahore remains a critical gateway for international and domestic travelers. Importantly, flight operations will remain uninterrupted, as the new infrastructure is being constructed alongside the existing terminal before integration. 'This project is designed to accommodate growth for the next 20 years, ensuring Lahore remains a key hub in Pakistan's aviation sector,' explains Saif Ullah. Islamabad International Airport is embracing cutting-edge Electronic Gates (e-Gates) to modernise Automated Border Control systems. This initiative, part of a broader technological overhaul at Karachi, Lahore, and Islamabad airports, is expected to be completed by January 2026. 'The introduction of e-Gates will streamline immigration procedures, reducing processing time, enhancing security, and improving the overall passenger experience,' Saif Ullah says. The move aligns Pakistan's aviation sector with global standards, ensuring seamless entry and exit for travelers, while also supporting business and tourism growth. At Jinnah International Airport (JIAP) in Karachi, a Rs8.3 billion runway reconstruction project is in full swing. Launched on July 4, 2024, the project involves the complete reconstruction and extension of Runway 07L/25R, allowing it to accommodate ICAO Category 4F aircraft, including the Airbus A380. The 18-month initiative, slated for completion by January 2026, includes: Reconstruction of Taxiway Golf and construction of Taxiway Quebec Installation of an advanced LED Category-I Airfield Lighting System Integration of a centralised Airfield Lighting Control and Monitoring System (ALCMS) 'These upgrades will ensure safe and efficient flight operations for the next 25–30 years, significantly enhancing runway capacity and operational efficiency,' says Saif Ullah. The improvements will boost tourism, employment, and aviation revenues, reinforcing Karachi's status as Pakistan's most critical aviation hub. The upgradation of Farooq Ahmed Khan Leghari Airport marks a significant milestone in Pakistan's regional aviation infrastructure. By expanding the runway, enhancing night operations, and improving overall airport facilities, this project will unlock new economic and travel opportunities for Dera Ghazi Khan and surrounding regions. The ability to accommodate larger aircraft such as the A320 will attract new airlines, improve connectivity for passengers, and stimulate trade and tourism. This initiative reflects Pakistan's commitment to modernising its aviation sector, ensuring that regional airports play a vital role in national economic growth and development. As Pakistan undertakes an ambitious airport modernisation agenda, the developments at Gwadar, Lahore, Islamabad, and Karachi airports reflect a broader vision - one that prioritises connectivity, economic growth, and technological advancement. With Gwadar International Airport leading this transformation, the country's aviation sector is entering a new era - one defined by strategic infrastructure, enhanced operational efficiency, and an increasingly vital role in global trade and commerce.
Yahoo
25-02-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Pakistan's shiny new Balochistan airport is just missing one thing: passengers
With no passengers and no planes, Pakistan's newest and most expensive airport is a bit of a mystery. Entirely financed by China to the tune of $240 million, it's anyone's guess when New Gwadar International Airport will open for business. Located in the coastal city of Gwadar and completed in October 2024, the airport is a stark contrast to the impoverished, restive southwestern Balochistan province around it. For the past decade, China has poured money into Balochistan and Gwadar as part of a multibillion dollar project that connects its western Xinjiang province with the Arabian Sea, called the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor or CPEC. Authorities have hailed it as transformational but there's scant evidence of change in Gwadar. The city isn't connected to the national grid — electricity comes from neighboring Iran or solar panels — and there isn't enough clean water. An airport with a 400,000 passenger capacity isn't a priority for the city's 90,000 people. 'This airport is not for Pakistan or Gwadar,' said Azeem Khalid, an international relations expert who specializes in Pakistan-China ties. 'It is for China, so they can have secure access for their citizens to Gwadar and Balochistan.' CPEC has catalyzed a decades-long insurgency in resource-rich and strategically located Balochistan. Separatists, aggrieved by what they say is state exploitation at the expense of locals, are fighting for independence — targeting both Pakistani troops and Chinese workers in the province and elsewhere. Members of Pakistan's ethnic Baloch minority say they face discrimination by the government and are denied opportunities available elsewhere in the country, charges the government denies. Pakistan, keen to protect China's investments, has stepped up its military footprint in Gwadar to combat dissent. The city is a jumble of checkpoints, barbed wire, troops, barricades, and watchtowers. Roads close at any given time, several days a week, to permit the safe passage of Chinese workers and Pakistani VIPs. Intelligence officers monitor journalists visiting Gwadar. The city's fish market is deemed too sensitive for coverage. Many local residents are frazzled. 'Nobody used to ask where we are going, what we are doing, and what is your name,' said 76-year-old Gwadar native Khuda Bakhsh Hashim. 'We used to enjoy all-night picnics in the mountains or rural areas.' 'We are asked to prove our identity, who we are, where we have come from,' he added. 'We are residents. Those who ask should identify themselves as to who they are.' Hashim recalled memories, warm like the winter sunshine, of when Gwadar was part of Oman, not Pakistan, and was a stop for passenger ships heading to Mumbai. People didn't go to bed hungry and men found work easily, he said. There was always something to eat and no shortage of drinking water. But Gwadar's water has dried up because of drought and unchecked exploitation. So has the work. The government says CPEC has created some 2,000 local jobs but it's not clear whom they mean by 'local' — Baloch residents or Pakistanis from elsewhere in the country. Authorities did not elaborate. Gwadar is humble but charming, the food excellent and the locals chatty and welcoming with strangers. It gets busy during public holidays, especially the beaches. Still, there is a perception that it's dangerous or difficult to visit — only one commercial route operates out of Gwadar's domestic airport, three times a week to Karachi, Pakistan's largest city, located at the other end of Pakistan's Arabian Sea coastline. There are no direct flights to Balochistan's provincial capital of Quetta, hundreds of miles inland, or the national capital of Islamabad, even further north. A scenic coastal highway has few facilities. Since the Baloch insurgency first erupted five decades ago, thousands have gone missing in the province — anyone who speaks up against exploitation or oppression can be detained, suspected of connections with armed groups, the locals say. People are on edge; activists claim there are forced disappearances and torture, which the government denies. Hashim wants CPEC to succeed so that locals, especially young people, find jobs, hope and purpose. But that hasn't happened. 'When someone has something to eat, then why would he choose to go on the wrong path,' he said. 'It is not a good thing to upset people.' Militant violence declined in Balochistan after a 2014 government counterinsurgency and plateaued toward the end of that decade, according to Pakistan Institute for Conflict and Security Studies. Attacks picked up after 2021 and have climbed steadily since. Militant groups, especially the outlawed Baloch Liberation Army, were emboldened by the Pakistani Taliban ending a ceasefire with the government in November 2022. Security concerns delayed the inauguration of the international airport. There were fears the area's mountains — and their proximity to the airport — could be the ideal launchpad for an attack. Instead, Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and his Chinese counterpart Li Qiang hosted a virtual ceremony. The inaugural flight was off limits to the media and public. Abdul Ghafoor Hoth, district president of the Balochistan Awami Party, said not a single resident of Gwadar was hired to work at the airport, 'not even as a watchman.' 'Forget the other jobs, how many Baloch people are at this port that was built for CPEC,' he asked. In December, Hoth organized daily protests over living conditions in Gwadar. The protests stopped 47 days later, once authorities pledged to meet the locals' demands, including better access to electricity and water. No progress has been made on implementing those demands since then. Without local labor, goods or services, there can be no trickle-down benefit from CPEC, said international relations expert Khalid. As Chinese money came to Gwadar, so did a heavy-handed security apparatus that created barriers and deepened mistrust. 'The Pakistani government is not willing to give anything to the Baloch people, and the Baloch are not willing to take anything from the government,' said Khalid.
CNN
25-02-2025
- Business
- CNN
No passengers, no planes, no benefits: Pakistan's newest airport is a bit of a mystery
With no passengers and no planes, Pakistan's newest and most expensive airport is a bit of a mystery. Entirely financed by China to the tune of $240 million, it's anyone's guess when New Gwadar International Airport will open for business. Located in the coastal city of Gwadar and completed in October 2024, the airport is a stark contrast to the impoverished, restive southwestern Balochistan province around it. For the past decade, China has poured money into Balochistan and Gwadar as part of a multibillion dollar project that connects its western Xinjiang province with the Arabian Sea, called the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor or CPEC. Authorities have hailed it as transformational but there's scant evidence of change in Gwadar. The city isn't connected to the national grid — electricity comes from neighboring Iran or solar panels — and there isn't enough clean water. An airport with a 400,000 passenger capacity isn't a priority for the city's 90,000 people. 'This airport is not for Pakistan or Gwadar,' said Azeem Khalid, an international relations expert who specializes in Pakistan-China ties. 'It is for China, so they can have secure access for their citizens to Gwadar and Balochistan.' CPEC has catalyzed a decades-long insurgency in resource-rich and strategically located Balochistan. Separatists, aggrieved by what they say is state exploitation at the expense of locals, are fighting for independence — targeting both Pakistani troops and Chinese workers in the province and elsewhere. Members of Pakistan's ethnic Baloch minority say they face discrimination by the government and are denied opportunities available elsewhere in the country, charges the government denies. Pakistan, keen to protect China's investments, has stepped up its military footprint in Gwadar to combat dissent. The city is a jumble of checkpoints, barbed wire, troops, barricades, and watchtowers. Roads close at any given time, several days a week, to permit the safe passage of Chinese workers and Pakistani VIPs. Intelligence officers monitor journalists visiting Gwadar. The city's fish market is deemed too sensitive for coverage. Many local residents are frazzled. 'Nobody used to ask where we are going, what we are doing, and what is your name,' said 76-year-old Gwadar native Khuda Bakhsh Hashim. 'We used to enjoy all-night picnics in the mountains or rural areas.' 'We are asked to prove our identity, who we are, where we have come from,' he added. 'We are residents. Those who ask should identify themselves as to who they are.' Hashim recalled memories, warm like the winter sunshine, of when Gwadar was part of Oman, not Pakistan, and was a stop for passenger ships heading to Mumbai. People didn't go to bed hungry and men found work easily, he said. There was always something to eat and no shortage of drinking water. But Gwadar's water has dried up because of drought and unchecked exploitation. So has the work. The government says CPEC has created some 2,000 local jobs but it's not clear whom they mean by 'local' — Baloch residents or Pakistanis from elsewhere in the country. Authorities did not elaborate. Gwadar is humble but charming, the food excellent and the locals chatty and welcoming with strangers. It gets busy during public holidays, especially the beaches. Still, there is a perception that it's dangerous or difficult to visit — only one commercial route operates out of Gwadar's domestic airport, three times a week to Karachi, Pakistan's largest city, located at the other end of Pakistan's Arabian Sea coastline. There are no direct flights to Balochistan's provincial capital of Quetta, hundreds of miles inland, or the national capital of Islamabad, even further north. A scenic coastal highway has few facilities. Since the Baloch insurgency first erupted five decades ago, thousands have gone missing in the province — anyone who speaks up against exploitation or oppression can be detained, suspected of connections with armed groups, the locals say. People are on edge; activists claim there are forced disappearances and torture, which the government denies. Hashim wants CPEC to succeed so that locals, especially young people, find jobs, hope and purpose. But that hasn't happened. 'When someone has something to eat, then why would he choose to go on the wrong path,' he said. 'It is not a good thing to upset people.' Militant violence declined in Balochistan after a 2014 government counterinsurgency and plateaued toward the end of that decade, according to Pakistan Institute for Conflict and Security Studies. Attacks picked up after 2021 and have climbed steadily since. Militant groups, especially the outlawed Baloch Liberation Army, were emboldened by the Pakistani Taliban ending a ceasefire with the government in November 2022. Security concerns delayed the inauguration of the international airport. There were fears the area's mountains — and their proximity to the airport — could be the ideal launchpad for an attack. Instead, Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and his Chinese counterpart Li Qiang hosted a virtual ceremony. The inaugural flight was off limits to the media and public. Abdul Ghafoor Hoth, district president of the Balochistan Awami Party, said not a single resident of Gwadar was hired to work at the airport, 'not even as a watchman.' 'Forget the other jobs, how many Baloch people are at this port that was built for CPEC,' he asked. In December, Hoth organized daily protests over living conditions in Gwadar. The protests stopped 47 days later, once authorities pledged to meet the locals' demands, including better access to electricity and water. No progress has been made on implementing those demands since then. Without local labor, goods or services, there can be no trickle-down benefit from CPEC, said international relations expert Khalid. As Chinese money came to Gwadar, so did a heavy-handed security apparatus that created barriers and deepened mistrust. 'The Pakistani government is not willing to give anything to the Baloch people, and the Baloch are not willing to take anything from the government,' said Khalid.
The Independent
23-02-2025
- Business
- The Independent
No passengers and no planes: Pakistan's most expensive airport is a mystery
With no passengers and no planes, Pakistan's newest and most expensive airport is a bit of a mystery. Entirely financed by China to the tune of $240 million, it's anyone's guess when New Gwadar International Airport will open for business. Located in the coastal city of Gwadar and completed in October 2024, the airport is a stark contrast to the impoverished, restive southwestern Balochistan province around it. For the past decade, China has poured money into Balochistan and Gwadar as part of a multibillion dollar project that connects its western Xinjiang province with the Arabian Sea, called the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor or CPEC. Authorities have hailed it as transformational but there's scant evidence of change in Gwadar. The city isn't connected to the national grid — electricity comes from neighboring Iran or solar panels — and there isn't enough clean water. An airport with a 400,000 passenger capacity isn't a priority for the city's 90,000 people. 'This airport is not for Pakistan or Gwadar,' said Azeem Khalid, an international relations expert who specializes in Pakistan-China ties. 'It is for China, so they can have secure access for their citizens to Gwadar and Balochistan.' CPEC has catalyzed a decadeslong insurgency in resource-rich and strategically located Balochistan. Separatists, aggrieved by what they say is state exploitation at the expense of locals, are fighting for independence — targeting both Pakistani troops and Chinese workers in the province and elsewhere. Members of Pakistan's ethnic Baloch minority say they face discrimination by the government and are denied opportunities available elsewhere in the country, charges the government denies. Pakistan, keen to protect China's investments, has stepped up its military footprint in Gwadar to combat dissent. The city is a jumble of checkpoints, barbed wire, troops, barricades, and watchtowers. Roads close at any given time, several days a week, to permit the safe passage of Chinese workers and Pakistani VIPs. Intelligence officers monitor journalists visiting Gwadar. The city's fish market is deemed too sensitive for coverage. Many local residents are frazzled. 'Nobody used to ask where we are going, what we are doing, and what is your name,' said 76-year-old Gwadar native Khuda Bakhsh Hashim. 'We used to enjoy all-night picnics in the mountains or rural areas." 'We are asked to prove our identity, who we are, where we have come from,' he added. "We are residents. Those who ask should identify themselves as to who they are.' Hashim recalled memories, warm like the winter sunshine, of when Gwadar was part of Oman, not Pakistan, and was a stop for passenger ships heading to Mumbai. People didn't go to bed hungry and men found work easily, he said. There was always something to eat and no shortage of drinking water. But Gwadar's water has dried up because of drought and unchecked exploitation. So has the work. The government says CPEC has created some 2,000 local jobs but it's not clear whom they mean by 'local' — Baloch residents or Pakistanis from elsewhere in the country. Authorities did not elaborate. Gwadar is humble but charming, the food excellent and the locals chatty and welcoming with strangers. It gets busy during public holidays, especially the beaches. Still, there is a perception that it's dangerous or difficult to visit — only one commercial route operates out of Gwadar's domestic airport, three times a week to Karachi, Pakistan's largest city, located at the other end of Pakistan's Arabian Sea coastline. There are no direct flights to Balochistan's provincial capital of Quetta, hundreds of miles inland, or the national capital of Islamabad, even further north. A scenic coastal highway has few facilities. Since the Baloch insurgency first erupted five decades ago, thousands have gone missing in the province — anyone who speaks up against exploitation or oppression can be detained, suspected of connections with armed groups, the locals say. People are on edge; activists claim there are forced disappearances and torture, which the government denies. Hashim wants CPEC to succeed so that locals, especially young people, find jobs, hope and purpose. But that hasn't happened. 'When someone has something to eat, then why would he choose to go on the wrong path," he said. 'It is not a good thing to upset people.' Militant violence declined in Balochistan after a 2014 government counterinsurgency and plateaued toward the end of that decade, according to Pakistan Institute for Conflict and Security Studies. Attacks picked up after 2021 and have climbed steadily since. Militant groups, especially the outlawed Baloch Liberation Army, were emboldened by the Pakistani Taliban ending a ceasefire with the government in November 2022. Security concerns delayed the inauguration of the international airport. There were fears the area's mountains — and their proximity to the airport — could be the ideal launchpad for an attack. Instead, Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and his Chinese counterpart Li Qiang hosted a virtual ceremony. The inaugural flight was off limits to the media and public. Abdul Ghafoor Hoth, district president of the Balochistan Awami Party, said not a single resident of Gwadar was hired to work at the airport, "not even as a watchman.' 'Forget the other jobs, how many Baloch people are at this port that was built for CPEC,' he asked. In December, Hoth organized daily protests over living conditions in Gwadar. The protests stopped 47 days later, once authorities pledged to meet the locals' demands, including better access to electricity and water. No progress has been made on implementing those demands since then. Without local labor, goods or services, there can be no trickle-down benefit from CPEC, said international relations expert Khalid. As Chinese money came to Gwadar, so did a heavy-handed security apparatus that created barriers and deepened mistrust. 'The Pakistani government is not willing to give anything to the Baloch people, and the Baloch are not willing to take anything from the government,' said Khalid.
