Latest news with #NewYorkMagazine
Vox
6 hours ago
- Entertainment
- Vox
The taboo that Americans just can't seem to break
is a lesbian journalist and author based in New York City. Her work has been featured in New York Magazine, Cosmopolitan, the New York Times, and many others. When Alana Romero was a child, they'd leave their bed in the middle of the night, sneak through her family's darkened home in South Florida, and slip into her sisters' bedrooms. But they didn't want to play, gossip, or otherwise annoy her siblings — she wanted to make sure they hadn't died in their sleep. 'I would wake up, crawl to my sister's room, just put my hand under her nose and make sure she was still breathing,' Romero, now 26, recalls. 'If she was snoring, that was a good sign.' Romero would then check on her little sister one room over. Is she breathing? Yes. Reassured for the moment, Romero would return to their own bed. Romero didn't know exactly why she was making these anxious nighttime visits at the time — she kept them to herself. What they did know was that in their Catholic, Latino family, death wasn't something that was acknowledged, much less discussed. 'It's like, don't talk about death, don't do the taboo things, maybe don't even prepare for [death] because if you just don't talk about it, don't prepare for it, maybe it won't happen,' Romero says. Vox Culture Culture reflects society. Get our best explainers on everything from money to entertainment to what everyone is talking about online. Email (required) Sign Up By submitting your email, you agree to our Terms and Privacy Notice . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply. When a loved one did pass, the circumstances of their death, and the events of their lives, weren't brought up again, at least not with Romero. It felt like once a family member was gone, they were gone for good. So, like many other children with questions but no answers, Romero carried on as best as they could. She worried, she wondered, she woke up in the middle of the night. In the US, we've long approached death with secrecy and silence. Despite the fact that, according to one survey, nearly half of Americans think about death at least once a month — and a quarter of them think about it every day — many keep these thoughts to themselves. When asked to rank their willingness to talk about various taboos, from money to sex to religion, respondents ranked death dead last, at 32 percent. Furthermore, a 2018 survey conducted by the Institute for Healthcare Improvement found that while 92 percent of Americans agreed that discussing their end-of-life preferences was important, only 32 percent actually followed through. In other words, people struggle to bridge the gap between an internal awareness of death, and the actual external preparation for it. 'Death is the ultimate loss of control. It's the ultimate uncertainty.' There are any number of reasons why people avoid these conversations. You may not know where to begin. You may not want to upset others. You may not know how to answer your child's questions. You may be afraid of aging, illness, the callous indifference of insurance companies, and the creeping of medical debt. You may be superstitious. You may feel too young or too old to worry about it. Or you may hate to confront, once and for all, that you are afraid of what you can't prevent, contain, or wish away. 'Death is the ultimate loss of control. It's the ultimate uncertainty,' says Claire Bidwell Smith, therapist, grief counselor and author of Conscious Grieving: A Transformative Approach to Healing From Loss. 'We can really get very clear and focused and organized about so many aspects of our lives, yet death is the one that we cannot. We can't predict it, we can't control it.' This studious avoidance of death has real consequences: Less than half of US adults have a will, which dictates financial and estate preferences after death. Likewise, only about 45 percent of adults have a living will, which dictates wishes around medical care. These numbers may be surprising given the Covid-19 pandemic, which exposed a generation of Americans to the existential dread, systemic failures, and grief of a global death event. But after a brief uptick in estate planning during the pandemic, interest waned. These cultural seeds have long been sown by organizers, spiritual leaders, academics, medical and funeral professionals — and much of this work pre-dates the pandemic. The contemporary death positive movement, which advocates for a transparent, unabashed approach to death and death care, began in earnest in the early 2010s when author and mortician Caitlin Doughty founded the advocacy group The Order of the Good Death. This movement has deep roots in the hospice care, green burial, and home funeral movements. Still, despite the pandemic's fresh lessons — and the ancient knowledge that death comes for us all — many of us still cannot bear to talk about death. Even when we know it's important. Even though we may want to. So why not? And what would we stand to gain if, instead, we learned to speak about dying more openly? How death became laden down with euphemism American attitudes around death and dying are fairly modern creations, taking root in the 19th century. Until then, most people died at home. Rites were carried out by community members, bodies were washed and displayed in the home for mourners, and funerals were cheap, intimate and hands-on affairs. That is, until the Civil War. In the early 1860s, people were, for the first time, dying away from their homes en masse. To address this, embalming — the process of slowing down decomposition by replacing the body's blood with chemicals — was used to preserve bodies long enough to transport them back to those families who could afford it. Sarah Chavez, a writer, historian, and activist who is the executive director of Order of the Good Death and founding member of the death scholarship organization The Collective for Radical Death Studies, says embalming didn't truly captivate the American imagination until the death of President Abraham Lincoln in 1865. 'When [Lincoln] died, he was embalmed and went on a multicity tour, like he was a music artist,' Chavez says. 'People came out in droves to see the funeral train and his body. That really kind of cemented embalming as this new, American thing.' Embalming became more widely popular and laid the foundations for a new paradigm: dead bodies cared for outside the home by a buttoned-up, for-profit class of embalmers. Over the next few decades, embalmers and funeral workers, who Chavez says signaled wealth and elegance by setting up shop in Victorian-style homes, slowly gained a foothold in the United States. At the same time, during the turn of the 20th century, medical care was also leaving the home and entering more firmly into the purview of trained doctors, nurses, and hospital systems. 'The funeral industry and the medical industry rose up together and kind of partnered to position themselves as these guardians of health and safety,' Chavez says. (Seeking trained medical professionals has obvious benefits for the living, but keep in mind that dead bodies aren't dangerous, and embalming services aren't necessary for health or safety.) By the 1930s, the modern funeral industry had taken off and sold a new, 'dignified' version of death — one that rapidly isolated the living from their own dead. 'Their definition of what a [dignified death] was, is expensive, away from the home amongst professionals, devoid of signs of death through embalming,' Chavez says. 'They come in and they whisk away your person and they return them to you as if they look alive, as if they're sleeping.' If you've ever said 'passed away' instead of died, 'loved one' rather than dead body, or 'memorial park' rather than cemetery, you'll begin to see how thoroughly death has been obscured. There are, of course, vibrant counterexamples of this attitude across American culture. For marginalized communities in particular, elaborate, public displays of death and grieving offer the dead a dignity and power society never offered them in life. Homegoing rituals in Black communities, which often blend African and Christian practices, and political funerals and 'ash actions' during the AIDS crisis both come to mind. Still, throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, death became laden down with euphemism for large swaths of society. This was often encouraged by the funerary industry, whose professionals developed language to avoid talking about death while, paradoxically, talking about death. If you've ever said 'passed away' instead of died, 'loved one' rather than dead body, or 'memorial park' rather than cemetery, you'll begin to see how thoroughly death has been obscured from the common lexicon. This language, or lack thereof, can make every aspect of death more secretive and more confusing, from the actual physiological process of dying itself all the way down to funeral prices. These factors — embalming practices, the expansion of a for-profit funeral industry, and a developing taste for euphemism — gave birth to the modern American death taboo. The cost of silence When we avoid talking about death, we risk living and dying in ways that don't align with our values and needs. If you don't discuss end-of-life medical treatment, for example, you may receive invasive and expensive care you never wanted. Or as a caregiver, you may be forced to make quality of life, death care, and estate-related decisions based on your best guess rather than falling back on the information and documentation needed to confidently honor someone else's wishes. ' Many of us know so many people who've died and didn't have a plan,' says Darnell Lamont Walker, death doula and author of the Notes From a Death Doula Substack. 'And so when they die, the family is falling apart and everyone is thinking, Oh well this is what I think they would have wanted.' In that situation, it's easy for conflict to break out among even the most well-meaning family members. Talking about the logistic aspects of death ahead of time — including your legal and medical rights during and after dying — can help you, your loved ones, and your community act with clarity and conviction. But for some, talking about the logistics of death is the easier part — there are steps to follow, forms to fill out, bills to pay. Instead, it's the emotional consequences that are far more difficult to grapple with. This was the case for Kayla Evans, whose dad died in 2013. Growing up, her family didn't talk about death unless it was about practical matters. 'There was a very utilitarian response,' Evans recalls. 'Like, it's sad, but we have to move on.' From her mother, there was an unspoken message that 'people who were very sentimental about death were silly.' 'Nobody taught me how to deal with grief and nobody taught me how to deal with death.' Then, when she was 18, during her second week as a college freshman, Evan's father died unexpectedly. 'Nobody saw it coming,' Evans, now 30, says. 'As he was dying, my mom was like, We need to transfer your name over to these financial documents … the administrative tasks that follow death, things like that, were very well taken care of. I don't think any of us together processed the emotional side of it. That was something I had to do on my own.' Without anyone to talk to, Evans turned to 'extreme productivity' as a coping mechanism in the months after, piling on projects and jobs and schoolwork — a strategy that came at the expense of her relationships and emotional wellbeing. ' I would like to say I grew from [my father's death] or something, but honestly it was just really fucking hard,' Evans says. 'Nobody taught me how to deal with grief and nobody taught me how to deal with death.' Twelve years later, 'I feel it still trails [my mother] especially, and it trails me, too,' Evans says. Talk about death is, weirdly, life-affirming It's not always easy to have conversations about death. But, clearly, it's not easy to avoid them, either. If you want to start grappling with the reality of death, the first step is to ask yourself questions about the end of your own life, though it can feel scary. What does a life well-lived look like for you? How do you want to die? How do you want to be remembered? Taking the time to reflect on your own can help you clarify what you want and better prepare you to tell others what you need. When approaching loved ones about end of life wishes — either your own or theirs — Kathryn Mannix, physician, palliative care specialist, and author of With the End in Mind recommends breaking down the conversation into two parts: the invitation to talk and the conversation itself. For example, you may say something like, Dad, I want to be able to step up and care for you when the time comes. Do you think we could talk about the care you do and do not want towards the end of your life? Could we talk sometime over the next few weeks? 'Talking about our wishes at the end of life is a gift to our future self and to the people who love us.' Alternatively, if you'd like to start the conversation about your own wishes, Mannix suggests something like: Kids, I'm not getting any younger and there are things I'd like to talk about to put my mind at ease. When can we talk? This approach matters because it allows the conversation to happen when all parties have had time to think and prepare. 'Talking about our wishes at the end of life is a gift to our future self and to the people who love us,' Mannix wrote in an email. 'Talking about dying won't make it happen any sooner, but it can make it happen a great deal better.' But these conversations shouldn't just be about end-of-life care or medical decisions — it's also an opportunity to give and receive stories, explore your spiritual beliefs, get existential with your kids, and connect over grief, joys, and regrets. For example, you may approach an elder and ask: What are some of the defining moments of your life? You may ask a child, What do you think happens after we die? Or you may ask a friend, Have you ever navigated death and grieving? Finding your own way to incorporate death into your life can also serve as a corrective to a wider culture of silence. 'I'm currently getting more and more comfortable with death through spiritual practice and connecting to my family's roots of Santeria,' says Romero, who checked their sisters' breathing at night. She connected to Santeria, an Afro-Caribbean religion that originated in Cuba and blends traditional Yoruba practices and Catholicism, through her grandmother, who was recently diagnosed with Alzheimer's disease. 'I also find that I'm coping a hell of a lot better than other people in my family because I do have this comfort in knowing that … I will always have a relationship with her, even in the afterlife, through my spiritual practice.' Evans, whose father died when she was 18, decided to talk about death and grief during her wedding earlier this year. In her vows, she talked about the sensation of watching her husband sleep at night, and the 'creeping dread' of knowing he was going to die some day. ' I think that other people appreciate when you talk about things like that, even if it's hard to, and it was important for me,' Evans says. 'I did feel kind of empowered, or at the very least like I had confessed something, you know, it was a relief.' For Evans, talking about her preemptive grief wasn't morbid — it was a testament to her deep regard for her husband.
The Hill
3 days ago
- Politics
- The Hill
Democrats should make 2026 a referendum on Trump and Epstein
Memo to Democrats: If you want to trigger a wave of wins in next year's midterms, demand hearings on the Epstein files. Also, at every press conference about inflation, Ukraine or cuts to Medicaid, display a big photo of President Trump posing with Jeffrey Epstein and women. Every camera should have a clear view of a poster with this Trump quote: 'I've known Jeff for fifteen years. Terrific guy. He's a lot of fun to be with. It is even said that he likes beautiful women as much as I do — and many of them are on the younger side.' Credit New York Magazine's 2002 interview with Trump. Sen. Jon Ossoff (D-Ga.) is a role model here. At his reelection campaign kickoff last week, he said plainly, 'Did anyone really think the sexual predator president who used to party with Jeffrey Epstein was going to release the Epstein files?' Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Cali.) is another model. He is demanding the release of all files related to the Epstein case. Khanna even tried to attach a resolution on releasing the files as an amendment to a cryptocurrency measure, only to have it blocked by House Republicans. A cynic might ask: Why are House Republicans sitting on the files? Who are they protecting? Many of Trump's loyalists in the House GOP conference used congressional oversight powers to push conspiracy theories about Benghazi and Hillary Clinton's email server. Democrats have far more evidence of wrongdoing and cover-up in going after the Epstein files. Trump won in 2016 on the strength of a conspiracy theory, the false claim that President Barack Obama was not born in the U.S. Remember Trump saying his private investigators 'couldn't believe what they were finding'? There is no need for false claims tying Epstein to Trump. You can watch the video of Trump partying with Epstein in Florida in 1992. You can also watch the video where Trump says of Ghislaine Maxwell, Epstein's longtime companion, 'I wish her well.' Maxwell is in jail on charges of helping Epstein by 'facilitating and participating in the sexual abuse of children,' in the words of Damian Williams, the U.S. Attorney who oversaw her 2021 trial and conviction. Open the facts of this case for all to see. Note that Trump's Attorney General Pam Bondi served as Florida's attorney general from 2011 to 2019. Remind Americans that Trump was questioned by lawyers for Epstein's victims, according to Florida investigative reporter Julie K. Brown, who helped break the Epstein story open in 2018. Trump's first Secretary of Labor, Alex Acosta, was the U.S. Attorney in South Florida who cut Epstein a sweetheart deal. When asked why by the Trump vetting team, Acosta reportedly claimed he had been told to 'back off' because Epstein was connected to 'intelligence.' That's not speculation. Neither Acosta nor the Trump administration officials who vetted him have denied it, according to the reporter who broke the story. A special prosecutor should subpoena Acosta, place him under oath and ask, 'Mr. Acosta, is it true that someone told you to go easy on Epstein because he was connected to intelligence? If so, who told you that?' The Wall Street Journal reported last week that Trump sent a birthday greeting to Epstein in 2003 with a hand-drawn outline of a naked female. Steve Bannon, Trump's former chief White House strategist, is calling for a special prosecutor. And let's not forget that Elon Musk, Trump's top campaign donor, said flatly that Trump was in the Epstein files in an X post last month. Why isn't Trump suing Musk for defamation? Calling out Trump on his use of conspiracy theories is long overdue. Even in the White House, he has falsely claimed he was targeted by a liberal ' Deep State. ' Despite Russia being found to have supported his 2016 candidacy, he rightly said there was no proof of 'collusion,' but then he claimed Democrats had created a Russia 'hoax.' When he lost the 2020 election to Joe Biden, Trump spun yet another conspiracy theory about the election being rigged by Democrats in big cities. That led to a riot at the Capitol on Jan. 6. One of Trump's first acts upon returning to office was to pardon the people who attempted a violent overthrow of the election in service of that conspiracy theory. For years, Trump and his supporters in the conservative media have pushed conspiracies featuring him as a truth-telling, right-wing avenger. But none of those charges against Democrats, including former President Bill Clinton and President Obama, have been more enduring than suspicions of a conspiracy involving Trump and a man convicted on prostitution charges, Epstein. The shadowy former financier apparently committed suicide during Trump's first term before he could face added charges for sex crimes. His associate Maxwell is currently serving a 20-year sentence in a federal prison in Florida for her role in Epstein's activities. Now, as the Trump administration refuses to make good on its promise to release all files on Epstein's crimes, Democrats have an opportunity to heal the damage done by the president's use of social media to create a political base of people who follow his false claims. Trump's critics have long asked: How does this end? What will it take for Trump's base to finally see through him? Ironically, the conservative media's echo chamber may now lead to his undoing. Democrats have to make 2026 a referendum on Trump's handling of Epstein.
Toronto Star
4 days ago
- Politics
- Toronto Star
New York Magazine's cover about Canadian fury got people talking. This is why it matters
A buck toothed national mascot throttling a squawking bald eagle under the headline 'You Have No Idea How Furious the Canadians Are' had to get people talking. I suspect many who opined about it have not even read the extensive cover story in a recent issue of New York Magazine by Simon Van Zuylen Wood that attempted to let Americans know just how angry Canadians are about President Trump's trade war. I promptly posted about it on LinkedIn with the caption: 'Captain Kirk is quoted in New York magazine'.
Sydney Morning Herald
5 days ago
- Politics
- Sydney Morning Herald
Trump promised to bring down the deep state. To MAGA loyalists, he's joined it
'I can take chicken fertiliser and sell it to 'em for caviar,' he crows, grinning. Trump's Truth Social posts backing up Pam Bondi's claim that the Epstein files were much ado about nothing showed that same brutal disregard for his devout fans. They had taken him seriously? What fools! He tried to subdue his MAGAcolytes – his 'boys' and 'gals' – by ordering them not to 'waste Time and Energy on Jeffrey Epstein, somebody that nobody cares about.' He said that those who are focused on the 'Jeffrey Epstein hoax' are 'selfish people,' 'PAST supporters' and 'weaklings' who had been 'conned by the Lunatic Left.' If his fans couldn't focus on how great he was, better than 'perhaps any President in our Country's history,' Trump pouted in a post, 'I don't want their support anymore!' One 'gal,' a Texan named Rosie, said she was brokenhearted. She replied on Truth Social that she has four daughters and 'can't even begin to comprehend the flipped narrative that 'it was so long ago' 'why are we still talking about this' and 'nobody should care.' These victims were some ones daughters, sisters, nieces, granddaughter. Someone's child. Please reconsider, sir.' He has lost some of his base's trust by refusing to deliver the goods, or to acknowledge that he used people such as Kash Patel and Dan Bongino to whip up the frenzy against the paedophile who gave rides to Trump and Bill Clinton on his plane dubbed by some the Lolita Express. Trump bonded with Epstein years ago, although it's not clear if Trump knew the extent of Epstein's predations. He told New York Magazine in 2002 that Epstein 'likes beautiful women as much as I do, and many of them are on the younger side.' This past week was the first time Trump had such a dramatic rift with his supporters, who are often compared to a cult. Trump, who rose to power with the help of Fox News, threatened Emma Tucker, editor of Rupert Murdoch's Wall Street Journal, trying to stop its story about a bawdy letter and drawing he allegedly contributed to a 50th birthday book that Ghislaine Maxwell compiled for Epstein. 'I'm gonna sue The Wall Street Journal just like I sued everyone else,' he said in a call Tuesday with the Journal. (He filed the suit on Friday.) He denied that he ever drew an outline of a naked woman with his name scribbled in a salacious spot, along with writing an insinuating wish to Epstein that 'every day be another wonderful secret.' (What had to be kept secret, Donald?) Loading 'I don't draw pictures,' he wrote on Truth Social, denouncing the 'FAKE letter' in the 'Fake Story.' But Trump's lies – such as the one about his uncle at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the Unabomber – are falling apart almost instantaneously. It immediately came out that he was a 'high-profile doodler,' as Tyler Pager put it in The New York Times, and that he donated drawings to charity in the early 2000s. On Thursday, Trump posted that he had asked Bondi to produce 'any and all pertinent Grand Jury testimony, subject to Court approval.' But judges usually keep such testimony secret. It was hilarious to see Trump hiding behind the judiciary he has tried to sideline. The president, hoping to redirect the ire of the base back to its favourite chew toy, the mainstream media, posted that the Journal is a 'Disgusting and Filthy Rag.' Natalie Winters, a reporter for Steve Bannon's War Room podcast, told Bannon that the Journal story made her feel 'gaslit' by the administration. 'I thought the DOJ had nothing related to Epstein,' she said. 'Well, this story sort of contradicts that. So why don't we release it? It's maddening.' Twisting conspiracy theories into a Gordian knot of hate, Trump is claiming some Epstein files were 'made up' by Barack Obama, James Comey, 'Losers and Criminals of the Biden Administration' and 'Crooked Hillary.' It's tough to blame the deep state when you are the deep state.
The Age
5 days ago
- Politics
- The Age
Trump promised to bring down the deep state. To MAGA loyalists, he's joined it
'I can take chicken fertiliser and sell it to 'em for caviar,' he crows, grinning. Trump's Truth Social posts backing up Pam Bondi's claim that the Epstein files were much ado about nothing showed that same brutal disregard for his devout fans. They had taken him seriously? What fools! He tried to subdue his MAGAcolytes – his 'boys' and 'gals' – by ordering them not to 'waste Time and Energy on Jeffrey Epstein, somebody that nobody cares about.' He said that those who are focused on the 'Jeffrey Epstein hoax' are 'selfish people,' 'PAST supporters' and 'weaklings' who had been 'conned by the Lunatic Left.' If his fans couldn't focus on how great he was, better than 'perhaps any President in our Country's history,' Trump pouted in a post, 'I don't want their support anymore!' One 'gal,' a Texan named Rosie, said she was brokenhearted. She replied on Truth Social that she has four daughters and 'can't even begin to comprehend the flipped narrative that 'it was so long ago' 'why are we still talking about this' and 'nobody should care.' These victims were some ones daughters, sisters, nieces, granddaughter. Someone's child. Please reconsider, sir.' He has lost some of his base's trust by refusing to deliver the goods, or to acknowledge that he used people such as Kash Patel and Dan Bongino to whip up the frenzy against the paedophile who gave rides to Trump and Bill Clinton on his plane dubbed by some the Lolita Express. Trump bonded with Epstein years ago, although it's not clear if Trump knew the extent of Epstein's predations. He told New York Magazine in 2002 that Epstein 'likes beautiful women as much as I do, and many of them are on the younger side.' This past week was the first time Trump had such a dramatic rift with his supporters, who are often compared to a cult. Trump, who rose to power with the help of Fox News, threatened Emma Tucker, editor of Rupert Murdoch's Wall Street Journal, trying to stop its story about a bawdy letter and drawing he allegedly contributed to a 50th birthday book that Ghislaine Maxwell compiled for Epstein. 'I'm gonna sue The Wall Street Journal just like I sued everyone else,' he said in a call Tuesday with the Journal. (He filed the suit on Friday.) He denied that he ever drew an outline of a naked woman with his name scribbled in a salacious spot, along with writing an insinuating wish to Epstein that 'every day be another wonderful secret.' (What had to be kept secret, Donald?) Loading 'I don't draw pictures,' he wrote on Truth Social, denouncing the 'FAKE letter' in the 'Fake Story.' But Trump's lies – such as the one about his uncle at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the Unabomber – are falling apart almost instantaneously. It immediately came out that he was a 'high-profile doodler,' as Tyler Pager put it in The New York Times, and that he donated drawings to charity in the early 2000s. On Thursday, Trump posted that he had asked Bondi to produce 'any and all pertinent Grand Jury testimony, subject to Court approval.' But judges usually keep such testimony secret. It was hilarious to see Trump hiding behind the judiciary he has tried to sideline. The president, hoping to redirect the ire of the base back to its favourite chew toy, the mainstream media, posted that the Journal is a 'Disgusting and Filthy Rag.' Natalie Winters, a reporter for Steve Bannon's War Room podcast, told Bannon that the Journal story made her feel 'gaslit' by the administration. 'I thought the DOJ had nothing related to Epstein,' she said. 'Well, this story sort of contradicts that. So why don't we release it? It's maddening.' Twisting conspiracy theories into a Gordian knot of hate, Trump is claiming some Epstein files were 'made up' by Barack Obama, James Comey, 'Losers and Criminals of the Biden Administration' and 'Crooked Hillary.' It's tough to blame the deep state when you are the deep state.
