Latest news with #NicolásMaduro
Economist
4 days ago
- Politics
- Economist
Venezuela's sound of silence
Venezuelans are calling it the 'ghost election'. On May 25th the regime of President Nicolás Maduro staged a vote to elect governors, mayors and National Assembly representatives. Turnout appeared pitiful. Polling stations were deserted. 'Nothing will change with this farce,' says an octogenarian voter in the working-class district of Petare in the capital, Caracas, who cast a ballot only 'out of habit'.
Yahoo
4 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Opinion - Pope Leo XIV condemned Putin. Will he confront Maduro next?
Earlier this week, Nicolás Maduro's regime in Venezuela staged parliamentary and regional elections stripped of any legitimacy. The leading opposition coalition, led by María Corina Machado and Edmundo González Urrutia, boycotted the vote after key candidates were barred and electoral conditions rendered fair competition impossible. Maduro's party declared near-total victory, seizing 253 of 277 seats and 23 of 24 governorships. For most Venezuelans, it was not an election — it was a farce. Just over two weeks earlier, white smoke had risen over St. Peter's Square in Rome, announcing the election of Cardinal Robert Prevost as Pope Leo XIV. Shortly after, the Kyiv Independent reported on a previously published interview with the Peruvian outlet Semanario Expresión, in which the then-cardinal denounced Russia's war on Ukraine as 'a true invasion, imperialist in nature, where Russia seeks to conquer territory for reasons of power.' Though spoken before his election, the statement stands out for its moral clarity, especially in contrast to the often-diplomatic language of the late Pope Francis, who was frequently criticized for his reluctance to condemn authoritarian regimes, even on his home continent. A member of the Order of Saint Augustine, Pope Leo XIV spent decades in pastoral and missionary work in Peru's impoverished Chiclayo region, embodying what it means to be 'American' in the universal, catholic sense. His Augustinian roots — and his choice of the name Leo — have drawn early attention. Likely a nod to Leo XIII, who guided the Church's response to modern social upheaval, the new pope's new name, coupled with his motto, 'In Illo Uno Unum' ('In the One, we are one'), reflects a charism of interiority, communal life and the restless pursuit of truth rooted in both faith and reason. Yet the decisiveness of his remarks suggests not only a theological commitment but a cultural one. Although he is the first American pope, 'Papa León XIV' speaks with a distinctly Hispanic moral urgency — shaped, perhaps, by the rugged, impoverished and spiritually rich Andes. That urgency calls to mind another León: Luis de León, the 16th-century Augustinian poet and friar, and a towering figure of the School of Salamanca. In 1582, he was imprisoned by the Inquisition and held for nearly five years in the Convent of San Pablo in Valladolid, Spain, accused of heresy by rivals who feared both his intellect and his outspoken defense of Scripture and human liberty. Pope Leo XIV's invocation of Augustinian tradition and prophetic clarity in denouncing the Kremlin's war invites a powerful comparison. And there are others, too, in that same lineage of Hispanic, Catholic conscience. In 1511, Dominican friar Antonio de Montesinos delivered a sermon in Santo Domingo condemning the Spanish Crown's treatment of native peoples. Accusing the colonizers of mortal sin 'by reason of the cruelty and tyranny' they practiced, the humble friar inspired the first international human rights debate. He set a precedent for a Church willing to speak truth to power. Morally shaken, by 1512, King Ferdinand of Aragon issued the Laws of Burgos — the first legal code intended to regulate the treatment of Indigenous people in the Americas. By 1537, the moral shockwaves of Montesinos's sermon were still rippling through the Catholic world. Similarly inspired, Pope Paul III issued the papal bull Sublimis Deus, declaring that Indigenous peoples were fully human, possessed rational souls, and held an inherent right to liberty and property. It was the first of many such declarations coming from both the Hispanic world and the Vatican. Four centuries later, Salvadoran archbishop Oscar Romero showed similar courage. On March 24, 1980, shortly after ordering the regime's repression to end in the name of God, Romero was assassinated while celebrating Mass in San Salvador. 'In the name of this suffering people,' he cried out in his final homily, moments before his martyrdom, 'whose cries rise to heaven each day more tumultuous; I beseech you, I beg you, I order you … stop the repression.' But the model of courageous witness extends beyond the Hispanic World. When St. Pope John Paul II urged the world to 'be not afraid' in his inaugural homily in 1978, it was more than spiritual advice. His encyclical Redemptor Hominis, released months later, condemned communism as a system that denied human dignity and freedom. During his visit to Poland in 1979, he awakened a national conscience and laid the groundwork for the fall of Soviet totalitarianism. The communist security apparatus stood no chance against the will of a free people guided by the Spirit. Yet the Maduro regime remains unchallenged by the papacy. Once one of Hispanic America's wealthiest nations, Venezuela is now defined by hunger, repression, collapsed infrastructure and one of the world's highest homicide rates. Inflation hit 130,060 percent in 2018; today, nearly 80 percent of the population lives below the poverty line. More than 7.7 million Venezuelans have fled since 2015, creating the largest displacement crisis in the Western Hemisphere. For the Hispanic Scholastics, such debasement would not be seen merely a failure of policy, but rather a form of tyranny. As Jesuit Juan de Mariana wrote in his 1609 De Monetae Mutatione: 'If the prince is not the master but, rather, the administrator of the private possessions of his subjects, then he is not allowed to take away arbitrarily any part of their possessions for this or any other reason, as occurs whenever money is debased, … And if the prince is not empowered to levy taxes on unwilling subjects and cannot set up monopolies over merchandise, then neither is he empowered to make fresh profit by debasing money, because this tactic aims at the same thing, namely, robbing the people of their wealth.' In this moment of deepening catastrophe, Hispanic America needs its first 'Peruvian' pope to act not just as a global statesman but as a prophetic voice in the wilderness. His clear condemnation of Russia was a bracing sign of moral leadership. That same clarity would offer hope to Venezuelans facing violence, starvation and exile — the loss of home and human dignity. For millions of Venezuelans, just like millions of others suffering across the globe, that sense of exile is existential, and perhaps unbearable without a sense of hope. As Uruguayan poet Mario Benedetti wrote about his own experience with exile, 'I sense that within the country I no longer recognize lies the one I always knew.' It is to that Venezuela, and its scattered people, that the Holy Father must now speak. In Evangelii Gaudium, Pope Francis wrote that 'each individual Christian and every community is called to be an instrument of God for the liberation and promotion of the poor … attentive to the cry of the poor and to come to their aid.' Now, Catholics across the world wonder whether Pope Leo XIV's voice will rise in defense of Venezuela's dignity and pain, answering the cry heard so clearly across history and in the witness of the Gospel. Johannes Schmidt works in public relations and is a foreign language expert with the National Language Service Corps. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
4 days ago
- Politics
- The Hill
Pope Leo XIV condemned Putin. Will he confront Maduro next?
Earlier this week, Nicolás Maduro's regime in Venezuela staged parliamentary and regional elections stripped of any legitimacy. The leading opposition coalition, led by María Corina Machado and Edmundo González Urrutia, boycotted the vote after key candidates were barred and electoral conditions rendered fair competition impossible. Maduro's party declared near-total victory, seizing 253 of 277 seats and 23 of 24 governorships. For most Venezuelans, it was not an election — it was a farce. Just over two weeks earlier, white smoke had risen over St. Peter's Square in Rome, announcing the election of Cardinal Robert Prevost as Pope Leo XIV. Shortly after, the Kyiv Independent reported on a previously published interview with the Peruvian outlet Semanario Expresión, in which the then-cardinal denounced Russia's war on Ukraine as 'a true invasion, imperialist in nature, where Russia seeks to conquer territory for reasons of power.' Though spoken before his election, the statement stands out for its moral clarity, especially in contrast to the often-diplomatic language of the late Pope Francis, who was frequently criticized for his reluctance to condemn authoritarian regimes, even on his home continent. A member of the Order of Saint Augustine, Pope Leo XIV spent decades in pastoral and missionary work in Peru's impoverished Chiclayo region, embodying what it means to be 'American' in the universal, catholic sense. His Augustinian roots — and his choice of the name Leo — have drawn early attention. Likely a nod to Leo XIII, who guided the Church's response to modern social upheaval, the new pope's new name, coupled with his motto, 'In Illo Uno Unum' ('In the One, we are one'), reflects a charism of interiority, communal life and the restless pursuit of truth rooted in both faith and reason. Yet the decisiveness of his remarks suggests not only a theological commitment but a cultural one. Although he is the first American pope, 'Papa León XIV' speaks with a distinctly Hispanic moral urgency — shaped, perhaps, by the rugged, impoverished and spiritually rich Andes. That urgency calls to mind another León: Luis de León, the 16th-century Augustinian poet and friar, and a towering figure of the School of Salamanca. In 1582, he was imprisoned by the Inquisition and held for nearly five years in the Convent of San Pablo in Valladolid, Spain, accused of heresy by rivals who feared both his intellect and his outspoken defense of Scripture and human liberty. Pope Leo XIV's invocation of Augustinian tradition and prophetic clarity in denouncing the Kremlin's war invites a powerful comparison. And there are others, too, in that same lineage of Hispanic, Catholic conscience. In 1511, Dominican friar Antonio de Montesinos delivered a sermon in Santo Domingo condemning the Spanish Crown's treatment of native peoples. Accusing the colonizers of mortal sin 'by reason of the cruelty and tyranny' they practiced, the humble friar inspired the first international human rights debate. He set a precedent for a Church willing to speak truth to power. Morally shaken, by 1512, King Ferdinand of Aragon issued the Laws of Burgos — the first legal code intended to regulate the treatment of Indigenous people in the Americas. By 1537, the moral shockwaves of Montesinos's sermon were still rippling through the Catholic world. Similarly inspired, Pope Paul III issued the papal bull Sublimis Deus, declaring that Indigenous peoples were fully human, possessed rational souls, and held an inherent right to liberty and property. It was the first of many such declarations coming from both the Hispanic world and the Vatican. Four centuries later, Salvadoran archbishop Oscar Romero showed similar courage. On March 24, 1980, shortly after ordering the regime's repression to end in the name of God, Romero was assassinated while celebrating Mass in San Salvador. 'In the name of this suffering people,' he cried out in his final homily, moments before his martyrdom, 'whose cries rise to heaven each day more tumultuous; I beseech you, I beg you, I order you … stop the repression.' But the model of courageous witness extends beyond the Hispanic World. When St. Pope John Paul II urged the world to 'be not afraid' in his inaugural homily in 1978, it was more than spiritual advice. His encyclical Redemptor Hominis, released months later, condemned communism as a system that denied human dignity and freedom. During his visit to Poland in 1979, he awakened a national conscience and laid the groundwork for the fall of Soviet totalitarianism. The communist security apparatus stood no chance against the will of a free people guided by the Spirit. Yet the Maduro regime remains unchallenged by the papacy. Once one of Hispanic America's wealthiest nations, Venezuela is now defined by hunger, repression, collapsed infrastructure and one of the world's highest homicide rates. Inflation hit 130,060 percent in 2018; today, nearly 80 percent of the population lives below the poverty line. More than 7.7 million Venezuelans have fled since 2015, creating the largest displacement crisis in the Western Hemisphere. For the Hispanic Scholastics, such debasement would not be seen merely a failure of policy, but rather a form of tyranny. As Jesuit Juan de Mariana wrote in his 1609 De Monetae Mutatione: 'If the prince is not the master but, rather, the administrator of the private possessions of his subjects, then he is not allowed to take away arbitrarily any part of their possessions for this or any other reason, as occurs whenever money is debased, … And if the prince is not empowered to levy taxes on unwilling subjects and cannot set up monopolies over merchandise, then neither is he empowered to make fresh profit by debasing money, because this tactic aims at the same thing, namely, robbing the people of their wealth.' In this moment of deepening catastrophe, Hispanic America needs its first 'Peruvian' pope to act not just as a global statesman but as a prophetic voice in the wilderness. His clear condemnation of Russia was a bracing sign of moral leadership. That same clarity would offer hope to Venezuelans facing violence, starvation and exile — the loss of home and human dignity. For millions of Venezuelans, just like millions of others suffering across the globe, that sense of exile is existential, and perhaps unbearable without a sense of hope. As Uruguayan poet Mario Benedetti wrote about his own experience with exile, 'I sense that within the country I no longer recognize lies the one I always knew.' It is to that Venezuela, and its scattered people, that the Holy Father must now speak. In Evangelii Gaudium, Pope Francis wrote that 'each individual Christian and every community is called to be an instrument of God for the liberation and promotion of the poor … attentive to the cry of the poor and to come to their aid.' Now, Catholics across the world wonder whether Pope Leo XIV's voice will rise in defense of Venezuela's dignity and pain, answering the cry heard so clearly across history and in the witness of the Gospel. Johannes Schmidt works in public relations and is a foreign language expert with the National Language Service Corps.
Yahoo
5 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Venezuela's Shadow War Over Oil-Rich Essequibo Is Escalating
A quiet frontier in South America is rapidly becoming one of the world's most volatile energy flashpoints. The disputed region of Essequibo, a sparsely populated expanse administered by Guyana but claimed by Venezuela, has seen tensions simmer for years. But a combination of geopolitical ambition, economic desperation, and energy opportunity is now threatening to tip the standoff into open conflict. At stake is one of the most valuable stretches of territory in the world—an area that, until recently, few outside the region had heard of. Essequibo, which comprises nearly two-thirds of Guyana's landmass, was thrust into the global spotlight after ExxonMobil's 2017 discovery of the Stabroek Block offshore reserves, estimated at over 11 billion barrels of recoverable oil. For Guyana the find transformed the country from economic backwater to a regional energy giant almost overnight. The newfound wealth has also revived Venezuela's long-standing claim to the region, a grievance dating back to colonial arbitration rulings of the late 19th century. Caracas has never fully relinquished its claim, but it was only after the oil discovery that Venezuela began actively pressing the issue. Since 2022, under President Nicolás Maduro, Venezuela has dramatically escalated its rhetoric and actions—announcing referenda, redrawing maps, and even moving military assets toward the alarmingly, Venezuela has begun to mimic the playbook of its closest geopolitical ally—Russia. Much like Russia's 2014 annexation of Crimea using unmarked 'little green men,' Venezuela appears to be laying the groundwork for a slow, deniable incursion into Essequibo. The playbook combines official rhetoric with irregular warfare tactics, allowing for plausible deniability while steadily undermining Guyana's control. The first major signal of this new phase came last year when Maduro's government held a referendum to 'reclaim' Essequibo. Despite international condemnation, the vote passed and led to the formal creation of a new Venezuelan 'state' encompassing the territory. Venezuela began offering citizenship to Essequibo's residents and launched efforts to organize elections in the region. In March 2025, a Venezuelan naval gunboat intercepted ExxonMobil operations in Guyanese waters, accusing the U.S. oil major of encroaching on Venezuelan territory. The incident was widely seen as a warning shot—not just to Exxon, but to any foreign investors backing Guyana's energy future. But the most ominous sign yet came on May 15, when Guyana's military reported three armed attacks in a single day on its patrols along the Cuyuni River, a critical stretch of the Guyana–Venezuela border. According to the Guyana Defence Force, unidentified gunmen in civilian clothing opened fire on soldiers in three separate engagements. No casualties were reported, and the Guyanese military responded with what it described as 'measured force.' The attacks were chilling in their timing and coordination. While the assailants were not officially identified, officials in Georgetown and most international observers believe they were Venezuelan operatives or proxies acting on Caracas's behalf. The region is not known for organized crime or guerrilla activity, and no local insurgency has taken root—at least not yet. This wasn't the first time violence erupted in the contested zone. In February, another attack left two Guyanese soldiers critically injured. That incident, too, was blamed on Venezuela-linked forces. While the skirmishes may seem minor in isolation, taken together they mark a dangerous pattern of escalation. What's emerging is a shadow conflict—gray-zone warfare that avoids the threshold of open war while steadily eroding Guyana's control over Essequibo. The danger, analysts warn, is that this slow-motion campaign could culminate in a de facto annexation, much like Crimea, before the international community has time to respond. The Guyana Defence Force fields just over 3,000 active personnel with limited air, land, and naval capabilities. Venezuela, by contrast, commands over 100,000 troops, around 200 tanks, dozens of combat aircraft, and a sizable paramilitary force—making any conventional war a one-sided affair. However, during a visit to Georgetown in March, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio cautioned that any Venezuelan attack on Guyana or ExxonMobil would mark 'a very bad day' for Caracas, hinting at serious consequences. Venezuela swiftly condemned the remarks. The real question now is how the international community, and especially the United States, will respond. ExxonMobil's deep involvement gives Washington both an interest and a stake in the dispute. But the broader issue goes beyond oil. A successful Venezuelan land grab would further erode the already fragile post-Cold War order. It would also send a message to authoritarian regimes worldwide: territorial revisionism is back—and it works. Guyana has vowed to defend its sovereignty and is seeking stronger security partnerships. But unless it receives military support or any other type of real security guarantee from the U.S., Georgetown will struggle to hold the line alone. For now, Essequibo remains under Guyana's flag. But the shadow of Caracas is growing—and so is the risk that South America's next war may erupt in one of its least known, but most strategically vital, regions. By Charles Kennedy for More Top Reads From this article on
Epoch Times
5 days ago
- Business
- Epoch Times
FCC Proposes Rule to Identify Foreign Adversary Ownership in US Communications
The Federal Communications Commission has The four-member commission voted unanimously on May 22 to issue the Notice of Proposed Rulemaking, Under the plan, carriers, broadcasters, satellite operators, spectrum lessees, test labs, antenna owners, and other FCC-regulated entities would have to certify whether a foreign adversary—defined as China, Cuba, Iran, North Korea, Russia, or Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro—owns, controls, or directs them. The agency said the resulting disclosures would give regulators and the public 'a new and comprehensive view of threats from foreign adversaries' inside U.S. networks. 'The U.S. Government has long recognized that foreign adversaries have been engaged in a widespread and coordinated effort to exploit, attack, and otherwise compromise the integrity of U.S. communications networks,' an FCC announcement of the rule stated. The notice builds on earlier FCC efforts such as a ban on gear from Chinese tech companies such as Huawei and ZTE, the revocation of authorizations held by China Telecom and other state-linked carriers, and the creation of a Council for National Security in March. Related Stories 5/22/2025 3/21/2025 The council was created to 'leverage the full range of the Commission's regulatory, investigatory, and enforcement authorities to protect Americans and counter foreign adversaries, particularly the threats posed by China and the Chinese Communist Party,' according to the agency. FCC Chairman Brendan Carr 'Sunlight is the best disinfectant,' he wrote, noting that current collections leave 'gaps' that mask how Beijing and others might exert control. 'Foreign adversaries like China are engaged in a multi-pronged effort to identify and exploit any vulnerabilities in our communications infrastructure,' Carr wrote in a statement. 'For our national security strategy to succeed, we must identify risks before they can be exploited,' he added. 'But up to now, the FCC and relevant stakeholders have had limited visibility into the ways that foreign adversaries might exert control over the entities we regulate.' Congress is considering a similar mandate as the House passed the bipartisan Foreign Adversary Communications Transparency Act in April, and the Senate Commerce Committee advanced companion legislation last month, something Carr praised in his statement. Any entity with more than 10 percent voting or equity held by an adversary—or otherwise 'subject to the jurisdiction or direction' of one—would have to report those details. The obligation would extend to wireless and satellite operators, amateur radio licensees, antenna structure registrants, spectrum lessees, and frequency coordinators. Operations licensed by rule, such as most unlicensed devices, would be exempt. Limiting filings to adversary nations, the commission said, would 'avoid needless burden' while still guarding national security. The notice seeks input on definitions, reporting thresholds, and implementation. After reviewing the record, the FCC could impose recurring disclosures and publish a searchable database.
