09-05-2025
‘Some suggest we might lose a quarter of all living languages by end of the century': Author Laura Spinney
Eight billion people speak roughly 7,000 languages worldwide. These languages are grouped into about 140 families, though most spoken ones belong to just five major groups: Indo-European, Sino-Tibetan, Niger-Congo, Afro-Asiatic, and Austronesian. However, Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, Old Norse, and English all trace their roots to a much older tongue: Proto-Indo-European, combining proto, meaning 'first,' with Indo-European, the name of the language family it spawned.
It is this language that forms the subject of author Laura Spinney's latest book: Proto: How One Ancient Language Went Global (2025). According to Spinney's research, Proto-Indo-European was originally spoken by just a small group living near the Black Sea. Around 5,000 years ago, their language began to spread rapidly in all directions, fragmenting as it went. This linguistic expansion of Indo-European languages, which Spinney likens to a 'Big Bang', is central to her newest release.
In an interview with Spinney discusses the inspiration behind her book, the significance of the Black Sea region and its early technologies, and the implications of a world shifting toward monolingualism.
Edited excerpts:
Q: What drew you to a topic that is both so weighty and widely debated?
Spinney: As a science journalist, I have always been interested in language, though in the past my focus was more on its neuroscientific and psychological aspects. I became aware that the story of the Indo-European languages had been transformed by the ancient DNA revolution — which might sound surprising to those unfamiliar with this story. But the first of those languages died before they could be written down, so historical texts are no use to us when it comes to probing their origins. We call the common ancestor of the Indo-European languages Proto-Indo-European. It was the language of people who never saw their names written down. The reason that ancient DNA is so useful in this context is that, along with archaeology and historical linguistics, it can help us identify the probable speakers of Proto-Indo-European and trace them through time and space. Since migration is thought to be a major, if not the main, driver of language dispersal and change in prehistory – before writing – information about how those people moved is invaluable.
Q: How central was the Black Sea region to the origins of the languages many of us speak today?
Spinney: I think the consensus among experts is that the Black Sea region is where these languages were born. The language I describe as Proto-Indo-European in my book is the parent of all living Indo-European languages, as well as many that are now extinct.
I make that clarification because there is an ongoing and often intense debate about what came before Proto-Indo-European — since no language appears out of nowhere. The general idea is that Proto-Indo-European, as I define it, was a language that emerged on the steppes north of the Black and Caspian Seas around 5,000 years ago. The debate centres on where the parent of that language was spoken, and when.
Again, while much less is known about that earlier stage, the prevailing view is that it was still spoken somewhere around the Black Sea — possibly in the Volga steppe, or south of the Caucasus in the Armenian highlands. So, whether you are talking about the earlier or the later phase, the Black Sea region remains the focal point – the cradle in which these languages were born.
Q: We do not often think of technology and language as connected, but how deeply intertwined are they?
Spinney: I think we do not automatically see language and technology as related, but it takes just a moment's reflection to realise they clearly are — because people talk about what matters to them. They move and interact to trade in what they value. Around 6,500 years ago, in the Black Sea region, trade in copper was thriving. Copper was the first metal humans worked with, marking the start of the Copper Age.
People were trading copper across the Black Sea and beyond — it was smelted in the Balkans and transported deep into the steppe, for example. Many societies around the region became involved. To begin with, those societies would have had no common language. There's no known example in human history of people trading in high-value goods without a common language. In such situations, people tend to develop a lingua franca — a shared language for commerce — and they do so surprisingly quickly. The term lingua franca comes from a later example spoken around the Mediterranean, but many experts believe a lingua franca emerged around the Black Sea during the Copper Age, and that an early Indo-European language contributed to it.
Q: Would you say English is the global lingua franca for trade today?
Spinney: Yes, English is definitely a lingua franca — the first and arguably the only global one, for now. Of course, that could change. People often assume language is fixed, but that's not how it works. If the geopolitical, demographic and economic situation changes, English could forfeit its dominant position in the world.
Still, for the moment, English is the most widely used lingua franca. It is not the only one —Swahili and Lingala are major lingua francas in Africa, and Malay plays a similar role in parts of Asia. So, there are many, but English is currently the most prominent. Ultimately, language is a tool — possibly humanity's oldest — and we use it to create opportunities, improve our lives, and connect with others. That is why it is always changing, adapting through the brains and mouths of its speakers.
Q: How essential are genetics and archaeology in tracing linguistic history?
Spinney: Historical linguists have spent hundreds of years reconstructing language family trees, mainly by comparing living languages and historical ones — like Sanskrit, Ancient Greek, and Latin. They analyse vocabulary, sound, and grammar to understand how languages are related, what they share, and how they diverged from a common ancestor. However, they can only determine the relative chronology of events in a language's life. To anchor those events in chronological time, they rely on historical texts where those are available. If they are not, which is the case by definition in prehistory, they must turn to archaeology and genetics to understand who was alive and what was happening in the world.
Archaeology provides critical insights by examining material culture. It reveals who lived when, where, and how, as well as their relationships to other societies, with tools like radiocarbon dating helping to establish timelines. This is invaluable for understanding the lives of ancient people, often in ways that written texts from later periods cannot.
Genetics, particularly ancient DNA, offers a means of tracing ancient migrations and relationships. While we could previously track migration patterns through modern populations, we could only do so to about 10 generations or a couple of centuries back. Ancient DNA allows us to understand, in quite a detailed way, what was happening long before that. Since migration is such an important driver of language change and dispersal, knowledge about ancient diasporas is a game-changer in the study of prehistoric languages such as Proto-Indo-European. Though archaeology, genetics, and linguistics do not always align perfectly, their collaboration is powerful. Each discipline provides independent data, allowing for cross-referencing and strengthening the conclusions we draw.
Q: Is language loss a phenomenon unique to modern times?
Spinney: No, though the phenomenon looks different now. Starting in the Neolithic, after the invention of farming, populations grew because they were able to feed more people in a given area. As populations expanded, so did their languages. Dialects formed, and many eventually became distinct languages, leading to the birth of major language families still spoken today. In total, there are roughly 140 language families, with Indo-European being the largest.
With the advent of writing and the rise of early states, about 5,000 years ago, those states typically chose one language, often that spoken by the elite, to serve as the language of administration. This led to the dominance of certain languages and the decline of smaller ones. While this process began long ago, it has accelerated in recent times.
Today, we are in a unique phase where languages evolve more slowly due to factors like schooling, standardised writing, and state administration. Global trade and the internet have further reinforced the spread of certain languages, with English being the prime example, pushing smaller languages to the margins.
This has led to an accelerated loss of languages. Some estimates suggest we might lose a quarter of all living languages by the end of this century—numbers that are quite alarming. We are living through a period of rapid language decline, much like the ongoing loss of biodiversity. These two trends are interconnected. While language decline has always been gradual, something more significant is happening now.
Q: What are your thoughts on the push towards monolingualism by governing elites around the world?
Spinney: This phenomenon largely arose with the nation-state, with Europeans especially focused on imposing a single national language. This often stems from power dynamics—it's politically advantageous for those in power to create a unified sense of identity and to present the nation as a cohesive entity. A single language makes it easier to organise people, but it does not reflect the natural state of human societies. In many parts of the world, including much of Africa, stable bilingualism or even multilingualism is the norm.
In theory, there is no reason why a country cannot have an official administrative language while people continue speaking their local languages in daily life. These two can coexist harmoniously. So when authorities insist on one official language, as (US) President (Donald) Trump did with his recent order that English be the sole official language of the USA, they are largely playing a game of nationalist politics. Such top-down orders can have an impact, but they are not the only factor affecting the extent to which a language is spoken. Demography, geopolitics and popular culture play a role too.
As I said, language is a tool. A given language will survive for as long as it is useful. But who knows what languages will be useful in future? There is a Darwinian parallel here with biology. A diverse gene pool tends to be a good thing because it allows a population to adapt to changing circumstances. Linguistic diversity is valuable for the same reason, and unfortunately, we are losing it quite fast.
Moreover, smaller languages contain vast amounts of local knowledge and history that we stand to lose. Preserving languages for research and revitalising them are distinct processes. Reviving a language requires the full support of the community that speaks it, whereas preserving it for study can be done with research investment. Both are important, but they serve different purposes.
Q: How does climate change affect languages?
Spinney: Climate change has played a significant role in shaping migration patterns, particularly in prehistory, and when people moved, they carried their languages with them – at least for a while. This reconfigured the linguistic landscape, such as the spread of Indo-European languages from the Black Sea region. Today, with over 7 billion people on the planet and a worsening climate crisis, it is interesting to think about how that crisis will impact our linguistic landscape.
There is no evidence yet that a refugee crisis will follow in the wake of the climate crisis, and indeed, some experts say it won't happen. However, people have always moved – and if we needed proof of that, ancient DNA has provided it in buckets. The directions of flow of migrations are also shifting in interesting ways in the modern world. So I would say that migration will continue to shape our linguistic landscape, as it always has. We have to factor in other things, like the internet and schooling and literacy – things that barely existed, if at all, hundreds of years ago. It is impossible to predict exactly what the linguistic landscape will look like in 100 to 200 years, but change is certain. In fact, I would argue that the language landscape our grandchildren know will likely differ more from ours than ours does from our grandparents', which is something to think about!
Nikita writes for the Research Section of focusing on the intersections between colonial history and contemporary issues, especially in gender, culture, and sport.
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