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Soweto giants to battle for 10 goals in 12 matches striker?
Soweto giants to battle for 10 goals in 12 matches striker?

time13-05-2025

  • Sport

Soweto giants to battle for 10 goals in 12 matches striker?

Fresh from battling each other in the Nedbank Cup, Kaizer Chiefs and Orlando Pirates could soon do so again. Chiefs were victorious in the Nedbank Cup final, beating arch rivals Pirates 2-1 to clinch first title in 10 years. Now having faced each other three times this season, Chiefs and Pirates are set to move their battle elsewhere. The two Soweto giants, are both known to always be competing to sign some of the best talents. This goes for players both local and international, with this coming transfer window not expected to be any different. It is said both clubs are looking to reinforce their striking department ahead of the next season. This has often seen them linked with the same strikers. Now according to Soccer-Laduma , the latest addition to that list is Djibril Ouattara. It is suggested the Burkina Faso international will be offered to both Chiefs and Pirates in the coming transfer window. 'Djibril Ouattara is a quality striker with a proven record. He has been offered to clubs in South Africa. From January, he played 10 games and scored 12 goals and registered three assists for his club in Rwanda. That kind of form can't be ignored, and a few people in South Africa have already started to take notice, especially with big clubs like Chiefs and Pirates needing reliable scorers,' said a source to the same publication. Chiefs' need for a prolific striker has been well documented, by coach Nasreddine Nabi. When the club signed Tashreeq Morris, he still hinted that he was one of multiple additions they're planning upfront. Pirates on the other hand, already have Evidence Makgopa and Tshegofatso Mabasa as their main options upfront. This would mean more competition for Ouattara. Which club should Ouattara sign for Chiefs or Pirates? Let us know by clicking on the comment tab. Or by emailing info@ or sending a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 1. You can also follow @TheSAnews on X and The South African on Facebook for the latest news.

Africa CEO Forum opens in Abidjan focusing on public-private ‘new deal'
Africa CEO Forum opens in Abidjan focusing on public-private ‘new deal'

Daily News Egypt

time12-05-2025

  • Business
  • Daily News Egypt

Africa CEO Forum opens in Abidjan focusing on public-private ‘new deal'

ABIDJAN – The 2025 Africa CEO Forum (ACF) opened in Abidjan on Monday, focusing on forging a new 'public-private deal' to reshape the continent's prospects, bringing together over 2,000 leaders from more than 90 countries. Hosted by Ivorian President Alassane Ouattara, the 12th edition, co-organised by Jeune Afrique Media Group and the International Finance Corporation (IFC), aims to find solutions as Africa navigates external shocks like declining aid and high debt costs, alongside opportunities for South-South cooperation. Ouattara's presence is closely watched less than six months before Côte d'Ivoire's presidential election. In his opening address, President Ouattara declared: 'The world is undergoing profound upheavals and major shifts in the geopolitical, economic, and financial spheres. Despite this uncertain context, Côte d'Ivoire is showing strong, sustained growth thanks to a sound macro‑economic framework underpinned by significant private‑sector investment. We must now work to strengthen intra‑African trade by continuing our efforts to process our raw materials and by accelerating the implementation of the AfCFTA. I hope that this edition of the Africa CEO Forum will be a moment of truth and commitment, enabling us to design concrete and ambitious solutions together.' The two-day forum, held at the Sofitel Abidjan Hôtel Ivoire, gathers public and private decision-makers with the objective of building a new pact to fast-track the continent's economic transformation. It highlights economic governance as essential for attracting investment and building trust. Discussions are structured around three key priorities: strengthening economic governance to improve public policy efficiency and enable a more strategic government approach; optimising public policy by aligning regulations with the needs of African businesses; and accelerating the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to build a continental market and foster African champions. High-level participation includes Heads of State Alassane Ouattara (Côte d'Ivoire), Bassirou Diomaye Faye (Senegal), Cyril Ramaphosa (South Africa), Mohamed Ould Ghazouani (Mauritania), and Paul Kagame (Rwanda). Also attending are Prime Ministers Robert Beugré Mambé (Côte d'Ivoire), Kassim Majaliwa Majaliwa (Tanzania), Amadou Oury Bah (Guinea), and Joseph Dion Ngute (Cameroon). More than 900 CEOs are among the participants. Leading figures from the private and financial sectors include Christel Heydemann (Orange), Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede (Access Holdings), Samaila Zubairu (AFC), Soren Toft (MSC), Françoise Lombard (Proparco), Aïda Diarra (Visa), Serge Ekué (BOAD), Thierry Hebraud (MCB), Philippe Labonne (AGL), Christian Stammkoetter (Danone), Fatoumata Sanogo (Petroci), and Afrobeats superstar Davido. Amir Ben Yahmed, CEO of Jeune Afrique Media Group, said: 'After two decades of growth, Africa is once again facing challenges we thought were behind us, especially the ballooning debt crisis… we believe the core issue lies in the quality of public policy and economic governance… Africa must develop its capacity to engage with the private sector and empower it to drive growth.' Makhtar Diop, Managing Director at IFC, stated: 'Africa's potential is immense… Yet it remains largely untapped… To realize this potential, we must mobilize private capital towards a competitive and productive Africa… we urgently need a new deal between companies and public decision-makers'. A key event will be the public debate between candidates for the presidency of the African Development Bank (AfDB), moderated by Nicholas Norbrook, editor-in-chief of The Africa Report. Some leaders, including South Africa's Cyril Ramaphosa, Mauritania's Mohamed Ould Ghazouani, and Senegal's Bassirou Diomaye Faye, are attending partly to support candidates in this election, scheduled for late May. Rwanda's Paul Kagame is seen as cultivating support amid ongoing tensions between his country and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Morocco, Côte d'Ivoire Sign Military Cooperation Agreement
Morocco, Côte d'Ivoire Sign Military Cooperation Agreement

Morocco World

time09-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Morocco World

Morocco, Côte d'Ivoire Sign Military Cooperation Agreement

Rabat – Morocco and Côte d'Ivoire have taken a new step to strengthen their bilateral ties by signing a military cooperation agreement. They signed the agreement on Friday during a meeting in Rabat between Morocco's Minister Delegate to the Head of Government in charge of National Defense, Abdellatif Loudiyi, and Côte d'Ivoire's Minister of State and Minister of Defense, Téné Birahima Ouattara. Ouattara is on a working visit to the country, accompanied by a high-level delegation. The Ambassador of Côte d'Ivoire to Morocco also attended the signing ceremony. According to a statement from Morocco's Administration of National Defense, the agreement aims to enhance military cooperation between the two countries. It focuses on areas such as training, education, military health services, technical assistance, and the sharing of expertise in fields of common interest. During their talks, Loudiyi recalled King Mohammed VI's initiative to transform Africa's Atlantic coast into a zone of economic integration, peace, stability, and shared prosperity. This vision includes both Atlantic and Sahel countries, offering them access to the Atlantic Ocean and new opportunities for development. Meanwhile, Minister Ouattara outlined the strategic importance of the partnership between Côte d'Ivoire and Morocco. He also commended King Mohammed VI's commitment to South-South cooperation, noting its benefits to African partner countries. At the end of the meeting, both officials expressed their shared ambition and strong will to further strengthen their relations. They agreed to implement the terms of the newly signed military cooperation agreement, which reflects the friendly and strong ties between the two countries, concluded the statement. Tags: Cote d'IvoireDefensemilitaryMorocco

Thiam delisting could rattle Côte d'Ivoire business confidence
Thiam delisting could rattle Côte d'Ivoire business confidence

Yahoo

time09-05-2025

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Thiam delisting could rattle Côte d'Ivoire business confidence

The disqualification of Côte d'Ivoire's main opposition candidate from the race to become the country's next president could undermine the nation's reputation as a stable investment hub, his lawyer told Semafor. A court ruling last month barred former Credit Suisse CEO Tidjane Thiam, leader of the Democratic Party of Ivory Coast (PDCI), from running in October's presidential election. He revoked his previous French citizenship in February, with the request approved the following month. But the court ruled that he didn't revoke his French citizenship early enough to qualify for this year's vote.. The decision 'sends a devastating signal,' Thiam's lawyer, Mathias Chichportich, told Semafor. Investors may struggle to trust a state that disregards its own laws, he argued, adding that political and legal uncertainty creates instability that may deter investment. In a glowing April report, the International Monetary Fund said Côte d'Ivoire had emerged as an 'engine of growth and stability' in the eight-country West African Economic and Monetary Union of Francophone African countries. GDP growth in the country averaged 6.4% over the past decade, around 3 percentage points higher than the average for sub-Saharan Africa. Côte d'Ivoire also attracts nearly 30% of foreign direct investment in WAEMU — more than any other nation in the group — according to data from the UN's trade and development body. Analysts warn that Thiam's disqualification, amid uncertainty over whether 83-year-old President Alassane Ouattara will seek a fourth term, could lead to damaging instability in Francophone West Africa's biggest economy. 'Thiam's disqualification sends a negative signal for a country like Côte d'Ivoire, which otherwise enjoys strong governance indicators in the region,' said Aroni Chaudhuri, Africa economist at the French credit insurer Coface. Thiam's exclusion stems from a legal complaint filed by private citizens citing a rarely used clause in the 1961 Nationality Code. The law states that any adult who acquires another nationality automatically forfeits Ivorian citizenship. Thiam is exploring ways in which to mount an appeal, according to Chichportich. He is the fourth major political figure in Côte d'Ivoire barred from running for president, after former President Laurent Gbagbo, former Prime Minister Guillaume Soro, and former Youth Minister Charles Blé Goudé. Côte d'Ivoire has wrestled with bouts of insecurity since the country descended into a bloody civil war in 2002 that lasted five years. Ouattara, who took office in 2011 after months of violence that followed his predecessor's refusal to accept electoral defeat, has presided over a period of economic growth that has outstripped other countries in the region. But Ouattara's controversial decision to seek a third term — a move many opposition parties viewed as unconstitutional — triggered unrest in 2020. 'Until now, the consensus was that this election cycle would be calmer than in 2020, which saw violence,' said Chaudhuri. 'But even without unrest, uncertainty over how the vote will be conducted can impact consumption and investment — as seen in Senegal, where growth slowed and consumption fell during the 2024 election period.' A broader concern lies beyond Thiam's case: The sudden enforcement of dormant legal provisions. The particular clause invoked against him was almost never used against political figures — except for a case in 2011 — and its reactivation raises questions about what other long-overlooked laws could be resurrected for political (or business) ends. The Abidjan court ruled in April that Thiam lost his Ivorian citizenship in 1987 when he became French, only regaining it in March 2025 after he renounced that nationality — too late to qualify for the late 2024 electoral roll update. Chichportich, Thiam's lawyer, argues that his client's dual nationality was long known and never contested, even during his tenure as a minister in the 1990s. Thiam has also pointed out that half of the country's football team holds dual citizenship — and that ignoring such realities would undermine the legitimacy of many public figures and national symbols. Questions of nationality — or — have been used to sideline political opponents in Côte d'Ivoire for more than a generation. Former President Henri Konan Bédié was accused of having a Ghanaian father. Thiam's case shows how arcane legal precedents could be used to great effect to undermine high-profile individuals. Some, including within Thiam's party, argue that he should have anticipated the legal outcome and renounced his French citizenship after being elected PDCI president in December 2023. One adviser to French companies in Abidjan, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Semafor: 'Investors like predictability. If the Thiam decision doesn't cause turbulence, the economy keeps growing, and the country stays on a steady course, no one will make a fuss — aside from the standard formal statements from Western embassies. Everyone has their role.' 'Among many business leaders, especially SME [small and medium enterprise] heads who lived through the 2010 crisis, there's real fear and apprehension,' said Georges Yao Yao, co-founder of Y3 Audit & Conseils. 'But there's also a shared sense that, given all the progress and investment since 2011, there are strong incentives not to risk sliding backwards.' The 'Thiam saga' shows how identity politics can still weigh heavily in Côte d'Ivoire, wrote Chatham House consulting fellow Paul Melly in a BBC article.

Is Ivory Coast's red card politics an own goal for democracy?
Is Ivory Coast's red card politics an own goal for democracy?

Yahoo

time08-05-2025

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Is Ivory Coast's red card politics an own goal for democracy?

Even a stellar international business career cannot prepare you for the hard realities of politics in Ivory Coast, where some are questioning the democratic credentials of the West African nation most famous for being the producer of much of the world's cocoa and some of its finest footballers. That is the painful lesson Tidjane Thiam is learning as he waits to see whether deal-making in the corridors of power and popular pressure from the street can rescue his bid to become president of Ivory Coast. Seemingly relentless progress towards the election set for this October came to a juddering halt on 22 April when a judge ruled that the 62-year-old had lost his Ivorian citizenship by taking French nationality decades previously and not revoking it until too late to qualify for this year's vote. Moving back to Ivory Coast in 2022 after more than two decades in global finance, Thiam had immediately been seen as a potential contender to succeed current head of state Alassane Ouattara who, at 83, is now in the final year of his third term of office. A scion of a traditional noble family and a great nephew of the country's revered founding President, Félix Houphouët-Boigny, he had impressed as a top government official and minister in the 1990s, overseeing infrastructure development and radical economic reforms. A military coup then pushed Thiam to seek a fresh career abroad, which culminated in high-profile stints as chief executive of UK insurance giant Prudential and then the banking group Credit Suisse. But returning home at last, three years ago, he embarked on a steady advance towards the next Ivorian presidential election. After the death in 2023 of former President Henri Konan Bédié, long-serving leader of the opposition Democratic Party of Ivory Coast (PDCI), Thiam was perfectly positioned to take his place and then on 17 April this year he was chosen as the party's candidate for the upcoming presidential race. That was no guarantee of victory, and especially if - as seems quite plausible Ouattara opts to run for a fourth term, backed by all the assets and advantages of incumbency and a track record of four successive years of annual economic growth above 6%. However, Thiam stood out as the prime alternative. President Ouattara congratulates French-Ivorian Sébastien Haller after he scored the goal that clinched the Africa Cup of Nations title for Ivory Coast last year [AFP] As an opponent of the ruling Rally of Houphouëtists for Democracy and Peace (RHDP), he offered Ivorian voters the chance to change their government. Yet with his centrist politics and solid technocratic credentials, his candidacy offered reassuring competence and the prospect of continuing the impressive economic progress that Ouattara has piloted since 2011. Now that potential trajectory is blocked. If the court decision stands - and Ivorian law offers no option of appeal for this particular issue - Thiam will be out of October's contest. It is a race from which past court convictions have already excluded three other prominent opposition figures - former President Laurent Gbagbo, former Prime Minister Guillaume Soro and a former minister, Charles Blé Goudé - all central actors in the political crises and civil conflicts that brutally paralysed the progress of Ivory Coast between 1999 and 2011. The prospect now is that Ouattara or any chosen RHDP successor candidate will approach the election without facing any heavyweight political challenge. That can only deepen Ivorians' already widespread popular disillusionment with the country's political establishment. This is against the wider context of a West Africa where the radical anti-politics rhetoric of the soldiers who have seized power in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger already finds a sympathetic audience among many disenchanted young people. That really matters in societies where, typically, three-quarters of the population is under 35. The economy of Ivory Coast, regarded as the regional powerhouse, is growing and has recovered well under Ouattara from the devastation of recent civil wars [AFP] Amidst this crisis for West African democracy, there have been some moments of encouragement. In Liberia in 2023 and in Senegal and Ghana last year, incumbent governments were voted out, in free and fair elections whose results were accepted by all contestants without argument. The Senegalese result, in particular, owed much to the massive enthusiastic mobilisation of young people. Many hoped that Ivory Coast could offer a further positive example of democratic choice and the offer of change, and an example that might be all the more influential because the country is a prosperous regional powerhouse. It is the economic engine of the CFA franc single currency bloc and besides the cocoa industry, it is also a key hub for business services and finance and a leading political voice in the regional grouping, the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas). What happens in Ivory Coast really matters and is widely noticed, across West Africa and indeed, also right across francophone Africa more generally. Ouattara is one of the continent's most prominent statesmen, commanding broad respect internationally too. And yet now the run-up to the country's crucial next presidential election has become ensnared in a return version of the identity politics that so soured the bitter disputes and instability of the 1990s and 2000s. Back then, the governments of first Bédié and then Gbagbo used the contentious "ivoirité", meaning "Ivorian-ness" law to shut Ouattara out of standing for the presidency on the grounds that his family allegedly had foreign origins. It was only in 2007 that the government scrapped the ban on his candidacy and only in 2016 - when he was already in office - that a new constitution at last ended the requirement that the stated parents of presidential candidates be native-born Ivorians. President Ouattara (L) has reconciled with Laurent Gbagbo since the 2011 post-poll unrest, but his predecessor is barred from seeking office again [AFP] The poisonous mobilisation of identity issues had been a major contributing factor to the civil wars, street violence and northern separatist partition that brutally scarred Ivory Coast for more than a decade, up to 2011, at a cost of thousands of lives. Today the country feels far from such large-scale conflict. There is no popular appetite for a return to confrontation and politicians are staying well away from the incendiary rhetoric of the past. But the Thiam saga shows how identity issues, even in a more legalistic form and in this hopefully more peaceful era, can still weigh heavily. Ivory Coast only permits dual nationality under certain limited conditions. So in its 22 April ruling, an Abidjan court declared that, under the terms of a little-used post-independence law, Thiam had automatically lost his Ivorian citizenship almost four decades ago when he acquired French nationality - after several years' study in Paris. Although he officially surrendered that this February, and thus automatically recovered his original citizenship, this was too late for inclusion on this year's register of eligible voters or candidates. In vain, his lawyers had argued that, through his father, Thiam had French nationality from birth - which, if accepted, would exempt him from the dual nationality ban. Seeking to highlight the absurdity and inconsistencies of the situation, he argued that, logically, the country should now hand back its prized 2024 Africa Cup of Nations football title because many of the players also have French nationality. "If we apply the law the way [that] they just applied it to me, we have to give the cup back to Nigeria - because half of the team was not Ivorian," he told the BBC. And Thursday could bring yet another setback in a scheduled court hearing where a judge may now rule that Thiam cannot, as a non-national, lead the PDCI. The past two weeks have seen continuing political and legal debate over this whole saga, with the Thiam camp hoping that a combination of popular pressure and discreet political negotiation will lead to a compromise that lets him back into the presidential race, perhaps along with the other excluded contenders. And Ouattara, should he chose not to run, might want to safeguard his impressive track record and secure his international reputation by intervening with some kind of deal that allows Thiam to run. With months to go before the polls, there is still time for that. But no-one is counting on it. Paul Melly is a consulting fellow with the Africa Programme at Chatham House in London. You may also be interested in: [Getty Images/BBC] Go to for more news from the African continent. Follow us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica BBC Africa podcasts

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