Latest news with #PMModi
India.com
a day ago
- Business
- India.com
'I will not call Trump': Angry over US tariff hike, Brazilian President calls PM Modi, discusses..., Trump should be worried because...
PM Modi brazil visit- Image- IANS New Delhi: In a significant development on Thursday night, Prime Minister Narendra Modi received a telephone call from Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva a day after US President Donald Trump issued an executive order slapping 25 per cent additional tariff on Indian goods. As per a release shared by the Prime Minister's office, the two leaders agreed to enhance cooperation in trade, technology, energy, defence, agriculture, health, and people-to-people ties. However, the reason due to which the telephone call is receiving world-wide attention are the recent 'anti-Trump' statements given by the Brazilian President. What has President of Brazil said on Donald Trump? Notably, Lula da Silva, the President of Brazil had said, 'I will not call Trump because he doesn't want to talk, I will call Xi Jinping, I will call PM Modi, I will not call Putin right now because he is not in a position to travel, but I will call many more presidents'. What was discussed between PM Modi and Brazilian President? PM Modi and the Brazilian President also exchanged views on regional and global issues of mutual interest, the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) said in a statement. During the telephonic conversation, the prime minister recalled his visit to Brazil last month, the press release said. Later, Modi in a post on X said, 'Had a good conversation with President Lula. Thanked him for making my visit to Brazil memorable and meaningful. We are committed to deepening our Strategic Partnership including in trade, energy, tech, defence, health and more. A strong, people-centric partnership between Global South nations benefits everyone.' How is Brazil planning to challenge US tariffs? Notably, Brazil is preparing to formally challenge the newly imposed US tariffs at the World Trade Organization (WTO) while keeping the door open to negotiations, a report by IANS news agency said. The move comes after US President Donald Trump announced a 50 per cent tariff on a range of Brazilian exports, including coffee, beef and petrochemicals. (With inputs from agencies)
Time of India
6 days ago
- Business
- Time of India
"Forced me to take names of Mohan Bhagwat, PM Modi, Yogi Adityanath": Sadhvi Pragya on investigation of Malegaon bomb blast
BJP leader Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur on Sunday alleged that she was "forced" to take the names of PM Modi , Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath , RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat and other leaders during the investigation of 2008 Malegaon bomb blast case. "I have said this earlier too, that they forced me to take the names of tall leaders. I didn't take those names; I didn't act as they wanted me to. So, they tortured me. Those names especially included, Mohan Bhagwat, Ram Madhav, PM Modi, Yogi Adityanath, Indresh Kumar and other leaders," she said. Explore courses from Top Institutes in Please select course: Select a Course Category Leadership Technology Management Others Data Science Healthcare Public Policy Product Management others PGDM Project Management Cybersecurity Digital Marketing Degree Artificial Intelligence CXO Data Analytics Finance healthcare Data Science Operations Management MBA Design Thinking Skills you'll gain: Duration: 18 Weeks 109820388 Strategic Marketing for Leaders: Leveraging AI for Growth Starts on undefined Get Details Skills you'll gain: Duration: 10 Months IIM Kozhikode CERT-IIMK-Women Leadership Programme INDIA Starts on undefined Get Details Skills you'll gain: Duration: 11 Months IIM Lucknow CERT-IIML SLP India Starts on undefined Get Details Skills you'll gain: Duration: 12 Months IIM Kozhikode Advanced Strategic Management Programme Starts on undefined Get Details Skills you'll gain: Duration: 12 Months IIM Kozhikode SEPO - IIMK CEO Programme India Starts on undefined Get Details Skills you'll gain: Duration: 12 Weeks IIM Kozhikode CERT-IIMK EPIS Async India Starts on undefined Get Details Skills you'll gain: Financial Accounting & Analysis Financial Instruments & Markets Corporate Finance & Valuation Investment Management & Banking Duration: 12 Months IIM Kozhikode IIMK Professional Certificate in Financial Analysis and Financial Management Starts on Mar 30, 2024 Get Details Skills you'll gain: Duration: 12 Months IIM Kozhikode Senior Management Programme Starts on undefined Get Details Skills you'll gain: Critical Thinking & Decision-Making Skills Power of Emerging Technologies Innovation and Drive Organizational Change Fostering a Culture of Innovation Duration: 9 Months MIT xPRO MIT Technology Leadership and Innovation Starts on May 14, 2024 Get Details Skills you'll gain: Duration: 22 Weeks Indian School of Business SEPO - ISB Venture Capital & Private Equity India Starts on undefined Get Details Skills you'll gain: Opportunities & Outlining Plans to use AI & ML Applying Data-Driven Business Innovation Best Practices Changing Culture to Integrate AI-Enabled Technologies Ethics, Privacy and Regulations in AI & ML Duration: 20 Weeks Indian School of Business ISB Leadership in AI Starts on May 14, 2024 Get Details Skills you'll gain: Duration: 10 Months IIM Indore Executive Programme in Business Management Starts on undefined Get Details Skills you'll gain: Strategic Thinking & Planning Competitive Advantage & Market Positioning Strategic Leadership & Decision-Making Change Management & Organizational Transformation Duration: 1 Year IIM Kozhikode IIMK Advanced Strategic Management Programme Starts on Mar 30, 2024 Get Details Sadhvi Pragya's remark came after the NIA special court acquitted her and all the other accused in the 2008 Malegaon bomb blast case. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Adam Lambert, 43, Takes off His Makeup and Leaves Us Without Words The Noodle Box Undo Sadhvi Pragya lashed out at Congress, calling the court decision a "slap on the faces of those who called it saffron terror." "Bhagwa aatankwaad kehne waalon ke munh kaale huye hain. Society and the country have given them a solid reply. The court's decision is crystal clear. This is a slap on the faces of those who called it 'saffron terror'...They called it 'saffron terror' and 'Hindu terror' earlier too. Maharashtra's Chavan (Prithviraj Chavan) has spoken on 'sanatana aatankwaad', 'Hindutva aatankwaad'. They are people of the same category. They are all members of Congress," she said. Live Events Speaking about the court's decisions, she said that the "Truth has triumphed," adding that the country has always been with Dharma and truth. "Truth has triumphed. Dharma and truth were on our side, so we were bound to win. Satyameva Jayate! I had said this earlier and this has been proven now. Vidharmion ke, deshdrohion ke munh kaale huye hain. They have received a reply. The country has always been with Dharma and truth, and it will always be," she said. She further accused Congress of "torturing" Hindus and doing appeasement politics for Muslims when in power. "Congress people have always adopted appeasement politics for Muslims. They used this in their regime. They tortured Hindus in every manner, jailed them and slapped false cases on them. They called it 'saffron terror' and 'Hindutva terror'. Congress harbours such a petty mindset. This was a conspiracy by Congress, and this qualifies as treason," she said. On July 31, Mumbai's NIA special court on Thursday acquitted all seven accused, including Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur, of being involved in the 2008 Malegaon blasts, with the court saying that the prosecution failed to establish the case beyond a reasonable doubt. The NIA court has also ordered the Maharashtra government to award Rs 2 lakh compensation to the families of the victims and Rs 50,000 compensation to the injured. A total of 7 people were accused, including former MP Sadhvi Pragya, Major (retired) Ramesh Upadhyay, Sudhakar Chaturvedi, Ajay Rahirkar, Sudhankar Dhar Dwivedi (Shankaracharya) and Sameer Kulkarni. "All bail bonds of the accused are cancelled and sureties are discharged," the NIA special court said. The court had examined 323 prosecution witnesses and eight defence witnesses before pronouncing the verdict. The seven people have been acquitted of all charges under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, Arms Act and all other charges. On September 29 2008, six people were killed and 95 others injured when an explosive device strapped to a motorcycle detonated near a mosque in Malegaon City's Bhikku Chowk. Originally, 11 people were accused in the case; however, the court ultimately framed charges against 7, including former MP Sadhvi Pragya.
India.com
6 days ago
- Politics
- India.com
PM Modis big announcement shook Pakistan!
PM Modi started the battle of 2027 from Kashi. PM Modi, who reached Varanasi for the first time after Operation Sindoor, said that no matter how many allegations the opposition makes, the 2027 elections will be played on the pitch of nationalism.
The Print
31-07-2025
- Politics
- The Print
Do Chola kings represent a culturally united Hindu India? It's a modern fantasy
To understand the recent political bonanza about the Cholas, first we need to understand what they've left behind—and the many ways in which we've understood this over the decades. Most of what we know about the Cholas derives from donative inscriptions that adorn the walls of medieval Tamil temples. There is a loud chorus, at least on social media, that the Cholas—and South India in general—haven't gotten their due in the national historical imagination. But there's more going on than meets the eye. The fact is that celebrating the conquests of the Cholas misses the woods for the trees. Rather than encourage a deeper understanding of regional histories, we are instead forcing a remarkable medieval society into today's culture wars. History has rarely been away from the headlines over the last few weeks, whether through the rewriting of NCERT textbooks or PM Modi's tribute to the Chola dynasty of medieval South India. The coming month will see the millennial celebrations of the 11th-century Chola emperor Rajendra I, specifically of his conquests in Southeast Asia. Interestingly, most Chola-period donative inscriptions were not commissioned by the Chola court, but a broad, shifting spectrum of Tamil-speaking society. Through these inscriptions, we can see broad social trends. As historians Noboru Karashima, Y Subbarayalu, and James Heitzman have shown, most temple affairs—and, by extension, village affairs—depended on local collectives, rather than royal officials. These might be collectives of Vellala cultivator families, or Brahmin landlords, or merchants. These collectives, as we'll see soon, were not mute recipients of royal commandments. Temple donors were fairly diverse in the early 10th century (when the Chola dynasty was rising), sometimes including shepherds and washer-people. Over time, temple activities were steadily taken over by men of elite martial or landed backgrounds, often linked to the Chola court. These families were progenitors of some dominant castes in Tamil Nadu today. Inscriptions also show growing discrimination against landless groups such as the Paraiyar, today a Scheduled Caste. Throughout this time, indeed well after the end of the empire, collective assemblies were a major social and political force in Tamil Nadu. Many temple inscriptions also included eulogies to Chola kings, especially at the height of expansion in the early 11th century under Rajaraja I and Rajendra I. To KA Nilakanta Sastri, grandfather of Chola studies in the 1930s, royal eulogies showing up in temple donations managed by local collectives proved the Chola court was centralised, competently led, and yet respectful of local self-government. This was very much the kind of independent Indian state envisioned by many freedom fighters at the time. In the decades after, however, rigorous epigraphical studies revealed a more surprising explanation. In particular, Tamil and French scholars at the French Institute of Pondicherry have noted that there are clear patterns to Chola royal eulogies. Philologist Whitney Cox, at the University of Chicago, has demonstrated that eulogies were constantly issued and updated by the court, portraying the king not just as a religious figure but also as a political and military one. Indeed, if you were to look at a Chola temple donation, you'd be struck by how most of the preambles describe the king's wars: in the medieval mind, royal devotion and battlefield success were intertwined. Cox also argues that the degree to which local collectives reproduced royal eulogies depended on their political equation with the Chola king—rather than blind devotion to royal authority. And so, Chola kings had to keep conquering so as to be able to make temple gifts, through which they ensured their subjects' support for the imperial project. Grand edifices such as Rajaraja I's Brihadishvara temple at Thanjavur received gifts of war loot from the king as well as a huge cross-section of elite Tamil society. Later Chola kings could rarely summon such a degree of support for their temples. In the constant push-and-pull between ruler and collective, in the entangling of temple patronage, war, caste and property, medieval Tamil inscriptions reveal a society of extraordinary dynamism. It is a dynamism that is being quickly forgotten. Also read: Cholas and Chaulukyas understood tariffs and taxes better than Trump does Evidence and beliefs If all this sounds surprising, it's because since Sastri's magisterial The Cōḷas (1935), the perception of the Cholas has been extensively shaped by Tamil pop culture, nostalgia, and politics—in which English news media (outside of Tamil Nadu) were, until recently, largely uninterested. Indeed, despite Sastri's work being nearly a century behind the recent scholarship, he is still one of the bestselling historians of South India. As the distinguished contemporary Tamil historian AR Venkatachalapathy points out, Sastri wrote at a time when historical materials were not interrogated as they are today. Yet Sastri's work has continued to resonate with 20th and 21st-century nationalist yearnings. I will return to this point momentarily. First, I would like to ask the question: how were the Cholas remembered before 20th-century nationalisms? The picture of the Cholas in the Tamil tradition is complex and varied, depending on the social position of storytellers. Shaivite sources are extremely favourable to the dynasty, crediting them with establishing temples, settling Brahmins, rediscovering and promoting Shaivite texts. However, the Chola kings of the Shaivite tradition are a mix of both historical figures and culture heroes. Outside of the Shaivite tradition, the picture is somewhat darker. In the Mackenzie manuscripts of Tamil stories, collected in the late 1800s, one Chola king (Kulottunga I) is described as having either a dancing-girl or a demoness for a lover, and giving their son a kingdom. Srivaishnava legends accuse a Chola king of conspiring to kill the Srivaishnava saint Ramanuja. Another is believed to have killed the son of the famed poet Kamban, author of the Tamil Ramayana. And, as I've written previously in Thinking Medieval, a peasant tradition praises twin heroes who are believed to have killed a cruel Chola king. To be clear, many of these are literary or storytelling tropes applied generally to royal figures. But that is exactly my point: Before the 20th century, the Cholas were not totemic figures of an ethnic or cultural identity. And their seagoing expeditions played no role in popular culture. Indeed, as Dr Venkatachalapathy told me, when the first Indian steamship company was established by VO Chidambaram Pillai in 1906, the educated Tamil middle class had no idea that the Cholas were seafarers of any sort. All this changed from the 1930s onwards, when the Cholas received sustained academic and pop culture attention. Historians Nilakanta Sastri and RC Majumdar both saw the Cholas as representing an enlightened Indian imperialism with a sustained overseas presence—in stark contrast to the British Raj. Kalki Krishnamurthy, freedom fighter and author of Ponniyin Selvan, wrote of the Chola king Rajaraja I with 'the Mahatma's nobility, Nehru's charisma, Patel's steel, Rajaji's integrity, and the compassion of Buddha and Ashoka'. As noted above, the epigraphic corpus of the Chola period was picked up and studied by decades-long multinational academic collaborations, summarised in the previous section. Yet academic findings, especially the notion of critical interrogation of sources, did not percolate into pop culture. Within dominant Tamil media, the Cholas came to represent a politically-useful, 'perfected' notion of Tamil history: one where caste discrimination, temple politics, gendered violence, and warfare against other Indian states either didn't exist, or weren't that much of a problem. Dalit cultural figures who have questioned this depiction, such as director Pa Ranjith, have had to face court cases for outraging sentiments. The Cholas became foundational figures of Tamil legend, similar to Shivaji in Maharashtra. But while Shivaji has long been integral to Hindutva history as an opponent of the Mughals, the reinvention of the Cholas was largely confined to Tamil Nadu—until recently. Also read: A Chola queen shaped Hinduism like no one else. Yet you haven't heard of her Tribute or appropriation? I will try to summarise, as fairly as possible, the view of the Cholas now projected by the Union government. First and foremost, they were great Shaivite Hindu kings, exemplified by their massive temples, which were built for devotional purposes. Second, they conquered abroad and projected Indian influence into Southeast Asia. To do this, they used a large royal navy (on which, more in future). Third, they were patrons of the arts, responsible for divine bronzes as well as prestigious Tamil arts such as Bharatanatyam. Fourth, they were great administrators who ruled a fair and just system. It is impossible not to see the overlap between the Tamil nationalist view of the Cholas and the Hindutva view. Essentially, what we are seeing now is an attempt to integrate a regional nationalist narrative based on pop culture into a subcontinental nationalist narrative—which is based on a much more vociferous pop culture. There are, however, two important differences. Hardline Tamil nationalists reject the notion that the Cholas patronised Sanskrit learning or Brahminical institutions, though this does not find support in the evidence. (Teenage adherents of this view have commanded me on Instagram, in no uncertain terms, that Rajaraja I's imperial temple must be called only by the Tamil name, Peruvudaiyar, rather than the Sanskrit Brihadishvara—never mind that both of these mean the same thing and originated well after the end of the empire.) More broadly, and with more evidence, Tamil nationalists have also never seen the Cholas as anti-Muslim figures, whether as part of a cultural competition or as rivals to Muslim powers. In recent weeks, however, a bestselling North Indian writer of mythological fantasy, with ties to the ruling establishment, has announced a work of 'speculative' fiction where the Cholas undertake a surgical strike against Mahmud of Ghazni. Since this is 'speculative', one can hand-wave away the strong-arming of this remarkable medieval power into modern political buzzwords. One can ignore the fact that Chola inscriptions show absolutely no interest in happenings in North India. One does not need to address the unique structure of Tamil society and its amazing political dynamism. Instead, we can indulge in the modern fantasy of the Cholas as ideal kings with bulging biceps, representing a culturally united Hindu India, and beating up the 'bad guys' of Hindutva history. We are also treated to North Indian politicians tweeting photos of Chola temples, claiming that the South has been ignored—with vociferous support from dominant caste Tamil influencers. Personally, much as I would like to delight in regional histories getting the spotlight, I am not sure whether this is a 'celebration' of Chola history, or yet another reinvention. The fact is that what's happening to the Cholas isn't particularly new. Chest-thumping about medieval royalty, fantasy fiction, and textbook rewriting have long been used by regional political parties to promote linguistic pride and secure votes. But this comes at a cost. In twisting the medieval 1 per cent into today's culture wars, the medieval 99 per cent, with all their foibles and uniqueness, are simply flattened into an undifferentiated mass of devotees and willing foot soldiers for military and cultural projects that appeal to dominant interests. The stories we tell of the past always say more about us than they do about our ancestors. Indian democracy could easily fund studies and exhibitions about medieval architects; conduct ground-penetrating LIDAR scans of medieval settlement mounds; excavate known Chola palace sites to learn about daily life; or sponsor multinational studies of medieval Tamil diaspora sites. There are plenty of ways to pay tribute to history that allow history to be history, instead of a warped and fractured rehash of our own culture wars. What does it say about us that we choose, again and again, to celebrate warrior-kings and their temples? Anirudh Kanisetti is a public historian. He is the author of 'Lords of Earth and Sea: A History of the Chola Empire' and the award-winning 'Lords of the Deccan'. He hosts the Echoes of India and Yuddha podcasts. He tweets @AKanisetti and is on Instagram @anirbuddha. This article is a part of the 'Thinking Medieval' series that takes a deep dive into India's medieval culture, politics, and history. (Edited by Theres Sudeep)
Hindustan Times
31-07-2025
- Business
- Hindustan Times
Nifty 50, Sensex today: What to expect from the Indian stock market on Thursday?
Mumbai: Indian equities could extend their decline on Thursday after US President Donald Trump on Wednesday slapped a 25% tariff on imports from India, along with an unspecified penalty. Mumbai: A woman walks past the Bombay Stock Exchange (BSE) building, in Mumbai, Monday, Aug. 5, 2024. Sensex and Nifty tumbled in early trade on Monday in-line with extremely weak trends in global markets amid fears of a slowdown in the US economy and foreign fund outflows. (PTI Photo) (PTI08_05_2024_000214B) *** Local Caption *** (PTI) Stocks of textiles, pharmaceuticals, and automotive component companies—key Indian exporters—are likely to be hurt the most, said experts. However, they also expect the fall to be short-lived on hopes of a trade deal eventually being struck. India and the US are negotiating a bilateral trade agreement and the next set of talks are scheduled in August. The benchmark Nifty, which fell 3.1% over the past four weeks to 24,837 last Friday, recovered marginally to 24,855.05 on Wednesday. The tariff announcement came after the markets closed and could result in investors taking fresh bearish positions. The market was expecting a 20% tariff. Also Read: 'PM Modi a friend of mine, but…': What Donald Trump said on 25% US tariff bomb However, an additional 5 percentage point tariff rate along with an unquantified penalty 'could result in a knee-jerk reaction', said Swarup Mohanty, chief executive officer (CEO) of Mirae Asset Investment Managers, which manages ₹2 trillion. 'But things will begin to stabilise sooner than later as a large part of the uncertainty is out of the way. It's a negotiating tactic and we could reach a deal soon.' Options traders had baked in a 1% move from 24,900 in the Nifty, with a range of 24,780-25,020, at Wednesday's closing. That range may now break on the downside after the announcement. In the past four weeks, the markets were already under pressure as a weakening rupee and higher stock valuations than other emerging markets prompted foreign portfolio investors (FPIs) to pull out over ₹32,000 crore from Indian equities in July — a sharp reversal from their buying trend last month. The rupee declined 2.2% over the past month—from 85.49 on 27 June to 87.42 against the US dollar on Wednesday—to its lowest level in five months. The fiscal first-quarter earnings of Indian companies have also been weak. Consolidated profits of 704 companies fell 6.2% over a year earlier. The Nifty trades at a price-to-earnings multiple of 22.8 times on a trailing basis, compared to 14.21 for the Kospi index. The Korean market is the best performer in Asia, and it closed at a four-year high on Wednesday. At Wednesday's closing, the Nifty 50 is almost 6% off its record high of 26,277.35 on 27 September 2024. Still, money managers such as Ashish Gupta, who oversees assets of ₹3.37 trillion as chief investment officer at Axis Mutual Fund, believe that there could be at best a short-term knee-jerk reaction. 'DIIs (domestic institutional investors) will continue to buy at lower levels, which will cushion any fall,' he said. To be sure, while FPIs have sold cash shares worth ₹1.32 trillion in the year to date, domestic institutional investors have purchased shares worth ₹4.12 trillion over the same period. One area of concern for FPIs is the weaker local unit, which dents their dollar returns. With the tariff tensions persisting, the rupee could weaken a tad more before the Reserve Bank of India intervenes to keep it within a range of 86-87 in the month ahead, according to Madan Sabnavis, chief economist at Bank of Baroda. 'The stock market reaction to the tariff imposition won't be longer than a few days,' added Sabnavis. Some economists expect the higher-than-expected tariff to hit India's GDP growth. 'When the US had initially imposed tariffs, we had lowered our forecast of India's GDP expansion to 6.2% for FY2026, presuming a tepid rise in exports and a delay in private capex,' said Aditi Nayar, chief economist at ICRA Ltd. 'The tariff (and penalty) now proposed by the US is higher than what we had anticipated, and is therefore likely to pose a headwind to India's GDP growth. The extent of the downside will depend on the size of the penalties imposed,' she said.
