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The Hindu
8 hours ago
- Business
- The Hindu
Chandrababu Naidu unveils ₹1,500 crpre road development plan
In a significant push to modernise Andhra Pradesh's road infrastructure, Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu has announced the construction of 2,000 kilometers of new roads at a cost of ₹1,000 crore and the repair of damaged roads worth ₹500 crore. The Chief Minister directed officials to expedite cost estimations and initiate the tendering process immediately. Presiding over a review meeting with the Roads & Buildings (R&B) Department at the State Secretariat on Thursday, Mr. Naidu emphasised that road repairs must be carried out continuously, even during the monsoon season, to ensure early completion. He expressed concern over the poor state of roads, blaming years of neglect under the previous administration. The Chief Minister has set a 15-day deadline for officials to submit a comprehensive report detailing roads requiring repair, new road proposals, and maintenance needs. He stressed the need for adopting cutting-edge technologies in road construction to reduce costs and enhance quality. Officials briefed the Chief Minister that 20,000 km of roads have already been repaired to make them pothole-free. 'Our roads must meet the quality standards of national highways,' the Chief Minister asserted, adding that construction of all roads should commence by November, immediately after the monsoon ends. Details regarding contractors responsible for construction and maintenance must be made publicly available online. Additionally, CCTV cameras are to be installed every 50 km along major roads, and all road maintenance work will be assigned to contractors. Mr. Naidu also called for preventive measures to avoid monsoon-related damages. Public-Private Partnership to play a key role Officials informed Mr. Naidu that the state currently has 12,653 km of state highways. Of this, 260 roads stretching over 10,200 km are suitable for development under the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) model. Under Phase 1A, 18 high-density roads totaling 1,332 km have been proposed. Phase 1B includes 67 roads exceeding 40 km each, collectively spanning 3,854 km. Another 175 roads, each between 20 and 40 km in length, have been proposed under Phase 2, covering a total of 5,039 km. Two strategic roads—Yelamanchili to Gajuwaka and Gajulamandyam to Sri City (SEZ), totaling 115 km—have also been identified for PPP development. The Chief Minister directed officials to conduct feasibility studies and submit a final report on these proposals.
Business Recorder
17 hours ago
- Politics
- Business Recorder
Central leader talks to journalists: Strategies aimed at deepening PPP's footprint in Punjab discussed
LAHORE: Sania Kamran, central leader of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and former Member of the Provincial Assembly (MPA), held an important meeting with senior English-language journalists in Lahore on behalf of Central Information Secretary Nadeem Afzal Chan. The discussion focused on strategies to strengthen the party's presence in Punjab and enhance coordination between the media and PPP's central leadership. During the meeting, Sania Kamran emphasized the need for a stronger liaison between journalists and PPP's central leadership to ensure effective communication of the party's policies and vision. She highlighted the importance of media in shaping public opinion and reiterated PPP's commitment to democratic values, social justice, and the welfare of the people. Kamran acknowledged that Punjab remains a crucial battleground for the party and discussed plans to reorganize party structures, mobilize workers, and engage with grassroots communities. She stressed that PPP's progressive agenda, including healthcare, education, and economic reforms, must be effectively communicated to the people of Punjab. Recognizing the media's role in political discourse, Kamran proposed regular interactions between journalists and PPP's top leadership, including Chairman Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari and President Asif Ali Zardari. She suggested forming a dedicated media cell to facilitate smoother communication and ensure timely dissemination of the party's stance on national issues. Sania Kamran praised Central Information Secretary Nadeem Afzal Chan's efforts to strengthen ties between the party leadership and media. She stated, 'A robust media liaison is vital for projecting PPP's progressive agenda, and Nadeem Afzal Chan's proactive approach will ensure better coordination between journalists and our leadership.' The former MPA provided an in-depth analysis of the current political landscape in Pakistan, criticizing the economic challenges, inflation, and governance issues under the current setup. She asserted that PPP, as a national party, is prepared to play a constructive role in stabilizing the country while holding the government accountable. Kamran outlined PPP's vision for the upcoming political scenario, emphasizing the need for unity among democratic forces. She hinted at possible alliances but reaffirmed that PPP would not compromise on its core principles. Regarding Punjab, she stated that the party is working on a robust strategy to regain its foothold, particularly by focusing on youth engagement and addressing local grievances. Journalists present at the meeting appreciated the initiative and shared their input on improving PPP's media outreach. They suggested more frequent press briefings, access to central leadership, and a stronger social media strategy to counter opposition narratives. Sania Kamran assured the journalists that their concerns would be addressed and that PPP values their role in strengthening democracy. She expressed optimism about PPP's resurgence in Punjab and vowed to continue such engagements in the future. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025
Business Recorder
17 hours ago
- Politics
- Business Recorder
A call for justice
EDITORIAL: The recent viral video showing a couple — Bano Satakzai and Ehsan Samalani — being brutally executed in the Dagari area of Quetta for contracting a love marriage has sent shockwaves across the country. Captured on camera by one of the spectators, the horrifying footage is a chilling reminder that the barbaric practice of so-called 'honour' killings continues to claim innocent lives under the pretext of preserving family or tribal honour. The incident has drawn widespread condemnation. PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari denounced the perpetrators as 'beasts' undeserving of mercy. Senator Sherry Rehman described the act as 'gender terrorism' and called for urgent legal reforms to eradicate such archaic customs. Human rights organisations, including the Aurat Foundation and Baloch gender rights activists, also condemned the atrocity, citing data that 212 honour killing victims were reported in Balochistan alone between 2019 and 2024. Nationwide, over 400 cases were reported in 2024, with the majority occurring in Sindh and Punjab. Tragically, many 'honour' crimes go unreported, often buried within tribal/rural structures or dismissed as private family matters because the perpetrators are usually close male relatives such as a father, brother, or uncle. Compounding the problem has been the misuse of the Qisas and Dyiat laws, which allowed families to 'forgive' the killers, letting them to walk free. While legal framework has seen improvements — particularly after the 2016 murder of Qandeel Baloch, which led to removal of such loopholes — deeply entrenched societal norms continue to empower local jirgas and panchiats (village councils) to act with impunity. In this case, a tribal jirga reportedly ordered the killings over a month ago. But it only came to public attention recently, after the video began circulating on social media. The disturbing footage prompted the state to take a decisive action. On the orders of Balochistan Chief Minister Sarfaraz Bugti, a terrorism case was registered — an unusual but significant move that signals the state's seriousness in pursuing the perpetrators. Soon afterwards, the Levies and Counter-Terrorism Department (CTD) arrested one key suspect along with 13 others, including a tribal chief, and raids are ongoing to apprehend other suspects. By taking ownership of the case and initiating prosecution on its own, the government has set an important precedent. However, this momentum must not be allowed to falter. A clear protocol is needed to ensure that every reported 'honour killing' triggers a prompt, firm, and state-led response. Legal proceedings must be transparent and ought to hold all those involved, including the tribal elders who sanctioned the killing, fully accountable. The system must rise to the occasion not just this time, but every time such violence is committed in the name of honour. Only then can we expect to move towards a future where justice prevails over negative traditions, and human dignity triumphs over brutality. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025
Express Tribune
18 hours ago
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Aitzaz condemns Dr Yasmin's conviction
Veteran politician Aitzaz Ahsan has condemned an anti-terrorism court's (ATC) decision to convict PTI's senior politician Dr Yasmin Rashid in a May 9 case, questioning the rationale behind sentencing an ill woman to ten years in prison. "What was the reasoning behind punishing Yasmin Rashid?" She is ill, she is an 80-year-old woman. Have some fear of God. Where are you taking this country?" Aitzaz, who belongs to the PPP, said on Thursday in an informal interaction with the media in Lahore. He said the government has no temperament to de-escalate political tensions. He said twelve sites were attacked during the May 9 riots. "Was action taken against even a single relevant SHO?" he asked. Talking with reference to Mian Azhar, the PPP leader said the deceased politician was a dignified and simple person. "He served as Punjab governor; yet, meeting him never felt like meeting someone high and mighty," he said. According to Aitzaz, Mian Azhar remained loyal to his party even in his final days. "He faced many constraints but never abandoned his comrades," he said. Talking with reference to General (retd) Qamar Javed Bajwa, he said the former army chief set a record in parliament during a law amendment with regard to extension in his tenure. "On the occasion of the extension, Bajwa-specific law was passed by securing 340 out of 342 votes," he said.
Express Tribune
a day ago
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Bhutto's paradoxes
Listen to article As another July 5th recedes into Pakistan's collective memory, it remains a symbolic rupture: the night when the populist experiment of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was abruptly terminated by General Zia-ul-Haq's martial law in 1977. Yet beyond the immediate tragedy of democratic collapse lies a deeper contradiction, one embodied in Bhutto himself. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto occupies a uniquely paradoxical position in Pakistan's political history. Revered by many as the architect of Pakistan's first populist revolution, and reviled by others as a feudal masquerading as a socialist, Bhutto's legacy defies simple categorisation. The contradiction between his progressive rhetoric and elite background lies at the heart of both his appeal and his failure. Bhutto rose to prominence during the waning years of Ayub Khan's "technocratic" dictatorship, a period marked by growing resentment among the middle and working classes. In 1967, he launched the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) with the electrifying slogan of Roti, Kapra Aur Makaan (bread, clothing and home), calling for radical land reforms, industrial nationalisation and workers' rights under the banner of "Islamic socialism". His early writings, including The Myth of Independence (1969), struck a defiantly anti-imperialist tone, calling for sovereignty and self-reliance in the face of global power dynamics. Stanley Wolpert portrays Bhutto as the country's first genuine populist, a man who spoke directly to the dispossessed. Yet the dissonance between Bhutto's public image and his class identity was stark. Born into a wealthy Sindhi landowning family, Bhutto was steeped in the very feudal structures he claimed to oppose. His elite education in Berkeley and Oxford further insulated him from the lived realities of the working class. Marxist sociologist Hamza Alavi would later characterise him as part of the post-colonial salariat — those whose authority derived from colonial-era bureaucratic and landholding privileges. Nowhere was this contradiction more visible than in Bhutto's land reforms. Introduced in 1972 and again in 1977, the reforms were billed as revolutionary but largely failed in implementation. Legal loopholes allowed landowners to retain vast holdings by registering them as family or religious properties. Bhutto's estates remained intact. As political economist Akbar Zaidi has argued, the reforms were more performative than redistributive, designed to satisfy leftist constituencies while preserving the socio-economic status quo. His nationalisation drive, another key pillar of his socialist platform, proved similarly flawed. Though intended to dismantle capitalist monopolies, the programme often targeted small and medium enterprises while leaving entrenched landowning elites untouched. It expanded state control but failed to democratise economic power. Corruption, inefficiency and political favouritism marred its implementation. Politically, Bhutto's government bore authoritarian hallmarks. Dissent was met with repression; opposition newspapers shuttered, student organisations such as the National Students Federation (NSF) violently suppressed, and political rivals jailed. In Can Pakistan Survive? Historian Tariq Ali argued that Bhutto's fear of genuine popular mobilisation led him to rely increasingly on the very instruments of elite power he once condemned. To understand Bhutto's paradox is to enter the realm of Antonio Gramsci's theory of passive revolution, a transformation from above that adopts revolutionary language without dismantling elite structures. Bhutto was adept at this: donning shalwar kameez to mingle with workers in Karachi, delivering fiery speeches against "capitalist exploiters", while maintaining patronage ties with Sindhi waderas and securing his feudal interests. Ayesha Jalal, in Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia, characterises Bhutto's rule as a blend of "patronage politics and authoritarian populism" — a balancing act between military power, landed gentry, and an urban proletariat that was never allowed to organise independently. His politics opened the door for middle and lower-class participation, yet failed to institutionalise any long-term redistribution of power. This legacy of ambivalence continues to shape Pakistan. The PPP, under Benazir Bhutto, inherited its founder's populist lexicon but not his capacity for mass mobilisation. The party remains rhetorically progressive but structurally tethered to elite interests. The deeper question Bhutto's life leaves behind is a persistent one: Can a man born into privilege truly dismantle the systems that uphold that privilege? Bhutto was not a revolutionary in the tradition of Marx, Mao or Nasser. He was a skilled orator, a master of political theatre and a shrewd tactician. But his socialism was symbolic rather than structural, and his revolution was more rhetorical than real. His story is emblematic of post-colonial populism across the Global South, where leaders deploy the language of the masses while safeguarding the interests of the few. Bhutto's contradiction was not a footnote in his political journey. It was the foundation upon which his power was built and the fault-line along which his project ultimately fractured. So, Bhutto, answering the question, claimed he could. But history suggests he did not.
