Latest news with #PakistanPeople'sParty
Business Recorder
a day ago
- Politics
- Business Recorder
Monsoon rains: Bilawal grieved over losses in China
ISLAMABAD: Pakistan People's Party (PPP) Chairman Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari has expressed deep sorrow over the tragic loss of lives and property in China caused by heavy monsoon rains, flooding, and landslides. The PPP chairman conveyed heartfelt condolences to the people and government of China, stating that the thoughts and prayers of every Pakistani, including those of the Pakistan People's Party, are with the affected families during this difficult time. Bilawal, in a statement issued on Wednesday, said that Pakistan and China are not merely neighbouring countries, but nations whose peoples' hearts beat in unison. He said the Pakistan-China relationship is a time-tested bond between two steadfast friends and brothers, founded on unwavering trust and unmatched affection. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025
Business Recorder
3 days ago
- Politics
- Business Recorder
Pahalgam incident: Chidambaram's remarks refute allegations against Pakistan: Sherry
ISLAMABAD: Pakistan People's Party (PPP) Vice President Senator Sherry Rehman reacting to the remarks made by former Indian Home Minister Chidambaram regarding the Pahalgam incident, called his statement a rare moment of truth from within India's own political corridors. 'Former Indian Home Minister Chidambaram has held up a mirror to the Modi government,' said Senator Rehman. 'His statement has really blown a hole in the edifice of false allegations erected by Modi sarkar to just reflexively pin everything on Pakistan. It exposes the baseless and politically motivated allegations India has been leveling against Pakistan in the wake of the Pahalgam attack. There is no evidence to suggest Pakistan's involvement, yet the Modi regime continues to rely on scapegoating instead of introspection.' Senator Rehman underscored that Pakistan had offered India the option of an independent investigation into the matter, underscoring Islamabad's commitment to transparency and peace. 'We made it clear we are open to an impartial probe, but the Indian government refuses — because it fears that the truth will come out, and it won't support their narrative,' she said. Commenting on international dynamics, Senator Rehman noted, 'US President Donald Trump has gone on record no less than 27 times stating that he played a key role in brokering the ceasefire between India and Pakistan. Modi continues to deny this, but doesn't have the courage to say Trump is lying. That silence speaks volumes.' 'Pakistan continues to stand as an advocate for peace and regional stability. In contrast, India clings to a dangerous pattern of blame games and disinformation, damaging the prospects for dialogue and progress,' she added. 'The Pahalgam incident, as many now acknowledge, was a tragic result of India's own state security failures. Instead of externalising blame, the Modi government must take responsibility and address its internal lapses. Deflecting failure by pointing fingers at Pakistan will not change the facts.' Senator Rehman concluded by calling on the international community to recognise the growing costs of political deflection and disinformation in the region, stating that peace cannot be achieved through propaganda and denial. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025
Express Tribune
24-07-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Bhutto's paradoxes
Listen to article As another July 5th recedes into Pakistan's collective memory, it remains a symbolic rupture: the night when the populist experiment of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was abruptly terminated by General Zia-ul-Haq's martial law in 1977. Yet beyond the immediate tragedy of democratic collapse lies a deeper contradiction, one embodied in Bhutto himself. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto occupies a uniquely paradoxical position in Pakistan's political history. Revered by many as the architect of Pakistan's first populist revolution, and reviled by others as a feudal masquerading as a socialist, Bhutto's legacy defies simple categorisation. The contradiction between his progressive rhetoric and elite background lies at the heart of both his appeal and his failure. Bhutto rose to prominence during the waning years of Ayub Khan's "technocratic" dictatorship, a period marked by growing resentment among the middle and working classes. In 1967, he launched the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) with the electrifying slogan of Roti, Kapra Aur Makaan (bread, clothing and home), calling for radical land reforms, industrial nationalisation and workers' rights under the banner of "Islamic socialism". His early writings, including The Myth of Independence (1969), struck a defiantly anti-imperialist tone, calling for sovereignty and self-reliance in the face of global power dynamics. Stanley Wolpert portrays Bhutto as the country's first genuine populist, a man who spoke directly to the dispossessed. Yet the dissonance between Bhutto's public image and his class identity was stark. Born into a wealthy Sindhi landowning family, Bhutto was steeped in the very feudal structures he claimed to oppose. His elite education in Berkeley and Oxford further insulated him from the lived realities of the working class. Marxist sociologist Hamza Alavi would later characterise him as part of the post-colonial salariat — those whose authority derived from colonial-era bureaucratic and landholding privileges. Nowhere was this contradiction more visible than in Bhutto's land reforms. Introduced in 1972 and again in 1977, the reforms were billed as revolutionary but largely failed in implementation. Legal loopholes allowed landowners to retain vast holdings by registering them as family or religious properties. Bhutto's estates remained intact. As political economist Akbar Zaidi has argued, the reforms were more performative than redistributive, designed to satisfy leftist constituencies while preserving the socio-economic status quo. His nationalisation drive, another key pillar of his socialist platform, proved similarly flawed. Though intended to dismantle capitalist monopolies, the programme often targeted small and medium enterprises while leaving entrenched landowning elites untouched. It expanded state control but failed to democratise economic power. Corruption, inefficiency and political favouritism marred its implementation. Politically, Bhutto's government bore authoritarian hallmarks. Dissent was met with repression; opposition newspapers shuttered, student organisations such as the National Students Federation (NSF) violently suppressed, and political rivals jailed. In Can Pakistan Survive? Historian Tariq Ali argued that Bhutto's fear of genuine popular mobilisation led him to rely increasingly on the very instruments of elite power he once condemned. To understand Bhutto's paradox is to enter the realm of Antonio Gramsci's theory of passive revolution, a transformation from above that adopts revolutionary language without dismantling elite structures. Bhutto was adept at this: donning shalwar kameez to mingle with workers in Karachi, delivering fiery speeches against "capitalist exploiters", while maintaining patronage ties with Sindhi waderas and securing his feudal interests. Ayesha Jalal, in Democracy and Authoritarianism in South Asia, characterises Bhutto's rule as a blend of "patronage politics and authoritarian populism" — a balancing act between military power, landed gentry, and an urban proletariat that was never allowed to organise independently. His politics opened the door for middle and lower-class participation, yet failed to institutionalise any long-term redistribution of power. This legacy of ambivalence continues to shape Pakistan. The PPP, under Benazir Bhutto, inherited its founder's populist lexicon but not his capacity for mass mobilisation. The party remains rhetorically progressive but structurally tethered to elite interests. The deeper question Bhutto's life leaves behind is a persistent one: Can a man born into privilege truly dismantle the systems that uphold that privilege? Bhutto was not a revolutionary in the tradition of Marx, Mao or Nasser. He was a skilled orator, a master of political theatre and a shrewd tactician. But his socialism was symbolic rather than structural, and his revolution was more rhetorical than real. His story is emblematic of post-colonial populism across the Global South, where leaders deploy the language of the masses while safeguarding the interests of the few. Bhutto's contradiction was not a footnote in his political journey. It was the foundation upon which his power was built and the fault-line along which his project ultimately fractured. So, Bhutto, answering the question, claimed he could. But history suggests he did not.
Business Recorder
24-07-2025
- Health
- Business Recorder
‘Journalists Protection Act' to address problems facing journalists: Mandviwalla
ISLAMABAD: Pakistan People's Party (PPP) Senator Saleem Mandviwalla said the 'Protection of Journalists and Media Professionals (Amendment) Act, 2022' will address the problems including salaries, health, and security under an independent commission. Addressing a news conference at the party's Central Secretariat in Islamabad on Wednesday along with senators, Shahadat Ali Awan and Palwasha Khan, Mandviwalla said the bill will address the problems of salaries, security, health and others of working journalists. He said the Senate had unanimously passed the Protection of Journalists and Media Professionals (Amendment) Act, 2022, which comes into immediate effect. He emphasised that 'this Act is designed to empower journalists and media professionals to resolve their issues without the need to approach courts, police, or legislators.' He said that now the journalists would approach the commission to resolve their problems, adding that all political parties of treasury and opposition benches supported the bill in the Senate. He congratulated the journalistic community on the passage of the bill, stating that 'PPP has always prioritised legislation that benefits people across all sectors of society.' He said PPP always struggled for the rights and protection of workers, low grade employees and journalists. Responding to questions from media persons, Senator Mandviwala confirmed that mechanisms would be put in place to ensure the effective implementation of the journalists' protection law. 'This legislation addresses a wide range of challenges faced by journalists, and if improvements are needed, we are open to amending it further,' he added. 'This is a facilitative — not a regulatory — law for the journalist community,' he clarified. 'The PPP legislates for the welfare of the people,' he said. Senator Mandviwala said that the Senate had also unanimously passed the National Institute of Health (Re-organization) (Amendment) Act, 2024. He underscored the significance of this bill, highlighting Pakistan's lack of a comprehensive cancer patient registry. 'Cancer is a deadly disease, and without data, we cannot understand its true burden. This registry will identify the types of cancer prevalent in different regions and support a national action plan for cancer prevention and treatment.' Addressing questions about cancer patient registration, Senator Mandviwala recalled the inter-provincial cooperation during the Covid-19 pandemic. Provinces can adopt this legislation as well. The cancer registry will help relevant departments analyse accurate and timely data, he said. On the broader political situation, Senator Shahadat Awan addressed questions about the administration of oaths for reserved seats in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly. He clarified that the Constitution clearly outlines the oath-taking process. The chief justice of the Peshawar High Court (PHC) acted constitutionally when he directed the governor to administer the oath, he explained. Responding to a question on the 18th Constitutional Amendment, Senator Awan said that two major constitutional events took place with complete national consensus — the 1973 Constitution and the 18th Amendment. Any attempt to alter the 18th Amendment is out of question, he stressed. Commenting on the events of 9th May 2023, Senator Palwasha Khan described them as 'shameful' and 'an attempt to incite mutiny within the military.' She reiterated that the PPP and its leadership had unequivocally condemned the events. Senator Palwasha also highlighted that President Asif Ali Zardari is the only civilian president to serve a second term in office, expressing full confidence that he will successfully complete his tenure. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025
India.com
21-07-2025
- Politics
- India.com
Asim Munir For President? Why India Should Be Watching Pakistan's Power Shuffle Closely
From Lahore to Karachi, political circles and common citizens alike are abuzz with speculation: is Pakistan's powerful Army Chief, General Asim Munir, planning to become the country's next President? Reports in some Pakistani media suggest that Munir is exploring constitutional changes to remove current President Asif Ali Zardari — father of PPP leader Bilawal Bhutto — and potentially install himself in the top civilian post. Why Is Munir Eyeing Presidency? While military interference in Pakistan's civilian affairs is hardly new, Munir's move raises deeper questions. Analysts believe the army wants tighter control over the political narrative, especially after recent friction with Bilawal Bhutto, who openly criticised Munir's war-mongering statements following India's Operation Sindoor. The army reportedly expected Bilawal to amplify anti-India rhetoric during his foreign visits, but instead, he diplomatically stuck to the Indus Waters Treaty — defying the military's agenda. Rising Tensions Between PPP-Military This defiance has widened the rift between the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) and the military. Zardari's position as President has become a pressure point, with speculation that removing him would also weaken Bilawal's political standing. The friction intensified after Bilawal gave a controversial interview stating that if India provides intelligence on Masood Azhar's whereabouts, Pakistan would consider arresting him — a statement that upset both the military and terror networks with known ties to the army. Extradition Dilemma Although there's no formal extradition treaty between India and Pakistan, international law includes a principle called "Double Criminality" — which allows extradition if the accused is wanted in both countries for the same crime. Hafiz Saeed, for instance, faces trial in Pakistan for his role in the 26/11 Mumbai attacks and has also been convicted in the U.S. for related terrorism charges. Similarly, Masood Azhar is accused in Pakistan of plotting ex-dictator Pervez Musharraf's assassination. These overlapping legal cases mean that extradition isn't impossible — and recent signals from the Pakistani government have made terror-linked factions and Munir's circle uneasy. Munir - De Facto Leader? Despite PM Shehbaz Sharif dismissing the speculation about Munir's presidential ambitions, history paints a different picture. Munir was recently elevated to Field Marshal, a rare honour last conferred on Ayub Khan, who also transitioned from military chief to President-dictator. Munir, too, holds a resume filled with powerful postings — from DG ISI to Army Chief — and his high-profile solo visits to key nations such as Saudi Arabia, Türkiye, and Iran suggest a man positioning himself at the global forefront, with or without civilian endorsement. What This Means for India A Pakistan led by Field Marshal Munir — either officially or from behind the scenes — would be deeply militarised, potentially escalating tensions with New Delhi. India already sees Munir as the architect of the recent Pahalgam terror attack, a staunch supporter of the two-nation theory, and someone who has publicly referred to Kashmir as Pakistan's 'jugular vein.' His rise could mean tougher rhetoric, aggressive posturing on Kashmir, and tighter coordination between the military and terror proxies. The Bottom Line Whether or not Munir becomes President, his growing dominance in Pakistan's power structure is undeniable. And for India, a military-first Pakistan under Munir's shadow is a clear red flag — both diplomatically and on the security front.
