Latest news with #ParkGeun-hye
Korea Herald
3 days ago
- Business
- Korea Herald
From left to right to left again: S. Korea's political pendulum swings again
Lee Jae-myung's victory marks return of liberal rule after just three years under conservative leadership Since South Korea's democratization in 1987, power has swung back and forth between conservative and progressive forces with a certain rhythm — roughly every decade. These shifts have often been triggered by public discontent over corruption, economic crises, and leadership scandals. In more recent years, however, that rhythm has noticeably accelerated, signaling an era of increasingly unpredictable and chaotic politics. With conservative President Yoon Suk Yeol removed from office in April, an early presidential election was held on Tuesday just three years after the last one. (South Korea has a single-term, five-year presidency.) Now that progressive politician Lee Jae-myung has won the election, the country has shifted once again, bringing a liberal administration back to power and reinforcing a pattern of rapid political turnover. From a steady cycle to whiplash South Korea's political pendulum began with a period of conservative party dominance. Roh Tae-woo won the presidential election in 1987 — the first direct vote held after decades of military rule. He was succeeded by another conservative leader, Kim Young-sam, in 1993. Progressives first rose to power in 1998, with Kim Dae-jung, a longtime opposition figure and human rights advocate, taking over the top post to steer the country from the depths of the Asian financial crisis. His successor, Roh Moo-hyun, who took office in 2003, further advanced the liberal agenda. In 2004, the second year of his administration, Roh survived a parliamentary impeachment attempt. It was the first time that the country saw this mechanism mobilized against a sitting president. In 2007, voter fatigue with liberal leadership — compounded by concerns over economic stagnation and a lack of progress in relations with North Korea — brought the conservatives back. The business-friendly President Lee Myung-bak took the reins in 2008. Five years later, Park Geun-hye, the daughter of former strongman Park Chung-hee, became the country's first female president and continued the period of conservative rule. Her presidency, however, came to an abrupt end in 2017 after a massive influence-peddling scandal ignited nationwide candlelight protests. Park Geun-hye was impeached and removed from office with roughly a year left in her term — the first time a sitting leader was formally ousted. This marked the start of a disruption in the 10-year cycle of power shifts. With Park Geun-hye's fall, the liberals surged. Moon Jae-in, former chief of staff to President Roh Moo-hyun and the runner-up in the vote that elected Park, won the election that followed. After five years of Moon's liberal administration, the pendulum swung back once again. In 2022, Yoon Suk Yeol, a former prosecutor with no prior political experience, narrowly won the presidency on a conservative platform. Yoon's presidency lasted only three years. In April 2025, Yoon was removed from office by the Constitutional Court over his short-lived martial law declaration in December 2024. He became the second president in South Korea's history to be impeached. With Lee Jae-myung having won Tuesday's early presidential election, the pendulum has once again swung to the left. Now, the question is how long the liberal bloc can hold on to power in South Korea's increasingly turbulent political landscape -- one marked by mounting domestic challenges and growing pressures on the global stage. shinjh@
New Straits Times
5 days ago
- Politics
- New Straits Times
S. Korea's right grapples with ideological crisis
ACCUSED of being complicit in insurrection and with its last two presidents both impeached, South Korea's conservative party is in crisis and heading towards likely defeat in tomorrow's snap election. South Korea will vote to choose a successor to the People Power Party's disgraced former president Yoon Suk Yeol, whose removal from office threw the country into turmoil. Yoon's impeachment over a disastrous declaration of martial law — which saw armed soldiers deployed to parliament — made him the second straight conservative president to be stripped of office after Park Geun-hye in 2017. "It's fair to say that the current political crisis in South Korea was already under way when Park Geun-hye won the election in 2012," said Minseon Ku, a postdoctoral researcher at the William & Mary Global Research Institute. Former president Park's father, Park Chung-hee, was a military dictator who ruled the country with an iron fist for more than 15 years. Running for Saenuri, a predecessor of the PPP, Park tapped into nostalgia for the rapid economic growth of her father's authoritarian era. But critics say this is no way for the party to win long-term support in the democratic South, pointing to the growing fragmentation of the right, which has drawn in anti-feminist young men and extreme religious figures but lost much of the middle. The PPP is now facing an "ideological identity crisis", Ku said. Yoon, a former star prosecutor, was a political novice when he became the PPP's presidential candidate — a sign the party had failed even then to cultivate in-house talent capable of appealing to a broad cross-section of society, analysts say. Yoon won the 2022 election by the narrowest margin in South Korean history, defeating the Democratic Party's Lee Jae-myung — who is now the clear frontrunner for the June 3 vote. During that campaign, Yoon sparked controversy by saying that former president Chun Doo-hwan — a military dictator responsible for the 1980 Gwangju massacre — was "quite good at politics in many people's view". On Dec 3 last year, Yoon tried to suspend civilian rule, justifying his bid as necessary to break legislative gridlock and "root out" pro-North Korean, "anti-state" forces. PPP lawmakers initially refused to join an opposition-led vote to impeach him, but after days of mass street protests, enough of them defected to allow the motion to pass. Weeks later, when prosecutors moved to arrest Yoon on insurrection charges, some PPP lawmakers physically intervened to block authorities from entering his residence. The party's former leader, Han Dong-hoon — once a Yoon ally — faced an intense internal backlash for publicly opposing Yoon's martial law attempt. Its current presidential candidate, Kim Moon-soo — Yoon's former labour minister — rose to public attention for refusing to join a cabinet-wide apology bow over the failure to stop martial law. Critics have repeatedly called for the PPP's dissolution, with the Democratic Party's candidate branding it "a party of insurrection and military rebellion". All major polls place liberal candidate Lee as the clear frontrunner for tomorrow's vote, and given the retaliatory nature of South Korean politics, experts say his victory could further accelerate the PPP's downward spiral. The party "lost the moral high ground due to the insurrection", said Byunghwan Ben Son, a professor at George Mason University. It "now faces significant legal burdens as investigations into various corruption charges involving Yoon and his wife continue", he added. The new government "could also file a constitutional review of the PPP", he said, which could potentially lead to the party's dissolution. The party has also faced sharp criticism from its own former leaders, with one of them, Lee Jun-seok, now running with a separate party and refusing to unite with the PPP against the Democratic Party's Lee. Lee's party already holds a parliamentary majority, and analysts say the fractured conservative base will struggle in opposition unless it can resolve its issues. The PPP will become a relic unless it succeeds in "rebranding itself and distancing itself from its unsavoury past", said Vladimir Tikhonov from the University of Oslo. If Lee wins, "I won't be surprised if the PPP splits, with influential bosses and faction heads leaving the sinking ship", the Korea studies professor added.
Korea Herald
28-05-2025
- Politics
- Korea Herald
S. Korea's accelerating political swings: Will pendulum move again?
Administrations don't fade from favor gradually — they fall fast, paving way for sharper, fiercer power swings Since South Korea's democratization in 1987, power has swung back and forth between conservative and progressive forces with a certain rhythm — roughly every decade. These shifts have often been triggered by public discontent over corruption, economic crises, and leadership scandals. In more recent years, however, that rhythm has noticeably accelerated, signaling an era of increasingly unpredictable and chaotic politics. The upcoming snap presidential election, set for June 3, is taking place just three years after the last one. (South Korea has a single-term, five-year presidency.) With conservative President Yoon Suk Yeol ousted in April, the country appears poised to shift once again, potentially bringing a liberal administration back to power and reinforcing the growing pattern of rapid political turnover. South Korea's political pendulum began with a period of conservative party dominance. Roh Tae-woo won the presidential election in 1987 — the first direct vote held after the fall of a decadeslong military rule. He was succeeded by another conservative party candidate, Kim Young-sam, in 1993. Progressives first rose to power in 1998, with Kim Dae-jung, a longtime opposition figure and human rights advocate, taking over the top post to steer the country from the depth of the Asian financial crisis. His successor, Roh Moo-hyun, sworn in in 2003, further advanced the liberal agenda. In 2004, in his second year in office, Roh survived a parliamentary impeachment attempt. It was the first time that the country saw this mechanism being mobilized against a sitting president. In 2007, voter fatigue with liberal leadership — compounded by concerns over economic stagnation and a lack of progress in relations with North Korea — brought the conservatives back. Business-friendly Lee Myung-bak took the reigns in 2008. Five years later, Park Geun-hye, the daughter of former strongman Park Chung-hee, became the country's first female president and continued the conservative rule. Her presidency, however, came to an abrupt end in 2017 after a massive influence-peddling scandal ignited nationwide candlelight protests. Park Geun-hye was impeached and removed from office with roughly a year left in her term — the first time a sitting leader was formally ousted. This marked the beginning of a disruption in the 10-year cycle of power shifts. With Park Geun-hye's fall, liberals surged. Moon Jae-in, former chief of staff to President Roh Moo-hyun and the runner-up in the vote that elected Park as president, won the election that followed. After five years of Moon's liberal administration, the pendulum swung back once again. In 2022, Yoon Suk Yeol, a former prosecutor with no prior political experience, narrowly won the presidency on a conservative platform. Yoon's presidency lasted only three years. In April 2025, Yoon was removed from office by the Constitutional Court over his short-lived martial law declaration in December 2024. He became the second president in South Korea's history to be impeached. Now, South Koreans prepare to cast their ballots in yet another snap presidential election on June 3. The question may be not just the direction the pendulum will swing — but how long it would stay there in this nation caught in a political overdrive. shinjh@
Japan Forward
26-05-2025
- Politics
- Japan Forward
Conservatism or Collapse? Ex-PM Hwang Kyo-ahn's Warning Call
From Tokyo to Ottawa, Sydney to Washington, center-right conservatism appears to be in retreat. Across the democratic world, traditional moderates are being squeezed out by nationalist populists on one flank and ideological progressives on the other. South Korea is no exception. The last two general elections saw a crushing defeat for the conservative People Power Party. Two right-leaning presidents were impeached and ousted in less than 10 years. And now, with the June 3 snap presidential election looming, a staunchly left-wing candidate is leading the national polls. This moment represents a final reckoning in the eyes of Hwang Kyo-ahn, South Korea's former Prime Minister and Justice Minister. Hoping to revive what he sees as the true spirit of conservatism, Hwang has broken with his party and launched an independent run for the presidency. In an exclusive interview with JAPAN Forward, Hwang reflects on his crusade to uphold embattled conservative values. He served as acting president during President Park Geun-hye's impeachment from 2016 to 2017. I left the People Power Party to run independently because my core values demand it. This campaign is about defeating anti-state forces, stopping election fraud, and building a truly free, liberal democracy. I concluded that these goals could no longer be achieved within the party. Hwang explains how alleged electoral fraud unfolded in South Korea. (©Kenji Yoshida) Right now, South Korea's conservative party appears either unwilling or unable to stand up to anti-state forces or rein in left-wing opposition. In fact, some lawmakers even supported President Yoon Suk-yeol's impeachment. Without their votes, he wouldn't have been ousted. More critically, today's conservatives suffer from a lack of strong leadership. Leaders like Rhee Syngman, Park Chung-hee, and Chun Doo-hwan once commanded authority and charisma. But after losing twice to the left in general elections, the conservative movement weakened. The breaking point came with President Park Geun-hye's impeachment in March 2017. Since then, the party has turned inward, prioritizing survival and personal interests over a unified conservative vision. South Korea is currently at the center of an ideological war. Since China's economic and military rise in the 2000s, more voices have emerged arguing that Seoul should pivot toward Beijing. During the consecutive left-wing administrations of Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun, pro-North and pro-China elements began to take root and gradually coalesced into a broader political force. Unlike neighboring Japan, South Korea has the unique experience of enduring the Korean War and national division. Geopolitically, it is situated closer to China and North Korea, and the influence of these regimes remains significant. Anti-state forces here are not only persistent, but they also systematically train and embed their people. Meanwhile, the conservative camp is unprepared. Focused mainly on economic revival, it has failed to engage in a serious ideological struggle. President Roh meets North Korea's Kim Jong-il for the 2007 Inter-Korea Summit (©Pool photo) President Moon with North Korea's Kim Jong Un at the 2018 inter-Korea Summit (©Blue House) We must first strengthen our traditional alliance with the United States and other like-minded partners. Simultaneously, we must cultivate a new generation of conservative leaders, politicians and intellectuals alike. Confronting the leftist and anti-Korea forces is also critical. I repeatedly urged the Yoon administration to address these threats head-on through investigations into former President Moon Jae-in and presidential frontrunner Lee Jae-myung. But they refused to listen. Without determination, we cannot restore the core conservative values of strong national security, liberal democracy, free and fair elections, a free market economy, and the rule of law. Achieving this vision is nearly impossible within the current People Power Party. It has become concerned with short-term gains rather than defending principles. Yet there is a glimmer of hope. Following the December 3 martial law declaration, public awareness has heightened. More citizens, especially the younger generation, are beginning to grasp the true stakes: the fragility of liberal democracy and the threat posed by anti-state forces. To win the June 3 presidential election, conservatives must consolidate their forces. That said, during my leadership years after President Park's impeachment, I learned that forced or superficial unity can be more harmful than helpful. At that time, I brought in figures like Yoo Seung-min, Lee Jeun-seok, and Lee Eun-joo to build a broad coalition. But this completely fell apart in the general election. I realized then that unity built on overlooking deep-rooted problems, like shielding problematic members, only fuels more discord. Kim Moon-soo visits Park Chung-hee's birthplace during his campaign in May (©Kim Moon-soo FB) Unity remains essential even now. However, third-party candidates like Lee Jeun-seok have clarified that he will not join hands. Forcing a coalition under these circumstances risks backfiring down the line. Fortunately, Kim Moon-soo of the People Power Party is in strong form as the election approaches. His recent approval ratings have climbed nearly 40%, and he's rapidly closing the gap with Lee Jae-myung. If Lee becomes president, the relationship between Washington and Seoul will suffer greatly, and ties with Tokyo could face irreversible damage. With the opposition Democratic Party pushing legislation unchecked and Lee implicated in multiple crimes, the very foundation of the rule of law is at risk of collapse. Democratic Party lawmakers protest the Supreme Court's May 1 guilty ruling against Lee Jae-myung, who currently faces five separate criminal trials. (©Park Chan-dae FB) Having spent over 20 years as a public prosecutor, I have witnessed these threats unfold subtly and on a larger scale. If the left regains power this time, I fear conservative values may be lost forever. So far, media coverage has spotlighted allegations unfavorable to President Yoon, as most witnesses are coming from the prosecution side. These, of course, include claims that Yoon ordered the National Assembly blockade during martial law and the arrest of lawmakers. President Yoon has consistently denied these allegations. Once the prosecution concludes its case, the defense will present its witnesses, allowing for a comprehensive review and rebuttal of the testimonies made. I recently visited former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun, detained over the December 3 martial law. His calm, fact-based account stood out, revealing many accusations against President Yoon as unfounded. Having served on Yoon's impeachment defense team and reviewed numerous undisclosed materials, I believe the court will ultimately deliver a just and favorable verdict. Author: Kenji Yoshida
Korea Herald
30-04-2025
- Business
- Korea Herald
[Editorial] Anticipated setback
Politically motivated project to build airport on island of Gadeokdo hits snag A state project to open a new airport early on Gadeokdo, an island in Busan, has run into a glitch. A consortium led by Hyundai Engineering & Construction, the preferred bidder for the project, submitted the basic design plan to the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport on Monday. The key point of the plan is that the construction period needs to be extended to nine years from the seven years the government required in the notice of tender. It also said that the 10.5 trillion won ($7.3 billion) budget for site construction should be increased by 1 trillion won. The government demanded in its notice of tender that a runway and a terminal should be built first to open the airport by December 2029 and that the whole project should be completed within seven years after the start of construction. The consortium effectively said those goals are impossible to achieve. This was anticipated to some extent. In 2016, when the Park Geun-hye administration was looking for a new airport site in the southeastern region of the country, Gadeokdo was appraised as the least suitable among three candidate sites and was thrown out. But a plan to build a new airport on the island was resurrected thanks to political populism. In 2021, ahead of the Busan mayoral by-election, the two main political parties utilized the Gadeokdo New Airport project as a means to win the hearts of voters. The then-ruling Democratic Party of Korea pushed for a special law to build the airport. Though the island had been evaluated as unsuitable for an airport, the then-opposition People Power Party went along with the ruling party so as not to lose votes. A special law fraught with favors including exemptions from preliminary feasibility tests was enacted. The Yoon Suk Yeol administration moved the target date of the airport opening up to December 2029 from June 2035 in a bid to win the race to host the 2030 World Expo in Busan. The construction period was reduced by as much as five years and six months. The curtailment was excessive in view of common sense. The Land Ministry modified the airport construction plan to meet the drastically advanced deadline. It originally planned to build the whole airport on land reclaimed from the sea, but revised the plan to build part of the airport on the island and part of it on the reclaimed area. The government revived a method that it had excluded out of concerns that a foundation that stretches across land and sea risks settling unevenly. Bidding failed several times last year due to a lack of interest. Difficult construction involving reclamation works and the tight schedule discouraged builders from tendering bids. Hyundai E&C was selected as the preferred bidder without competition, but it is demanding what amounts to a renegotiation of the construction period and budget. Hyundai E&C might forfeit its preferred bidder status. But if its bid fails, it would still be difficult to find an alternative. The possibility of the Gadeokdo New Airport project being protracted or drifting cannot be excluded. From now on, government officials and legislators should set aside political considerations and face reality. Korea lost the bid to host the World Expo. The reason to hasten the construction has vanished. Unless the special law is abolished or revised, the airport must be built as stipulated by the law. Experts' opinions and judgment should be prioritized in any circumstance. The conditions of the site and the capabilities of construction companies should be reviewed. The construction period and method also need to be reconsidered. Steps to ensure the safety of air passengers, among other factors, should be examined again to prevent the recurrence of an accident like last year's deadly airplane crash at Muan International Airport in South Jeolla Province. The likely delay of the Gadeokdo airport opening is a consequence of overturning a conclusion merely for political gain. It reminds us that national infrastructure projects should not be swayed by political populism.
