Conservatism or Collapse? Ex-PM Hwang Kyo-ahn's Warning Call
From Tokyo to Ottawa, Sydney to Washington, center-right conservatism appears to be in retreat. Across the democratic world, traditional moderates are being squeezed out by nationalist populists on one flank and ideological progressives on the other.
South Korea is no exception. The last two general elections saw a crushing defeat for the conservative People Power Party. Two right-leaning presidents were impeached and ousted in less than 10 years. And now, with the June 3 snap presidential election looming, a staunchly left-wing candidate is leading the national polls.
This moment represents a final reckoning in the eyes of Hwang Kyo-ahn, South Korea's former Prime Minister and Justice Minister. Hoping to revive what he sees as the true spirit of conservatism, Hwang has broken with his party and launched an independent run for the presidency.
In an exclusive interview with JAPAN Forward, Hwang reflects on his crusade to uphold embattled conservative values. He served as acting president during President Park Geun-hye's impeachment from 2016 to 2017.
I left the People Power Party to run independently because my core values demand it. This campaign is about defeating anti-state forces, stopping election fraud, and building a truly free, liberal democracy. I concluded that these goals could no longer be achieved within the party. Hwang explains how alleged electoral fraud unfolded in South Korea. (©Kenji Yoshida)
Right now, South Korea's conservative party appears either unwilling or unable to stand up to anti-state forces or rein in left-wing opposition. In fact, some lawmakers even supported President Yoon Suk-yeol's impeachment. Without their votes, he wouldn't have been ousted.
More critically, today's conservatives suffer from a lack of strong leadership. Leaders like Rhee Syngman, Park Chung-hee, and Chun Doo-hwan once commanded authority and charisma. But after losing twice to the left in general elections, the conservative movement weakened.
The breaking point came with President Park Geun-hye's impeachment in March 2017. Since then, the party has turned inward, prioritizing survival and personal interests over a unified conservative vision.
South Korea is currently at the center of an ideological war. Since China's economic and military rise in the 2000s, more voices have emerged arguing that Seoul should pivot toward Beijing. During the consecutive left-wing administrations of Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun, pro-North and pro-China elements began to take root and gradually coalesced into a broader political force.
Unlike neighboring Japan, South Korea has the unique experience of enduring the Korean War and national division. Geopolitically, it is situated closer to China and North Korea, and the influence of these regimes remains significant. Anti-state forces here are not only persistent, but they also systematically train and embed their people. Meanwhile, the conservative camp is unprepared. Focused mainly on economic revival, it has failed to engage in a serious ideological struggle. President Roh meets North Korea's Kim Jong-il for the 2007 Inter-Korea Summit (©Pool photo) President Moon with North Korea's Kim Jong Un at the 2018 inter-Korea Summit (©Blue House)
We must first strengthen our traditional alliance with the United States and other like-minded partners. Simultaneously, we must cultivate a new generation of conservative leaders, politicians and intellectuals alike.
Confronting the leftist and anti-Korea forces is also critical. I repeatedly urged the Yoon administration to address these threats head-on through investigations into former President Moon Jae-in and presidential frontrunner Lee Jae-myung. But they refused to listen.
Without determination, we cannot restore the core conservative values of strong national security, liberal democracy, free and fair elections, a free market economy, and the rule of law.
Achieving this vision is nearly impossible within the current People Power Party. It has become concerned with short-term gains rather than defending principles. Yet there is a glimmer of hope. Following the December 3 martial law declaration, public awareness has heightened. More citizens, especially the younger generation, are beginning to grasp the true stakes: the fragility of liberal democracy and the threat posed by anti-state forces.
To win the June 3 presidential election, conservatives must consolidate their forces. That said, during my leadership years after President Park's impeachment, I learned that forced or superficial unity can be more harmful than helpful. At that time, I brought in figures like Yoo Seung-min, Lee Jeun-seok, and Lee Eun-joo to build a broad coalition. But this completely fell apart in the general election. I realized then that unity built on overlooking deep-rooted problems, like shielding problematic members, only fuels more discord. Kim Moon-soo visits Park Chung-hee's birthplace during his campaign in May (©Kim Moon-soo FB)
Unity remains essential even now. However, third-party candidates like Lee Jeun-seok have clarified that he will not join hands. Forcing a coalition under these circumstances risks backfiring down the line. Fortunately, Kim Moon-soo of the People Power Party is in strong form as the election approaches. His recent approval ratings have climbed nearly 40%, and he's rapidly closing the gap with Lee Jae-myung.
If Lee becomes president, the relationship between Washington and Seoul will suffer greatly, and ties with Tokyo could face irreversible damage. With the opposition Democratic Party pushing legislation unchecked and Lee implicated in multiple crimes, the very foundation of the rule of law is at risk of collapse. Democratic Party lawmakers protest the Supreme Court's May 1 guilty ruling against Lee Jae-myung, who currently faces five separate criminal trials. (©Park Chan-dae FB)
Having spent over 20 years as a public prosecutor, I have witnessed these threats unfold subtly and on a larger scale. If the left regains power this time, I fear conservative values may be lost forever.
So far, media coverage has spotlighted allegations unfavorable to President Yoon, as most witnesses are coming from the prosecution side. These, of course, include claims that Yoon ordered the National Assembly blockade during martial law and the arrest of lawmakers.
President Yoon has consistently denied these allegations. Once the prosecution concludes its case, the defense will present its witnesses, allowing for a comprehensive review and rebuttal of the testimonies made.
I recently visited former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun, detained over the December 3 martial law. His calm, fact-based account stood out, revealing many accusations against President Yoon as unfounded. Having served on Yoon's impeachment defense team and reviewed numerous undisclosed materials, I believe the court will ultimately deliver a just and favorable verdict.
Author: Kenji Yoshida
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