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[Lee Kyong-hee] Pressure mounts for inter-Korean detente

Korea Herald

4 days ago

Politics
Korea Herald

[Lee Kyong-hee] Pressure mounts for inter-Korean detente

When the new president takes office in two days, he will face a host of pressing tasks. Among the main challenges will be the division of the Korean Peninsula, which still festers more than 70 years after fighting ended. As we have seen more than a few times, the North-South divide is often used for political gain. Ousted President Yoon Suk Yeol was the latest high official to employ a 'Red Scare' strategy to stifle political opponents. In his declaration of martial law, Yoon said he would eliminate the 'anti-state, pro-North communist sympathizers threatening to overthrow the constitutional order of our liberal democracy and plundering the freedom and happiness of our people.' Yoon didn't realize that claiming "communist infiltration" had grown so deep as to imperil the nation, provokes skepticism and questions about judgment and leadership, not fear. Nevertheless, Yoon's clumsy self-putsch once again highlighted the fact that the ideological divide in South Korea has little chance of ending without addressing problems derived from territorial division. Besides peace on the peninsula, political and social progress within the South is at stake. Considering the geopolitical backdrop, this task has taken on more urgency. The new South Korean president will be under instant pressure to finesse a high tariff threat from US President Donald Trump. And he must be mindful that Trump will likely resume his 'bromance' with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un sooner or later to strike a deal. There will be no time to spare in the first months of the new administration. North Korea is clearly in a different place now than it was in 2018, when Kim wanted Seoul to lay a bridge to Washington for summit talks with Trump in his first presidency. While the Biden administration remained idle and Yoon indulged in belligerent rhetoric, Kim's rogue regime has grown stronger and more dangerous, demonstrating stunning resilience to endure even the harshest difficulties. It has continued to advance its nuclear and missile technologies, stealing cryptocurrency, earning billions of dollars from troop commitments and arms sales to Russia and learning battleground lessons in Ukraine. Russian President Vladimir Putin is providing North Korea with security guarantees, as well as food and fuel, under a mutual defense treaty. The UN sanctions against North Korea have effectively been invalidated, with neither Moscow nor Beijing abiding by UN Security Council resolutions. Total bilateral trade between North Korea and China, which accounts for most of the North's foreign trade, has also increased remarkably. Now, with an estimated 50 nuclear weapons and enough material for some 40 more, Kim has a lot more cards and leverage than ever before. It is unrealistic to expect Kim to surrender his entire nuclear capabilities in return for lifting sanctions or in response to heightened pressure. In this light, the only plausible way to bring Kim to the table appears to be dramatically enlarging the scale of incentives. There is speculation that Trump, the dealmaker, will likely make huge concessions in his fourth summit with Kim to yield tangible results. He has probably realized that the tough, conventional pursuit of genuine denuclearization has become pointless, and therefore will likely seek a 'small deal' based on arms control. Under the 'America First' agenda, the agreement may focus on more realistic goals, such as North Korea's commitment to a moratorium on further nuclear tests and provocative ICBM launches, stopping the transfer of weapons of mass destruction technology to third parties, ending aggressive cyber operations against Western targets, and withdrawal of offensive weaponry deployed near the Korean DMZ. In return, the agreement may include an end-of-war declaration, or even a peace treaty on the Korean Peninsula and formal diplomatic relations between the United States and North Korea. These provisions would help alleviate security fears on the part of South Korea and Japan, while having important benefits for the United States, such as reducing defense spending and redeployment of troops. Trump may further expand the deal to link peace in Northeast Asia with that in Ukraine. North Korea may be asked to stop sending troops and ammunition to Russia, which would push Putin to stop fighting and help Trump cut US spending in Ukraine. Since North Korean supplies have accounted for 50 percent of Russian artillery fires in Ukraine, a ceasefire could be made sustainable. South Korea's new administration should be prepared to smartly position itself in the negotiation process, while seeking separate dialogue with Pyongyang to discuss bilateral issues, including humanitarian assistance and cross-border economic cooperation. No less crucial would be clarifying its stance with Washington concerning possible reductions in US Forces Korea and enhancing deterrence by securing nuclear latency through renegotiating provisions in the Korea-US civil nuclear agreement banning South Korea's enrichment and reprocessing of nuclear fuel. The new administration will need to think outside the box to lead the nation through a challenging time toward common prosperity on the divided peninsula, even if reunification remains a long-term goal. Mold-breaking thinking and brave moves are required in times of crisis. The new president needs to show extraordinary leadership by listening to different public views and crafting a suprapartisan consensus regarding inter-Korean issues across a polarized divide.

Conservatism or Collapse? Ex-PM Hwang Kyo-ahn's Warning Call

Japan Forward

26-05-2025

Politics
Japan Forward

Conservatism or Collapse? Ex-PM Hwang Kyo-ahn's Warning Call

From Tokyo to Ottawa, Sydney to Washington, center-right conservatism appears to be in retreat. Across the democratic world, traditional moderates are being squeezed out by nationalist populists on one flank and ideological progressives on the other. South Korea is no exception. The last two general elections saw a crushing defeat for the conservative People Power Party. Two right-leaning presidents were impeached and ousted in less than 10 years. And now, with the June 3 snap presidential election looming, a staunchly left-wing candidate is leading the national polls. This moment represents a final reckoning in the eyes of Hwang Kyo-ahn, South Korea's former Prime Minister and Justice Minister. Hoping to revive what he sees as the true spirit of conservatism, Hwang has broken with his party and launched an independent run for the presidency. In an exclusive interview with JAPAN Forward, Hwang reflects on his crusade to uphold embattled conservative values. He served as acting president during President Park Geun-hye's impeachment from 2016 to 2017. I left the People Power Party to run independently because my core values demand it. This campaign is about defeating anti-state forces, stopping election fraud, and building a truly free, liberal democracy. I concluded that these goals could no longer be achieved within the party. Hwang explains how alleged electoral fraud unfolded in South Korea. (©Kenji Yoshida) Right now, South Korea's conservative party appears either unwilling or unable to stand up to anti-state forces or rein in left-wing opposition. In fact, some lawmakers even supported President Yoon Suk-yeol's impeachment. Without their votes, he wouldn't have been ousted. More critically, today's conservatives suffer from a lack of strong leadership. Leaders like Rhee Syngman, Park Chung-hee, and Chun Doo-hwan once commanded authority and charisma. But after losing twice to the left in general elections, the conservative movement weakened. The breaking point came with President Park Geun-hye's impeachment in March 2017. Since then, the party has turned inward, prioritizing survival and personal interests over a unified conservative vision. South Korea is currently at the center of an ideological war. Since China's economic and military rise in the 2000s, more voices have emerged arguing that Seoul should pivot toward Beijing. During the consecutive left-wing administrations of Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun, pro-North and pro-China elements began to take root and gradually coalesced into a broader political force. Unlike neighboring Japan, South Korea has the unique experience of enduring the Korean War and national division. Geopolitically, it is situated closer to China and North Korea, and the influence of these regimes remains significant. Anti-state forces here are not only persistent, but they also systematically train and embed their people. Meanwhile, the conservative camp is unprepared. Focused mainly on economic revival, it has failed to engage in a serious ideological struggle. President Roh meets North Korea's Kim Jong-il for the 2007 Inter-Korea Summit (©Pool photo) President Moon with North Korea's Kim Jong Un at the 2018 inter-Korea Summit (©Blue House) We must first strengthen our traditional alliance with the United States and other like-minded partners. Simultaneously, we must cultivate a new generation of conservative leaders, politicians and intellectuals alike. Confronting the leftist and anti-Korea forces is also critical. I repeatedly urged the Yoon administration to address these threats head-on through investigations into former President Moon Jae-in and presidential frontrunner Lee Jae-myung. But they refused to listen. Without determination, we cannot restore the core conservative values of strong national security, liberal democracy, free and fair elections, a free market economy, and the rule of law. Achieving this vision is nearly impossible within the current People Power Party. It has become concerned with short-term gains rather than defending principles. Yet there is a glimmer of hope. Following the December 3 martial law declaration, public awareness has heightened. More citizens, especially the younger generation, are beginning to grasp the true stakes: the fragility of liberal democracy and the threat posed by anti-state forces. To win the June 3 presidential election, conservatives must consolidate their forces. That said, during my leadership years after President Park's impeachment, I learned that forced or superficial unity can be more harmful than helpful. At that time, I brought in figures like Yoo Seung-min, Lee Jeun-seok, and Lee Eun-joo to build a broad coalition. But this completely fell apart in the general election. I realized then that unity built on overlooking deep-rooted problems, like shielding problematic members, only fuels more discord. Kim Moon-soo visits Park Chung-hee's birthplace during his campaign in May (©Kim Moon-soo FB) Unity remains essential even now. However, third-party candidates like Lee Jeun-seok have clarified that he will not join hands. Forcing a coalition under these circumstances risks backfiring down the line. Fortunately, Kim Moon-soo of the People Power Party is in strong form as the election approaches. His recent approval ratings have climbed nearly 40%, and he's rapidly closing the gap with Lee Jae-myung. If Lee becomes president, the relationship between Washington and Seoul will suffer greatly, and ties with Tokyo could face irreversible damage. With the opposition Democratic Party pushing legislation unchecked and Lee implicated in multiple crimes, the very foundation of the rule of law is at risk of collapse. Democratic Party lawmakers protest the Supreme Court's May 1 guilty ruling against Lee Jae-myung, who currently faces five separate criminal trials. (©Park Chan-dae FB) Having spent over 20 years as a public prosecutor, I have witnessed these threats unfold subtly and on a larger scale. If the left regains power this time, I fear conservative values may be lost forever. So far, media coverage has spotlighted allegations unfavorable to President Yoon, as most witnesses are coming from the prosecution side. These, of course, include claims that Yoon ordered the National Assembly blockade during martial law and the arrest of lawmakers. President Yoon has consistently denied these allegations. Once the prosecution concludes its case, the defense will present its witnesses, allowing for a comprehensive review and rebuttal of the testimonies made. I recently visited former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun, detained over the December 3 martial law. His calm, fact-based account stood out, revealing many accusations against President Yoon as unfounded. Having served on Yoon's impeachment defense team and reviewed numerous undisclosed materials, I believe the court will ultimately deliver a just and favorable verdict. Author: Kenji Yoshida

[Lee Kyong-hee] Right the ship and reboot democracy

Korea Herald

06-04-2025

Politics
Korea Herald

[Lee Kyong-hee] Right the ship and reboot democracy

The Constitutional Court ended a long nightmare on Friday while the nation delivered a triumph of peaceful civic activism. Yet it is too early to fully celebrate the resilience of Korea's democracy. The unanimous court decision to uphold the impeachment of Yoon Suk Yeol only marks the first step toward repairing the country's wounded democracy and healing the scars from his audacious declaration of martial law last December. The president who embraced extreme right-wing conspiracy theories has left behind a sharply divided country. Yoon's fate was sealed just hours after his daring gambit to clear the way for his legislative agenda. When thousands of citizens descended on parliament and tried to help lawmakers enter their chambers to overturn the martial law decree, security forces displayed little desire to repel them. Unlike the nation's military dictators decades ago, his authoritarian power grab would not be protected. The countdown on Yoon's presidency thus began. 'The National Assembly was able to decide to demand the emergency martial law be lifted swiftly, thanks to the resistance of citizens and the reluctant execution of duties by the military and police,' said Moon Hyung-bae, the acting chief justice of the Constitutional Court. 'Therefore, it does not influence the judgment on the seriousness of the defendant's violation of law.' This was not only a scathing rebuke to Yoon's brazen insistence that 'nothing happened' on the night of his short-lived martial law. It was also the top court's solemn acknowledgement of the laudable roles of ordinary citizens, police officers and soldiers in a moment of crisis. Yoon fiercely argued before the court that he intended the martial law to be an awakening for the public to the 'tyranny' of the 'pro-North, anti-state' opposition abusing their majority power to paralyze his administration. He made the absurd statement that he subverted liberal democracy to save it from the threats of communist sympathizers. Yoon did not stay quiet while the court deliberated. He consistently instigated a small group of his staunch, right-wing supporters to join him to 'fight to the end.' The group gradually swelled and grew increasingly radical and violent, emulating supporters of US President Donald Trump. They carried signs saying, 'Stop the Steal' and 'Make Korea Great Again.' A mob stormed a courthouse in protest of Yoon's arrest, causing extensive damage. Meanwhile, throngs of citizens held rallies on the streets throughout the long winter, demanding Yoon's dismissal. They evoked memories of past military dictatorships and the brutality of state violence, which they believed -- mistakenly -- belonged to the bygone era. Thus, Korea appeared to be joining an increasing number of countries undergoing civil intolerance and the dismantling of democratic institutional norms. The United States under Trump's second presidency is the prime example. Yet, the two sides displayed restraint when it was most needed. On Friday, while hundreds of thousands of citizens on both sides rallied at different locations around the capital and across the country, no notable incidents of violence were reported during the day and the ensuing weekend. Still, it is premature to rejoice. Following Yoon's formal dismissal from the presidency, the nation faces an imminent challenge -- an early election for his replacement to be held within two months. The election will be a moment of truth for both the ruling and opposition parties to do much-needed soul-searching. They must think truthfully and honestly about how they can effectively govern through mature democratic leadership. It is not to relentlessly attack opponents. Leave that to other countries. They are stronger and richer but not wiser. The top priority here will be bridging the chasms splitting our society along lines of ideology, age, gender and income, introducing urgent reforms to improve livelihoods and fixing stalled foreign relations. A constitutional amendment for enhanced checks and balances among different branches of government is vital in resetting the republic, torn apart by factional strife. No doubt how to cope with Trump's tariff war will also be at the top of the new administration's in-tray. To fully distance itself from Yoon's botched self-coup and remain in power, the ruling People Power Party must abandon the disgraced former president and his support base of ultra-right extremists. But the party remains supportive of Yoon and caters to extremist elements. This is a sure path to defeat. Given its two presidents ousted by impeachment one after another, the party should realize that it faces an existential crisis. Moreover, there is no guarantee that Yoon will just go away politely. Considering his stubbornness and proven lack of integrity and moral awareness, he may try to meddle in the election to benefit in his criminal trial on insurrection charges. The multiple scandals surrounding his wife will also resurface in due time. The main opposition Democratic Party of Korea, despite its huge advantage, does not have a lower hurdle in the race. The party's obvious standard-bearer, Rep. Lee Jae-myung, is beset with criminal charges. He needs to prove his claim that the accusations have been politically motivated by Yoon's prosecutorial cohorts to eliminate him. Whoever becomes the next president will need an extraordinary ability to upend the deeply entrenched politics of hate and revenge, thereby uniting the people and shaping a stable and prosperous future.

Court confirms sacking of South Korean president who declared martial law

Iraqi News

04-04-2025

Politics
Iraqi News

Court confirms sacking of South Korean president who declared martial law

INA- SOURCES South Korea's constitutional court has confirmed the dismissal of President Yoon Suk Yeol, who was impeached in December after declaring martial law. His decision to send troops onto the streets led to the country's worst political crisis in decades. The court ruled to uphold the impeachment saying the conservative leader "violated his duty as commander-in-chief by mobilising troops" when he declared martial law. The president was also said to have taken actions "beyond the powers provided in the constitution". Supporters and opponents of the president gathered in their thousands in central Seoul as they awaited the ruling, with his critics reacting joyfully to the court's verdict once it came through in the early hours of Friday. The 64-year-old shocked MPs, the public and international allies in early December when he declared martial law, meaning all existing laws regarding civilians were suspended in place of military law. After suddenly declaring martial law, Mr Yoon sent hundreds of soldiers and police officers to the National Assembly. He has argued that he sought to maintain order, but some senior military and police officers sent there have told hearings and investigators that Mr Yoon ordered them to drag out politicians to prevent an assembly vote on his decree. The state of emergency after Mr Yoon declared martial law only lasted about six hours as parliament eventually voted to block the decree. His presidential powers were suspended when the opposition-dominated assembly voted to impeach him on 14 December, accusing him of rebellion. Mr Yoon maintained that imposing martial law was needed to defend the country from nuclear-armed North Korea and pro-North anti-state forces, and protect its free constitutional order, although he cited no specific threats. The unanimous verdict to uphold parliament's impeachment and remove Mr Yoon from office required the support of at least six of the court's eight justices. In January, Mr Yoon was separately arrested and indicted by prosecutors on alleged rebellion in connection with his decree, a charge that carries the death penalty or a life sentence if convicted. South Korea must hold a national election within two months to find a new leader. Lee Jae-myung, leader of the main liberal opposition Democratic Party, is the early favourite to become the country's next president, according to surveys.

Photos of S.Korean academic misrepresented as top justice visiting North

AFP

13-03-2025

Politics
AFP

Photos of S.Korean academic misrepresented as top justice visiting North

"Moon, the head of the Constitutional Court, is a pro-North centrepiece who visited the North and fell for its honey trap," reads a Korean-language Facebook post published March 9, 2025. It includes a collage showing a man meeting former North Korean leader Kim Jong Il and posing for a photo with a woman wearing a dress typically worn on formal occasions in the North. Text above the images claims they show Moon, whom the post accuses of being a "spy" who got "caught in North Korea's honey trap". Image Screenshot of the false post on Facebook captured March 12, 2025 -Yoon social media users widely shared the same collage and claim on Facebook. Moon is one of eight judges adjudicating whether to remove impeached President Yoon from office due to his failed imposition of martial law in December 2024. A verdict is expected in mid-March (archived link). The Facebook posts say Moon -- a frequent disinformation target -- visited the North alongside South Korean actor Moon Sung-geun, a liberal activist close to opposition politicians (archived link). The image in the bottom-right of the collage shows a genuine profile photo of the judge alongside comments he supposedly wrote on social media (archived link). However, feature a different person. Mistaken identity Reverse image searches on show the photos depict Kim Geun-shik, a professor of North Korean studies at the Kyungnam University Institute for Far Eastern Studies and a politician for the ruling People Power Party (archived link). He told AFP on March 11 that the photos in the collage "indeed do show myself visiting Pyongyang" and that the claims targeting Moon are "fake news." also refuted the claims in a March 12 Facebook post, saying the photos feature him "during the 2007 inter-Korean summit" and that he became aware of the false posts after AFP's inquiry (archived link). Kim visited North Korea's capital as part of a South Korean government entourage for a summit between Kim Jong Il and then-South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun from October 2-4, 2007 (archived link). A reverse image search on Google using the bottom-left photo found Kim -shik it October 19, 2007 on an online forum (archived link). Image Screenshot of a forum post Kim published in October 2007 A separate keyword search on found the top-left images stem from a Chosun Ilbo interview with Kim in February 2022 and show him shaking hands with the North's former leader (archived link). Image Screenshot of images published in a Chosun Ilbo report in February 2022 top-right photo shows Kim giving a short bow to Kim Jong Il as they toast wine glasses during a reception at the summit, as seen in a set of photos from the Roh Moo-hyun presidential archives (archived link). Image Screenshot of a photo from the Roh Moo-hyun presidential archives The page lists Kim Geun-shik as one of the people in the photos, all taken at a reception hall in Pyongyang -- but it does not mention Moon Hyung-bae. AFP previously debunked doctored images claimed to show Moon sharing child pornography and a fake news report on the allegations, as well as an altered image showing him delivering a speech in front of a Chinese flag.