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First Post
4 days ago
- Business
- First Post
1947 to 2025: How a 'broke' India became world's fourth largest economy
From being the 'Golden Bird' of global trade, India was reduced to 4% of the world's GDP when the British left. Yet, in just 77 years, it has emerged as the world's fourth-largest economy. How did this happen? We trace India's extraordinary economic journey. Since Independence, India has traversed insurmountable hurdles to become one of the world's booming economies On the midnight of August 15, 1947, Jawaharlal Nehru's words echoed through the newly sovereign Parliament of India. In his now-iconic 'Tryst with Destiny' speech, he spoke of awakening to life and freedom. But what he didn't say that night was that India was stepping into independence with empty coffers, a battered economy and a people weighed down by poverty and hunger. The British exit left behind a country divided, looted, and hollowed out. For centuries, the subcontinent had been one of the wealthiest regions in the world — in 1700, it accounted for nearly 24 per cent of global GDP, earning the name 'the Golden Bird.' By the time the Union Jack was lowered in 1947, that figure had collapsed to under 4 per cent. Famines had scarred the land, railways served colonial extraction rather than domestic needs, and industrial development was stifled. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Life expectancy was a mere 32 years, literacy stood at 12 per cent, and food shortages were rampant. Before India could dream of prosperity, it first had to survive. Years of scarcity: 1950s–1970s In the first decades after independence, scarcity was the default setting for most Indians. Prime Minister Nehru, a man of science and idealism, believed that state-led industrialisation would build the foundations of a modern economy. Inspired by the Soviet model, India introduced Five-Year Plans to guide production, decide priorities and allocate resources. Steel plants, dams, and public-sector banks rose from the ground. But the same system also created the Licence Raj — a maze of approvals and permits that strangled private enterprise. To open a factory, one needed political connections. A scooter could have a waiting list of ten years. A household telephone might take seven years to arrive. Foreign goods were almost entirely out of reach. Between 1950 and 1980, India's GDP grew at an annual rate of just 3.5% — what economists dubbed the 'Hindu rate of growth.' At that pace, it would take decades to double national income. Yet, amid the economic sluggishness, there were glimmers of progress. Green Revolution and Self-Reliance in Food The Green Revolution of the 1960s transformed India's agricultural landscape. Facing the threat of recurring famine, the country adopted high-yield seeds, modern irrigation, and fertilisers. Within a decade, India went from importing wheat from the United States to being self-sufficient in food grains. But even with improved food security, poverty remained widespread. In 1980, India's per capita income was lower than Sudan's, a stark measure of its economic challenges. The time was ripe for change. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD A young leader's experiments: 1980–1990 Rajiv Gandhi's arrival as Prime Minister in the mid-1980s brought a wave of cautious liberalisation. The young, tech-savvy leader deregulated the textile industry, introduced computers to government offices, and prioritised telecommunications. Growth climbed to 5–6 per cent, and urban India began to see signs of prosperity. Families bought their first Maruti Suzuki cars, colour televisions became common, and live cricket united the nation via Doordarshan broadcasts. But beneath this modest boom lay a brewing crisis. By 1991, India was heavily in debt, inflation was high, and foreign exchange reserves had plummeted to a level that could cover only two weeks of imports. In a desperate measure, the government airlifted its gold reserves to London as collateral for emergency loans. 1991: Crisis that changed everything The 1991 balance-of-payments crisis forced India to seek a $2.2 billion bailout from the International Monetary Fund. The loan came with conditions — India had to dismantle many of its socialist-era restrictions. Under prime minister PV Narasimha Rao and finance minister Manmohan Singh, the government took a bold step. The Licence Raj was dismantled, the rupee devalued, trade barriers reduced and foreign companies welcomed. Private enterprises were finally free from the web of permissions and quotas. The results were swift. GDP growth rebounded to 5.5 per cent in the first year. Exports surged, and a new entrepreneurial class began to emerge. IT boom and the new millennium By the early 2000s, India had carved a new identity — the world's IT powerhouse. Cities like Bengaluru, Hyderabad and Pune became global hubs for software development and back-office operations. Companies like Infosys, TCS and Wipro became international names. Between 2003 and 2008, GDP growth averaged 8.8 per cent. The middle class expanded, shopping malls multiplied, and air travel became increasingly common. Indians queued for their first iPhones, foreign investment poured in and the nation seemed unstoppable. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Weathering the 2008 global financial crisis When the 2008 financial crisis rocked economies worldwide, India stumbled but did not fall. By 2010, GDP growth had bounced back to 9 per cent, even overtaking China in some quarters. The momentum continued for much of the next decade, fuelled by a booming services sector, rising consumption and an explosion of smartphone use. Pandemic shock and a fierce comeback By 2019, economic growth was slowing. Then, in 2020, the Covid-19 pandemic hit. Lockdowns brought life to a standstill, demand collapsed, and GDP contracted by 7.3 per cent — the worst in nearly four decades. Yet India's recovery was just as dramatic. In 2021, growth rebounded to 9 per cent, powered by mass vaccination drives, record exports and rapid tech adoption. UPI digital transactions skyrocketed, online education went mainstream, and rural consumption revived. 2025: Fourth largest economy By 2025, India crossed the $4 trillion GDP mark, overtaking Japan to become the world's fourth largest economy — just behind Germany. Services now contribute over 50 per cent of GDP, manufacturing about 28 per cent, and agriculture around 13 per cent. In 1947, India's per capita income was about Rs 250 a year; in 2025, it's close to Rs 2 lakh. The transformation is staggering. From shortages to surpluses The India of 1947 struggled to feed itself; today, it exports food to the world. It is the largest exporter of rice, the biggest milk producer, and a significant supplier of wheat, pulses, spices and sugar. Electricity, once imported, is now exported to neighbours like Nepal and Bangladesh. In pharmaceuticals, India is the 'pharmacy of the world,' producing 70 per cent of global vaccines and exporting medicines worth over $30 billion annually. Life expectancy has more than doubled since independence. Changing lifestyles: By the numbers Since 1990, India has witnessed remarkable growth across multiple sectors. The number of cars per 1,000 people has jumped from just five in 1990 to over 30 in 2025, making India the third-largest car market globally. It has also become the second-largest smartphone market, with hundreds of millions of users. The aviation industry has seen a massive expansion, growing from 14 million flyers in 2001 to 174 million in 2024, positioning India as the third-largest aviation market. International travel has surged as well, with 30 million Indians flying abroad in 2024 compared to just 4.4 million in 2000. In the digital payments space, UPI processed an astounding 172 billion transactions in 2024—five times Visa's global volume. Promise and challenges India's economic journey is remarkable, but the road ahead is not without obstacles. Inequality remains stark; rural distress persists while billionaires multiply. Unemployment is a silent crisis. Climate change poses existential threats to agriculture, infrastructure and coastal cities. Yet India holds one powerful card — its youth. Nearly half of its 1.4 billion citizens are under 30. If the country can educate, employ, and empower them, it could script a second freedom story — one of economic self-determination. From bullock carts to bullet trains India's story since 1947 is one of grit, resilience, and reinvention. From famine to forex surpluses, from telegrams to terabytes, from postcolonial poverty to post-pandemic promise — the nation has fought as hard for prosperity as it once fought for freedom. The Golden Bird is airborne again, and this journey is far from over. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
News18
6 days ago
- Entertainment
- News18
Bigg Boss 19 To Introduce ‘Assembly House' And No Weekly Captain In New Format
Last Updated: Salman Khan reveals that the theme of Bigg Boss 19 is 'Gharwalon Ki Sarkaar,' inspired by the Parliament of India. The countdown has begun for Indian television's most talked-about reality show. Bigg Boss is all set to return with its brand-new season, and this time the makers are introducing a concept like never before. Bigg Boss Season 19 will premiere on August 24, 2025, with none other than superstar Salman Khan taking over as host once again. From the day the season was announced, speculations have been high about the twists and surprises in store for viewers. The recently released trailer has given fans their first peek into what is coming. Salman Khan has revealed that the theme of Bigg Boss 19 is 'Gharwalon Ki Sarkaar," setting the stage for a completely new way of playing the game. Gharwalon Ki Sarkaar- Theme of Bigg Boss 19 The theme this year is inspired by the Parliament of India and will add a political twist to the Bigg Boss format. The makers have promised that the new season will focus on freedom and democracy within the house. For the first time in the show's history, housemates will be given the power to make their own decisions both small and big without direct interference from Bigg Boss. But with freedom comes responsibility, and the house is expected to turn into a hotbed of debates, negotiations and confrontations. Bigg Boss 19 Will Have an 'Assembly House' One of the major highlights will be the introduction of an 'Assembly House" inside the Bigg Boss premises. A source close to the production told Times of India TV that there will be no weekly captain this season. Instead, contestants will be divided into two political parties each week. These parties will go head-to-head in tasks and discussions, and the housemates themselves will vote to elect their representative. This chosen leader will then have to navigate the responsibilities and challenges that come with power. The Trailer of Bigg Boss 19 Colors TV and JioCinema have dropped the trailer, and fans cannot stop talking about Salman Khan's new look. Dressed in a Nehru jacket, the superstar is seen entering the Parliament-themed Bigg Boss house with his trademark swag. In the video, he says, 'Aisa pehli baar hua 18-19 saalon mein (This has happened for the first time in 18–19 years). This time, Bigg Boss won't be about crazy drama, but about democracy. Every small and big decision will be in the hands of the housemates. So housemates, do whatever you want to do, man — but be ready for the consequences and the public, because this time in Bigg Boss, it's the Gharwaalon ki Sarkaar (housemates' government)." Salman Khan on Bigg Boss 19 Theme He also shared in a statement, 'Bigg Boss ka har season alag hota hai, lekin iss baar toh scene hi palat gaya hai. 'Gharwalon Ki Sarkaar' ka matlab hai power unke haath mein aur jab power milti hai, toh asli chehre saamne aate hain. Is baar contestants ko apne decisions lene ka poora haq diya gaya hai, par har decision ke saath ek consequence bhi aata hai. Main hamesha kehta hoon, tameez se khelo, par yeh log tameez chhod ke drama le aate hain. This season, they'll try to run the house their way, but when things go out of control, you know who's coming back to set the record straight!" When And Where To Watch Bigg Boss 19 will premiere on August 24, streaming at 9 PM on JioCinema and airing at 10:30 PM on Colors TV. The official list of contestants will be revealed during the grand premiere night, and with the theme promising politics, power struggles and full-fledged debates, this season is already shaping up to be one of the most intense and unpredictable in the show's history. First Published: August 13, 2025, 11:19 IST Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Indian Express
05-08-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Rahul Gandhi, Supreme Court and an undying question: Who is a ‘true Indian'?
It is a matter of grave concern when the highest constitutional court of the country begins to prescribe how a 'true Indian' should think, behave, or express their love for the nation. Going further, it also prescribes where such articulation is to be made. In the case of the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, it has to be a forum no less than the Parliament of India. The role of the judiciary, in a democracy as vast and diverse as India, is paramount in upholding the Constitution by safeguarding the spirit of plurality and freedom of expression. Yet, recent observations from the apex court, which appear to describe a singular view of a 'true Indian', raise troubling constitutional questions. While some people may like to celebrate the nation as it is — and that is fine — others may want to ask sharp questions and find solutions to challenges confronting it. When the judiciary begins prescribing normative standards for who is a 'true Indian', it not only oversteps its institutional boundaries but also risks legitimising a narrow and exclusionary nationalism. The Constitution does not lay down a singular prescriptive idea of what it means to be Indian and how patriotism is to be measured. On the contrary, it guarantees the right to freedom of thought, conscience, expression, and belief. Citizens are not required to conform to a particular cultural or political ethos to prove they belong to the nation. In a previous article (IE, September 9, 2024), I had argued that 'government is not the nation'. If the government harms national interest or deliberately conceals facts, it becomes the duty of every citizen to speak out. If Parliament is indicated as the only designated forum for this, it will only muzzle free speech. India's strength lies in its constitutional morality, not cultural uniformity or dominant narratives being perpetuated by the regime. We are a nation of contradictions and coexistence, of overlapping identities and negotiated differences. From Kashmir to Kanyakumari, from Mizoram to Mumbai, there is no one way to love this country, nor a single idiom through which to express national belonging, nor a singular definition of 'national interest'. Any attempt, especially by the courts, to define or delineate how a 'true Indian' should behave sets a perilous precedent. It threatens to narrow the bounds of citizenship, delegitimise dissent, and marginalise citizens that may already feel excluded from the dominant narrative. What is equally critical is the need to maintain a principled distinction between the interests of the government and the interests of the nation. These are not synonymous. A government represents a temporary political mandate. A nation like India is a continuing, collective aspiration rooted in democratic values, constitutional norms, and the rights of all citizens, especially the marginalised. When courts fail to see or draw this line clearly, and appear to uphold government positions as though they represent national interest, they risk eroding public confidence in judicial independence and democratic fairness. The observations of the honourable judge directed towards the LoP lay bare something deeply troubling about how our highest court now views democratic discourse. 'Whatever you have to say, why don't you say in the Parliament? Why do you have to say this in the social media posts?' the honourable judge asked. The framing of the alleged offence itself reveals the problem. Democracy does not come with a rulebook that designates where citizens can raise concerns about national security or territorial integrity. If it did, we would not be a democracy at all. Let us consider what was actually being questioned here: Statements about the Chinese occupation of Indian territory. The court's suggestion that such concerns should be confined to Parliament misses a fundamental truth about democratic accountability. Parliament sessions are limited, question hours are restricted, and governments routinely duck uncomfortable questions. Social media, for all its flaws, remains one of the few spaces where immediate public scrutiny can still function. To suggest that 'true Indians' would not air such grievances publicly is to create a certification system for patriotism, one where compliance with procedural propriety matters more than the substance of the concern being raised. Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, in their study of democratic backsliding across the world, hold that the real threats to democracy rarely come from dramatic coups or violent takeovers. Instead, they emerge from the slow erosion of what they call the 'soft guardrails', the unwritten rules of mutual toleration and institutional forbearance that prevent everyday political competition from becoming a zero-sum bloodsport. Mutual toleration means accepting that your rivals have an equal right to exist, compete, and govern, as long as they play by constitutional rules. Forbearance means exercising 'patient self-control', avoiding actions that may be technically legal but violate the spirit of democratic norms. The moment these guardrails crack, political opponents come to be regarded as existential enemies. We see this pattern playing out when courts begin policing the boundaries of acceptable dissent and when criticism of government policy, or lack of one, suddenly requires articulation only in designated forums. We have seen this erosion play out in other democracies, where institutions that are meant to act as checks on executive overreach become gradually aligned with the state narrative. Dissent becomes anti-national, criticism becomes sedition, and patriotism is judged by conformity rather than conviction. India, with its long and rich tradition of judicial activism and civil liberties jurisprudence, must resist such a slide. The Supreme Court and other constitutional courts are meant to interpret and uphold the Constitution, defend individual freedoms, and ensure that all organs of the state remain within the bounds of law and accountability. The legitimacy of the judiciary rests on its fidelity to constitutional principles and its commitment to justice. At a time when political rhetoric is increasingly polarising, when institutional autonomy is under strain, and when democratic dissent is being delegitimised, the judiciary must stand as the last bulwark of constitutional democracy. It must not waver in its duty to protect the space for difference, disagreement, and dissent. The writer is Member of Parliament (Rajya Sabha), Rashtriya Janata Dal
News18
26-07-2025
- Politics
- News18
'CAA By Itself Serves Nothing': Why I&B Ministry Adviser Wants Act Amended
Last Updated: Kanchan Gupta is proposing a law that would enable any Hindu to legally return to India as its citizen, with some checks and balances In an interesting turn of events, the information and broadcasting (I&B) ministry's senior adviser Kanchan Gupta on Friday called for further amendments to the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), claiming the legislation 'serves nothing" by itself. The CAA was passed by the Parliament of India on December 11, 2019, and received presidential assent the next day, making it a law. 'CAA by itself serves nothing. It just adds some political muscle. But it also subtracts because Mamata Banerjee had a field day telling people that if you opt for CAA, you will lose out on your other documents, which you have right now. And frankly, that was the underpinning of the law. So, we need to revisit, and Swapan (Dasgupta) and Agnimitra (Paul)… You are part of the political process over there, and I sincerely request that you push for this larger law of the right to return," said Gupta at an event. Gupta is proposing a law that would enable any Hindu to legally return to India as its citizen, with some checks and balances. This is reminiscent of how Israel treats every Jew, who can naturally call Israel their homeland. According to Gupta, the checks can vary, 'So long as he or she (a Hindu) is not an accused in a criminal offence or has a criminal background, they will have the right to return to India and get full citizenship and rights associated with it." 'This (right to return) will only address the point that Swapan (Dasgupta) is making that 75,000 Hindus have come into India ever since August 5, 2024, and mind you, that flow will only increase if elections are held next year and Jamat comes to power in association with the Hizb ut-Tahrir. So, we are looking ahead at bad times," he warned. Former Rajya Sabha lawmaker and BJP's national executive member Swapan Dasgupta alleged that a massive illegal influx in Newtown—an upmarket suburb near Kolkata—is shifting the character of the city. 'In Kolkata, there is an area called Newtown, which is now entirely occupied by Rohingyas. The police also say that it has become a complete no-go area. How they came and settled there is unclear. There is a complete demographic shift taking place in certain parts of the country," he alleged. West Bengal MLA Agnimitra Paul, in a rather upset tone, claimed the BJP is fighting its 'final fight" in Bengal in 2026. 'Whatever is happening in Bengal is no different than what happened in Kashmir in the 1990s with Kashmiri Hindus," she claimed while adding that illegal Bangladeshis and Rohingyas find 'protection" in the state. 'That's why after Bihar, we also want SIR to be implemented in Bengal." view comments Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Deccan Herald
18-07-2025
- Politics
- Deccan Herald
Justice Verma to be impeached? All parties on board, says Union minister Kiren Rijiju
New Delhi: Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju said on Friday that all political parties are on board on the issue of the impeachment of Justice Yashwant Varma, from whose residence burnt wads of currency notes were found."I have spoken to all the senior leaders of different political parties. I will also get in touch with some of the single-MP parties because I do not want to leave out any member. So it becomes a unified stand of the Parliament of India," Rijiju said in an exclusive video interview with minister asserted that it is not the government but members of Parliament cutting across party lines, including from the Congress, who are in favour of moving a motion to remove Justice MPs will be among signatories: Jairam Ramesh on proposed motion against Justice Varma in LS."Corruption in the judiciary is an extremely sensitive and serious matter, because the judiciary is where people get justice. If there is corruption in the judiciary, it is a serious concern for everybody. That is why the motion for the removal of Justice Yashwant Varma is to be signed by all the political parties," he said he is happy that the principal opposition party, Congress, has understood the severity of the matter and agreed to be on board on the issue."I am happy that they understood the things as they should be because no party can be seen to be standing with a corrupt judge or protecting a corrupt judge," he Yashwant Varma moves SC; questions validity of inquiry report, recommendation for removal."When it comes to corruption in the judiciary, we have to stand together. There cannot be any partisan attitude and it should not be made a political issue," Rijiju Congress has said all its MPs will support the motion against Justice said a motion for the removal of a judge has to be signed by not less than 100 MPs in the Lok Sabha and 50 in the Rajya petition has to be submitted to the chair, who will inform the House, constitute an inquiry in accordance with the Judges Inquiry Act and get a report in three months."So the three-month-period requirement will have to be fulfilled. And after that the inquiry report will be tabled in Parliament and a discussion held in both Houses," Rijiju said.A fire incident at Justice Varma's Lutyens' Delhi residence in March, when he was a judge of the Delhi High Court, had led to the discovery of sacks of half-burnt cash in the Varma was subsequently repatriated to the Allahabad High Court but no judicial work was assigned to him. An in-house probe ordered by then chief justice of India Sanjeev Khanna has indicted Justice Varma has denied any wrongdoing, the inquiry panel has concluded that the judge and his family members had covert or active control over the storeroom, where the cash was found, proving his misconduct serious enough to seek his former law minister Kapil Sibal's remarks drawing a parallel between Justice Varma and Justice Shekhar Yadav of the Allahabad High Court over the latter's "controversial" statement, Rijiju said Parliament cannot be guided by "one lawyer-MP's personal agenda".Noting that Sibal is a senior person, the minister alleged that he is only driven by his "personal agenda"."We will not be driven by one lawyer-MP's agenda. We are not here to set an agenda or drive an agenda. We are working purely in the interest of the country," he said Sibal does not realise that many MPs have gone far beyond him in terms of understanding, intellectual capability and the knowledge of law."He is a very average lawyer.... He cannot guide the Parliament of India. The Parliament of India will be guided by all the members of Parliament," he said.
