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Canada News.Net
3 days ago
- Politics
- Canada News.Net
China eyes blue waters of western pacific
New Delhi [India], July 29 (ANI): Geography is an enemy to China's aspirations for a powerful blue-water navy. While one cannot doubt the might of the People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN), China remains hemmed in by a network of islands and land masses that stand in the way of free access to the Pacific Ocean. Another obstacle for Chinese military domination is its lack of true allies and, correspondingly, a network of military bases around the world it can rely upon in time of need. China's isolation sharply contrasts with its nemesis the USA, which demonstrated its ability to deploy over long distances and to intimately interoperate with allies like Australia and the UK during the recently concluded Exercise Talisman Sabre in Australia. Geostrategic experts call this natural network of land masses around China the First Island Chain, and it extends from the Japanese mainland and archipelago to Taiwan, the Philippines, before being anchored in the south in Indonesia. This island chain is extremely significant because, if China and the USA go to war over Taiwan, for example, then it would form a critical line of defense to contain China. Capturing Taiwan is therefore not only a 'patriotic duty' for communist China, but it would immediately give Beijing an open channel into the wider reaches of the Pacific Ocean. There is a Second Island Chain, but it is a chain in name only since it is characterized by vast oceanic stretches. It extends from Japan's outlying volcanic islands, passes through the Mariana Islands (where Guam is the critical hinge), the Caroline Islands, and terminates in western New Guinea. As it figures out how to more effectively penetrate into the Pacific Ocean, the PLAN has been making more frequent forays into the Western Pacific in recent years. These voyages have a training purpose and they lay down a marker to countries like Japan and the USA that China can sail wherever it pleases. Perhaps the clearest example of this mindset yet was the exercising of two PLAN aircraft carriers in waters far to the east of Taiwan and the Philippines recently. The first carrier, Liaoning, crossed the First Island Chain from the East China Sea on 27 May, with the Shandong carrier group following suit on 7 June. The latter had sailed from the South China Sea. Whilst in the Western Pacific, the two carrier groups conducted 'realistic combat training and adversarial drills,' according to China's Ministry of National Defense. Liaoning operated there from 27 May till 19 June, whilst Shandong remained there from 7-22 June. The training included reconnaissance, early warning, counterstrike, anti-surface warfare, air defense, and tactical flights. From 14-18 June, the two carrier groups likely performed carrier-versus-carrier wargames, with Liaoning presumably acting as the 'blue force' simulating an American carrier strike group. The two carriers remained some 500-600 km apart, just beyond their outermost defensive boundaries, and they performed intensive aircraft sorties. The highest number of daily sorties occurred on 14 June, when 90 take-offs occurred from Liaoning. The two carrier groups had recrossed the First Island Chain by 22 June. This twin deployment marked three significant 'firsts' for the Chinese military, according to Yu-cheng Chen and K. Tristan Tang in a report published by The Jamestown Foundation think tank in the USA. Firstly, they asserted, it was the first time two PLAN carriers have sailed simultaneously in the Western Pacific. Japan's Ministry of Defense has recorded 14 previous instances of Chinese aircraft carriers operating in that maritime zone since 2021, but this was the first time the PLAN did so with two carriers. The second milestone came about since this was the first time a Chinese carrier had voyaged beyond the porous Second Island Chain. This was achieved when Liaoning and her escorts sailed approximately 300 km southwest of Minami-Tori-shima and moved southwest by another 400-500 km the following day. Prior to this, the farthest a PLAN flattop had proceeded was when Liaoning reached 700 km east of Guam in December 2022. Significantly, Chinese carriers are nowaays foraying farther from home. Last year there were five Chinese carrier deployments, and four of those occurred near the Bashi Channel that separates the Philippines and Taiwan. Yet this year, with four carrier deployments already, all have been longer and more dispersed. Thirdly, Chen and Tang noted, was the record length of time a Chinese carrier group has conducted operations beyond the First Island Chain. For 27 days, at least one Chinese carrier group was operating in the Western Pacific. Liaoning was there 24 days, whilst Shandong managed 16 days. This accords with the PLAN's desire to expand its training plan and validate training scenarios in maritime areas China previously did not address. Chen and Tang commented, 'The drills constitute a shift in the PLAN's focus toward long-range operations. This likely stems from an assessment by the PLA's Central Military Commission (CMC) that the navy has achieved sufficient combat capability in the country's near seas.' The academics continued, 'The PLA has begun to cross the Second Island Chain, which includes Guam, in the Western Pacific. This shift brings Chinese forces closer to Hawaii. As a result, the United States may need to adjust its force deployments and rotation schedules accordingly. In addition, the latest shift could imply that the PLA Navy believes it has secured operational dominance in nearby waters. If so, it likely will engage in more assertive and potentially unsafe behaviour during naval encounters with vessels from neighbouring states in future.' Chen and Tang highlighted two pertinent points. 'The first is that the PLA has started shifting the focus of its training from near-seas comprehensive operations toward far-seas mobile operations. The second - which follows from the first - is that the CMC likely has determined that the PLA now possesses comprehensive near-seas combat capabilities, such as those needed for operations around Taiwan.' Far-seas mobile operations ,designed to control key straits, protect sea lines of communication, safeguard China's overseas interests and deter a military crisis, are a challenge for China. This is primarily because China lacks shore-based air support and close-range logistical supply. This lack of a supporting network forces the PLA to concentrate its naval assets and to perform far-seas raiding and guerilla warfare. This requires speed and effectiveness, as well as early-warning and monitoring capabilities. China is still developing doctrines for far-seas mobile operations, but they are predicated on China comprehensively dominating its near seas first. If the PLA cannot operate freely within the First Island Chain, it does not bode well for missions farther afield. China has already normalized operations around Taiwan, and it seems the PLA is now doing the same in the Western Pacific. Chen and Tang assessed: 'The PLA Navy's shift in training focus from near-seas to far-seas operations could lead to more direct pressure on the United States. Key US military outposts beyond the mainland - such as Hawaii - could have to contend with increased naval presence by Chinese naval forces operating closer and with greater endurance than before. This development not only challenges the United States' strategic depth in the Pacific, but may also compel it to reconsider its force deployment and readiness posture throughout the Indo-Pacific region.' Of course, it is helpful to contrast this Chinese carrier activity with that of its adversaries. During Exercise Talisman Sabre, held in and around Australia from 13-27 July, the USA and UK both operated aircraft carriers. The US Navy contributed USS George Washington, while the Royal Navy's HMS Prince of Wales participated in the massive wargames involving 19 nations. Equipped with F-35 fighters, the two carriers met in the Timor Sea north of Darwin in what they described as a 'powerful demonstration of naval power.' The US carrier was accompanied by a cruiser and destroyer, whilst HMS Prince of Wales was escorted by a multinational flotilla comprising Australian, British, Canadian, New Zealand and Norwegian warships. Rear Admiral Eric Anduze, Commander of Carrier Strike Group Five, spoke to ANI from his flagship USS George Washington shortly after the multinational exercise kicked off. He stated, 'We participate in Talisman Sabre 25 in order to rehearse, join and combine operations with our Australian counterparts, demonstrate maneuverability of naval forces in a contested environment, and increase operability and lethality.' Asked about the importance of such wargames, Anduze shared, 'We rehearse our tactics and communications, how we operate and how Australia operates, how we communicate and how we integrate across multiple domains. All of these experiences increase interoperability and strengthen our alliance as a whole for the security and freedom of the Indo-Pacific.' He elaborated on the importance of allies and interoperability: 'The US conducts routine operations in this area of operations to ensure freedom of navigation, a free and open Indo-Pacific that's resilient and prosperous for all. And we have to do it with allies and partners in order to be successful and have the most impact. So anytime we have the ability to share, coordinate and work together, it's a chance for our tactics to become more refined and for us to be able to come together quickly.' ANI asked whether aircraft carriers like USS George Washington have become vulnerable. Anduze asserted that aircraft carriers 'are still the most survivable airfield in the world. As time has evolved, threats have changed, and we've adjusted our tactics with the times in order to become more survivable. We have defense in depth, technology and tactics that help us protect this vessel, and all of the assets that sail with or around her throughout the entire area of operations.' The commander further noted: 'Submarine and missile technologies have evolved over the years, and aircraft technology has evolved over the years. It's a game of what technology does the enemy possess, and what technologies can we develop to counter those things, whether it's new aircraft like the F-35 and its stealth capabilities, better defense missiles, adjustments to our Aegis system and its ability to intercept incoming threats.' He assured, 'We're evolving and adjusting. And that's the technical piece of it, but there's also the tactical piece. I can't go into specifics of how we've changed our tactics to improve the security of the aircraft carrier, but we're always evolving. We're always assessing the threat and our capabilities, developing technologies and looking for ways to integrate those.' Indeed, a major portion of these developing threats is the PLA, which has developed weapons like the DF-21D anti-ship ballistic missile, DF-17 hypersonic missile and modern conventional and nuclear-powered submarines. As another example of the interoperability being achieved by Five Eyes partners - Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the UK and USA - the Australian military rearmed a Canadian warship in Darwin during Talisman Sabre 2025. HMCS Ville de Quebec received RGM-84 Harpoon Block II missiles on two occasions. This proves the ability of partners to rearm each other far from home, thanks to common weapons. China, which has few close military allies, cannot compete with such an ability. Yet more interoperability occurred when two US Air Force pilots flew Australian F-35A fighters during Talisman Sabre 2025. This 'interfly' activity illustrated the close bonds between countries like the USA and Australia. One of the aviators involved, Major Justin Lennon of the USAF, noted, 'In the long term, as a coalition, normalizing interfly gives commanders additional options for agility and versatility in a future conflict. In a prolonged conflict, airplanes are capable of flying more hours a day than a pilot. Having the added flexibility to put any pilot in any F-35 and generate combat airpower anywhere in the world adds to the F-35 coalition's lethality.' China is working hard to extend its reach and to project power far from home shores. However, Beijing's ability to do so remains its obvious weakness, especially when one compares China's solitary status with the network of alliances and partnerships that the USA has forged in the Indo-Pacific region over decades. (ANI)
Economic Times
22-07-2025
- Politics
- Economic Times
China shoots down US naval stealth cloak, deploys fifth generation Shenyang J-35 on aircraft carriers, F-35C has competition
For long the United States of America was the only naval power to operate a stealth fighter with the F-35C Lightning II deployed on its aircraft carriers. Now, the US will have to contend with China's growing and rapidly modernizing navy which has got its first operational stealth fighters in the form of Shenyang People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) has received its first two J-35 carrier-based stealth fighter, directly challenging the US naval stealth jet superiority. While the US Navy has over 110 F-35Cs on its aircraft carriers, China is still in the nascent phase of deploying its naval stealth fighters. But given the speed and scale at which the Chinese defence shipyards have churned out aircraft carriers in the last few years, it won't be a surprise if it catches up with the US before Read: Delta pilot's daring move: how a split-second decision saved flight from mid-air B-52 disasterCompared to 11 nuclear-powered aircraft carriers in the US Navy, the most by any country, China has only two - the Liaoning and Shandong - in active service. China's third carrier Fujian is undergoing sea trials. It is also building a fourth aircraft carrier, codenamed "Type 004". The first three Chinses aircraft carriers are conventionally powered but Type 004 will have nuclear propulsion. — RupprechtDeino (@RupprechtDeino) A series of photos posted on Chinese microblogging platform Weibo show two J-35s flying with their tail number clearly visible. One of the J-35 has the number 0011 and the second one is 0012. But the aircraft carrier on which the stealth fighters have been deployed is still not clear although a closeup analysis of the photos show the pilots wearing bright blue helmets, a standard issue for Chinese naval pilots. The jets were photographed flying together and with the J-15B, a fourth+ generation jet in service with the Chinese Navy. Shark markings, the same as those on the other naval fighter J-15B, on J-35s indicate they are already in service with with the Chinese has bulit a massive 270,000-square-meter facility in the Shenbei New District where Shenyang Aircraft Corporation will produce the J-35 stealth fighters. According to indedpendent western analysts, the new facility is capable of churning out 100 aircraft annually, showcasing the Chinese desire and ability to quickly reach a level where it can pose a strong challenge to the US Read: Corey Adams to Alex Foster: Rising US college stars killed in senseless shootingsA few months back, there was a chatter on Chinese social media that the J-35 were undergoing trials on another first, China's Liaoning and Shandong aircraft carriers in June 2025 operated together in the Pacific Ocean, another signal to the US that its naval supremacy was no longer a certainty. The two ships conducted combat maneuvres and sent their fighters on F-35C is in service with many American aircraft carriers. The naval version of the F-35A and B, the C has bigger but foladable wings for carrier operations. The larger wing area gives the F-35C a bigger range and heavier payload carrying capability. It also helps the F-35C reduce its landing speed rapidly as it descends on the deck of an aircraft carrier. It features additional ailerons along the folding sections of the wings. The fighter's 25 mm GAU-22A cannon has 220 rounds for close quarter combat. F-35Cs deployed on USS Abraham Lincoln made their combat debut during an operation against Iranian-backed Houthi armed group in Yemen in November 2024.
Economic Times
19-07-2025
- Politics
- Economic Times
China's dual aircraft carrier drills in Pacific rattle US and Japan
TIL Creatives Two Chinese aircraft carriers seen in Pacific for first time, Japan says (image for reference) In an escalating display of military might and maritime ambition, China for the first time deployed two aircraft carriers—the Liaoning and the Shandong —in extensive, coordinated drills well beyond its coastal waters. The rare show of synchronized naval power sent shockwaves through Japan and the United States, heightening tensions in a region already teetering under geopolitical June 2025, Japanese defense officials tracked both carriers conducting exercises east of Iwo Jima, about 1,200 kilometers south of Tokyo and roughly equidistant from the strategic U.S. base in Guam. The carriers were accompanied by an array of escorts, and their forces executed over 1,000 aircraft takeoffs and landings over the course of weeks, a much higher tempo than previously seen. While the Liaoning sailed close to Japan's exclusive economic zone near isolated islands such as Minamitorishima, both carriers remained in international waters. For Tokyo and Washington, this marked a clear effort by Beijing to test boundaries and assert operational capabilities well beyond China's immediate periphery. 'This is the first time China has demonstrated its ability to operate two carriers simultaneously beyond the first island chain,' said Christopher Sharman, China Maritime Studies Institute Director at the U.S. Naval War College. 'It's a glimpse into their ambitions for a blue-water navy.' Military analysts and regional observers interpret the Chinese maneuvers as a calculated message. While the People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) has previously conducted drills near Taiwan and within the South China Sea, operating two carriers so far from the mainland demonstrates both growing confidence and capability. Narushige Michishita, a strategist at Japan's National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies, warned of the implications for Taiwan: 'Chinese aircraft carriers could be key in enforcing a blockade on Taiwan or deterring foreign intervention. These vessels are not just status symbols—they're instruments of coercion.' The fact that these drills occurred near Guam, a linchpin U.S. military hub, and Iwo Jima—where Japan and the U.S. fought a pivotal WWII battle—only adds to the compared numerically, China's carrier fleet still lags behind the United States. However, the progress is palpable, and narrowing the capability gap remains a clear focus for of 2025, China operates three aircraft carriers: Liaoning, Shandong, and Fujian. The Chinese carriers are mainly diesel-powered, although the newest ship, Fujian, features the advanced Electromagnetic Aircraft Launch System (EMALS).The United States deploys a fleet of 11 nuclear-powered aircraft carriers, including the renowned Nimitz and Ford classes. When it comes to onboard aircraft capacity, Chinese carriers like the Shandong can accommodate up to 36 aircraft, while American carriers can launch and recover more than 60 aircraft each. In terms of operational experience, China has accumulated over a decade of carrier operations, whereas the United States boasts more than 70 years of expertise in operating these powerful naval assets. China's newest carrier, the Fujian , is undergoing sea trials and is expected to join the fleet by late 2025. It represents China's leap toward modern aviation capabilities, featuring electromagnetic catapults (EMALS)—a tech the U.S. only recently deployed on its Ford-class carriers. Amid the dual-carrier drills, Japanese defense officials raised concerns over airspace violations. Chinese fighters flew provocative maneuvers near Japanese reconnaissance aircraft. In multiple instances, these intercepts came within dangerously close range. Japan's Defense Minister Minoru Kihara emphasized, 'China's actions are escalating the security situation in the Indo-Pacific. We view these exercises as part of a larger pattern of coercion.' As a response, Japan has been bolstering its coastal defenses, expanding military bases on remote islands, and integrating more closely with U.S. forces under its revised national defense United States, whose Indo-Pacific Command oversees military operations spanning Japan, Guam, the Philippines, and beyond, is closely watching these developments. The Pentagon emphasized that this marks a growing shift in China's global military outlook. The US Navy, while maintaining superior aircraft carrier tech and global logistics, must now contend with a Chinese navy that is both growing and increasingly active in contested maritime zones. The drills are not just about hardware or pilot training—they signal China's vision for itself on the world stage. Global military planners have long watched China's carrier program as a benchmark of how far it wants to go. Now, the message is clear: Beijing intends to rival—even challenge—the free operations of U.S. and allied forces in the Pacific. 'Politically, aircraft carriers are the ultimate status symbols,' says Timothy Heath, senior international defense researcher at RAND Corporation. 'China's leadership values them as tools of prestige, deterrence, and regional dominance.' For Japan, the U.S., and other Indo-Pacific democracies, the clock is ticking to ensure their strategic advantage holds.
GMA Network
13-07-2025
- Politics
- GMA Network
PCG: 2 China warships spotted off Occidental Mindoro
One of two People's Liberation Army Navy warships sails off Cabra Island, Occidental Mindoro on Friday, July 12, 2025. PCG The Philippine Coast Guard (PCG) has monitored two vessels of the People's Liberation Army Navy (PLA) of China in the waters off Occidental Mindoro. In a statement on Saturday, PCG said the Chinese warships were observed 69.31 nautical miles off Cabra Island. PCG's BRP Teresa Magbanua radio challenged PLA Navy warship 793, but there was no response from the vessel. Instead, its escort, China Coast Guard 4203, replied, asserting China's sovereignty in the West Philippine Sea. PCG also noted that the two Chinese vessels were joined by PLA Navy warship 164. 'The movements of these vessels have necessitated several radio challenges from the PCG throughout the day, without response from the PLA Navy warships,' PCG said. 'Additionally, it has been observed that PLA Navy warship 164 is conducting helicopter landing exercises on its flight deck, with continuous activity recorded throughout the morning,' it added. Tensions continue as Beijing claims almost all of the South China Sea, including parts claimed by the Philippines, Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Brunei. In 2016, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in the Hague ruled in favor of the Philippines over China's claims in the South China Sea, but the latter refused to recognize the decision. —KG, GMA Integrated News
The Diplomat
10-07-2025
- Business
- The Diplomat
US Naval Revival in the Indo-Pacific Ramps Up
The 'Big Beautiful Bill,' recently signed into law, has drawn headlines in the United States for its sweeping scope and political heft. While much of the public debate has focused on its immigration provisions and social welfare implications, a quieter but strategically important component of the bill has gone largely unnoticed: a multi-billion-dollar investment to revitalize the American shipbuilding and repair industrial base. The bill directs tens of billions toward revitalizing U.S. shipbuilding and repairing the industrial base — investments in new dry docks, advanced manufacturing, workforce training, and next-generation technologies. But this is just one part of a broader shift aimed at solidifying U.S. naval presence in the Indo-Pacific. The U.S. is also expanding maritime cooperation with regional partners, including Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, and India, to create a more resilient network of maintenance and repair facilities across the Indo-Pacific. Despite efforts to expand the U.S. Navy to a 381-ship battle force, the fleet has stagnated. After two decades of rising shipbuilding budgets, the Navy today operates with roughly the same number of ships as it did in 2003. Deep-rooted weaknesses in the American shipbuilding and maintenance ecosystem are at the root of this stagnation. Production shortfalls, labor shortages, and facility limitations have led to costly delays and degraded operational readiness. From 2015 to 2019, for example, three-quarters of all aircraft carrier and submarine maintenance periods were completed late, resulting in over 7,000 days of cumulative delay. The United States' naval superiority rests not only on the number of hulls in the water, but on whether ships are combat-ready when they're needed. Yet the Navy has been forced to decommission ships early and accept slower production timelines due to industrial bottlenecks. Procurement challenges, such as the Virginia-class submarine program running at only 60 percent of its planned rate, highlight the importance of a well-functioning shipbuilding base for operational effectiveness. The rise of China amplifies the risks from this vulnerability. The People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) is now the world's largest maritime force, backed by a state-directed shipbuilding industry outpacing the United States in scale and output. China's commercial-military fusion allows shipyards like Jiangnan and Hudong-Zhonghua to subsidize naval production with profits from global commercial contracts. According to a recent Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) research report, four top-tier Chinese shipyards produced over 39 warships and 19 million gross tons of commercial shipping in just four years — equivalent to South Korea's annual output. Given the vast distances of the Indo-Pacific, timely maintenance cannot rely solely on shipyards in the continental United States. In recent years, the U.S. has begun actively expanding its forward-deployed repair and logistics network in cooperation with regional partners. Japan has long been a focus of these efforts, with American ships having undergone maintenance on bases in Japan for years. In April 2025, the USS Miguel Keith completed a five-month overhaul at Mitsubishi Heavy Industries' Yokohama facility — the first time a U.S. warship underwent such a deep maintenance period in a Japanese commercial yard. This milestone follows increasing high-level coordination between U.S. and Japanese defense officials, with Tokyo signaling its willingness to expand maintenance cooperation. South Korea has also begun to play a more prominent role. In March 2025, the Lewis and Clark-class supply ship USNS Wally Schirra completed a large-scale repair at Hanwha Ocean's Geoje shipyard, the first of its kind in the country. Additionally, Indian shipbuilders have signed Master Ship Repair Agreements (MSRA), setting up the foundation for future maintenance collaboration. While in the Philippines, the U.S. is developing a facility to support the maintenance of unmanned surface vessels. For these domestic and regional initiatives to succeed, they must be guided by realistic goals and sustained planning. Reviving the U.S. shipbuilding industrial base does not mean recapturing global market share from China, a country whose dominant position is backed by aggressive state subsidies, industrial consolidation, and a tightly fused commercial-military shipbuilding sector. Attempting to mirror China's model would be both expensive and strategically misguided. Instead, targeted investment aimed at restoring sufficient industrial capacity is a more pragmatic and efficient approach. Additionally, design stability needs to be maintained to provide a more streamlined process for domestic shipbuilders. Moreover, regional maintenance partnerships must also be approached with long-term coordination and clarity to account for domestic constraints in partner countries. In Japan, for instance, labor shortages and high demand for commercial shipbuilding already constrain capacity, despite the country ranking third globally in total ship output. Expecting Japanese yards to absorb large volumes of U.S. Navy work without careful planning risks overpromising what partners can deliver. This renewed investment, paired with growing regional collaboration, marks an important step toward reestablishing maritime readiness in the Indo-Pacific. However, only through pragmatic choices about where to invest, how much industrial capacity to restore, and what to reasonably expect from partners can the U.S. establish lasting maritime advantages in the Indo-Pacific. The opinions expressed in this article belong to the author and do not represent the official stance of their institution.
