Latest news with #PhalaPhala
IOL News
2 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Organisation that took Ramaphosa to court over Phala Phala scandal faces legal costs after withdrawing application
Attorney Zehir Omar could face the legal bill for taking President Cyril Ramaphosa to court in 2022 and later withdrawing the application. Image: Zelda Venter In 2022, hot on the heels of the start of the Phala Phala scandal, an organisation which calls itself The Society for the Protection of our Constitution (applicant), launched court proceedings for President Cyril Ramaphosa to be held accountable, but the organisation, which meanwhile withdrew the application, is now facing the legal bill. The matter was initially brought before the Gauteng High Court, Pretoria, in 2022 in which the applicant cited the president and the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA). It, amongst others, wanted the court to compel the NPA to prosecute the president in relation to Phala Phala. Ramaphosa has meanwhile been cleared by the ANC's Integrity Commission while the NPA declined to pursue criminal charges on his involvement in the matter. The Phala Phala scandal revolves around the 2020 theft of a large sum of foreign currency hidden in couches ($580 000 or R8.7 million at the time) at Ramaphosa's farm in Limpopo. Ramaphosa has denied any wrongdoing. In defending the 2022 court case - before it was withdrawn - the lawyer acting for the president said the application was meritless and constitutes harassment. It was said that the matter has been addressed by the president, and various investigations have been concluded into it. Although the applicant had withdrawn the application in the meantime, it did not tender to pay the president and the NPA's legal bills in this regard. The matter returned to the Pretoria High Court on Monday, where counsel for the president, Advocate Phumzile Sokhela, said they sought answers as to exactly what the Society for the Protection of our Constitution is and whether it is an NGO which launched the 2022 court case in the public interest, as claimed by it. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading The court was told that if it did not receive these answers, it would ask that attorney Zehir Omar, who was involved in the application, be slapped with the costs order. It has huge financial implications, because if it is found to be a genuine NGO, the 'Biowatch principle will be followed". In South African law, this principle relates to costs orders in constitutional litigation against the state. It generally means that an unsuccessful litigant in such cases against the state should not be ordered to pay the costs of a successful litigant. However, in this case, if the court rules Omar must pay, he faces a huge legal bill. It was explained in court papers by the applicant that the society is an NGO and its aim is to promote respect for the Constitution. It was said that the Society will take all necessary legal action as its members deem fit, to prevent violations of the Constitution. The court was told that since 1999, the organisation has engaged in litigation to prevent the state and its departments from contravening the Constitution. It was explained that it is a voluntary association, which aims to keep the government accountable. The Society also launched court proceedings at the end of last year when it asked that the Government assist the illegal Stilfontein miners who were trapped underground. The court meanwhile reserved judgment regarding who must pay the legal costs in the Phala Phala application.
Daily Maverick
3 days ago
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
ANC succession battle — the pros and cons of the top candidates vying for Ramaphosa's job
While it is unclear who will take over from President Cyril Ramaphosa as leader of the ANC, their ability to win votes will be extremely important. It may be constructive to examine what five of the most likely candidates would bring to the electorate. As our politics becomes more competitive than ever before, the identity of the leader of each party has become more important. One of President Cyril Ramaphosa's great strengths when he became leader of the ANC was that he was more popular than the party. The ANC itself said that he played a major role in helping it win the 2019 election (this was hugely contested at the time, and the then secretary-general, Ace Magashule, was forced to publicly disavow his comment that Ramaphosa had not played an important role). Ramaphosa's deteriorating popularity among voters, partly due to his inaction against corruption, and the Phala Phala scandal, might well have played a role in the ANC's dramatic decline last year. This shows how important the vote-winning ability of a new ANC leader will be. While it is not clear who will contest the position at the ANC's electoral conference in 2027, there is plenty of well-informed speculation that candidates could include Deputy President Paul Mashatile, International Relations Minister Ronald Lamola, Police Minister Senzo Mchunu, Electricity and Energy Minister Kgosientsho Ramokgopa and the ANC secretary-general, Fikile Mbalula. Paul Mashatile There is little evidence that Mashatile has broad support among the electorate. His apparent inability to communicate a distinct message during his time as Deputy President suggests he is finding it difficult to create space in which to move. This could be a function of the position he holds. Deputy presidents are often subject to intense scrutiny, and people look for evidence of their ambition for the top job, which could be why he has not, so far, articulated a particular vision. Mashatile's public speeches in English are often stilted. His answers to parliamentary questions are, frankly, boring. He does not say anything new, and his delivery comes across as wooden. As a result of having no apparent message, the narrative around him is dominated by claims that he has benefited from fishy financial deals. He has failed to properly and publicly condemn the violence used by his security officers when they assaulted the occupants of a vehicle on the N1 highway. It is difficult to imagine him crafting a coherent message as the leader of the ANC. On the election trail he probably won't provide much help to the party. His position as Deputy President means he doesn't have responsibility for any particular portfolio. However, for the contenders Lamola, Ramokgopa and Mchunu, what happens on their watch reflects on their public images. Ronald Lamola The minister of international relations and cooperation is a high-profile position — but it is overshadowed by the President. In some instances, for example, SA's genocide case against Israel, Lamola has been able to take the lead. However, in the hardest and most high-profile issue, dealing with the Trump administration, Ramaphosa has taken over. What Lamola does have, almost uniquely in the ANC, is the ability to connect with younger voters. His age (41) makes him one of the youngest leaders in the party. He is relatively unscathed by the scandals that have surrounded so many people in the party. That said, if he were to undergo more scrutiny, he would have to answer questions about how his law firm failed to notice the massive corruption at the National Lotteries Commission, when it was tasked with investigating it. Kgosientsho Ramokgopa The public perception of Ramokgopa is entirely linked to load shedding. He is an excellent communicator and has ensured that he, the government and Eskom have controlled the narrative whenever load shedding is instituted. He is associated with the successes in dealing with load shedding — and also the failures. He will also appeal to voters who want a technocratic face for the ANC. He can give the impression to black professionals that he is one of them, that he speaks their language and can get things done. Sipho Mchunu Mchunu appeals to a slightly different constituency. Crucially for him and the ANC, he could win back voters in KwaZulu-Natal. This province voted for the ANC when former president Jacob Zuma was its leader, then appeared to move in the direction of the ANC and the IFP when Ramaphosa took over, only for large numbers to vote for Zuma's uMkhonto Wesizwe party in the last elections. Mchunu may well be able to develop a crucial constituency in this province for the ANC, where he was once its provincial secretary. Nationally, it would be a huge card in his favour if he were seen to be leading a successful effort to reduce violent crime. However, the problem of SA's crime is so large and is so intertwined with aspects of our politics that Mchunu is unlikely to be able to make much difference. Fikile Mbalula Mbalula, of course, is not in government. It is his position as secretary-general of the party that might give him the edge in any internal ANC race. In the past, the position of secretary-general has been shaped by the personality occupying it. Gwede Mantashe imbued the office with huge authority, while Kgalema Motlanthe had more of a quiet legitimacy. Lately, Mbalula has appeared to be trying to portray more of a sober appearance than in previous years. However, it is unlikely that voters have forgotten what happened when he was transport minister and how he was responsible for so many missteps. As previously pointed out, Mbalula has a history of running his mouth off. People are unlikely to have forgotten how he tweeted that he had 'Just landed in Ukraine', or that he had taken Prasa into administration with no legal authority to do so, or that he used such vulgar language when talking to taxi drivers that the SA Council of Churches was moved to to make a public comment. Or that he was found by a Public Protector to have received a paid holiday from a sporting goods chain while minister of sport. These are the consequences of his long history in the public eye. It is unlikely that he can change the way the public views him. While it would be entirely rational to assume that ANC delegates would have the 2029 elections in mind when they vote for the position of ANC leader, history shows that sometimes internal dynamics are more important. And the ANC appears to have done virtually nothing to win back votes since the polls last year. This suggests that the electability of candidates will not be the most important factor in the ANC's leadership election. DM
IOL News
3 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Rule of Law: Judicial Accountability is Healthy for Democracy
Protest: EFF leader Julius Malema led a march to the Constitutional Court demanding that President Cyril Ramaphosa be held accountable for the Phala Phala scandal. The question regarding the judiciary's independence is not so dissimilar to the former President Thabo Mbeki's reaction to the ANC's parliamentarians' vote to squash the establishment of a Multi-Party Committee to investigate whether President Ramaphosa has a case to answer on the Phala Phala farmgate scandal, says the writer. Prof. Sipho Seepe Umkhonto we Sizwe Party (MKP) argues that 'Members of Parliament are required to declare their assets; therefore, the same standards should apply to judges, who wield immense constitutional power and influence. Judges must be held to a higher standard of scrutiny and accountability. South Africa cannot afford to have a judiciary shielded from the same transparency expected of other arms of state.' The self-appointed guardians of our democracy would have none of it. The judiciary is a no-go area. After all, conventional wisdom dictates that judges are paragons of virtue. They cannot be compared to corruption-prone politicians and public officials. Counterposing MKP's call is an argument that says, 'Judges are already subject to the most stringent asset and income declarations of all public office bearers'. Also, subjecting judges to lifestyle audits would imply suspicion of corruption. If stringent processes for probing judicial integrity are in place, MKP's call should not pose a problem. A case of suspicion has been made. According to the 2018 Afrobarometer survey, a publication of the Institute for Justice & Reconciliation, 32% of South Africans suspect that judges are involved in corruption. In 2002, the level of mistrust was 15%. Chief Justice Mandisa Maya is on record that there are issues that require urgent attention including 'the report of the 2021 Afrobarometer survey that the public's trust in the judiciary has declined…loss of confidence in the judiciary does not augur well for the rule of law and our democracy'. She concluded that 'the judiciary itself needs to do an introspection and check if we are to blame for this change of attitude towards the institution.' Delivering the Nelson Mandela Lecture, former Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng raised a similar concern. 'There is an attempt to capture the judiciary…. any captured member of the judiciary will simply be told or will know in advance, when so and so and so and so are involved, we'd better know your place. Or when certain issues are involved, well, the decision is known in advance'. Far from being denialists, Mogoeng and Maya have approached the subject with a certain degree of maturity. Theirs is to call for vigilance against attempts to undermine (or shield) the judiciary. All that MKP has done is put the matter up for public debate. For Joe Soap in the street, the question regarding the judiciary is not so dissimilar to the former President Thabo Mbeki's reaction to the ANC's parliamentarians' vote to squash the establishment of a Multi-Party Committee to investigate whether President Ramaphosa has a case to answer on the Phala Phala farmgate scandal. Mbeki asked. 'Are we saying that we suspect or know that he (Ramaphosa) has done something impeachable and therefore decided that we must protect our president at all costs by ensuring that no Multi-Party Committee is formed?...... We acted as we did [as if] there was something to hide'. MKP's call for judges to be subjected to lifestyle audits coincides with President Ramaphosa's initiation of the process for the appointment of the Deputy Chief Justice. The position became vacant following the elevation of Justice Mandisa Maya to lead the apex court. For his part, President Ramaphosa nominated four judge-presidents. With Mahube Molemela (Supreme Court of Appeal having declined the nomination, the remaining contenders comprise Dunstan Mlambo (Gauteng), Cagney John Musi (Free State), and Lazarus Pule Tlaletsi (Northern Cape). The Judicial Service Commission, headed by Chief Justice Maya, is expected to pronounce itself on the suitability of the nominees for the position. To be clear, this is a political appointment. With the recycling of Mlambo after his failed bid for the position of Chief Justice, it is a safe bet that Mlambo will get the position. Hopefully, this time around, President Ramaphosa will not go for a demonstrably weak candidate. This would be a case of history repeating itself. A knee-jerk response to MKP will not remove the lingering suspicions of bias. First, far from ubiquitous misconceptions, judges are neither necessarily wise nor omniscient. They are no angels. They are as human and as fallible as all of us. They are prone to self-interest and self-preservation, which may not cohere with the principles of justice. Second, judges do not exist in a vacuum. They are socio-cultural and political animals. There are many instances where history and politics cloud their judgments. The Constitutional Court's ruling regarding a tussle between the City of Tshwane Metropolitan Municipality and AfriForum on changing street names is a case in point. In challenging the Tshwane Municipality regarding its decision to change street names to names of struggle icons, AfriForum had, among other things, argued that doing so would violate the constitutional right of the Afrikaner people to enjoy their culture. The Gauteng High Court had ruled in favour of AfriForum. A majority judgment by Mogoeng CJ concurred by Moseneke DCJ, Bosielo AJ, Jafta J, Khampepe J, Madlanga J, Mhlantla J, Nkabinde J, and Zondo J, upheld the appeal against the lower court. Justices Cameron and Froneman dissented. This couldn't be a mere coincidence that all black judges saw things differently from their white colleagues. It is highly possible that socio-political and cultural experiences played a role in arriving at this ruling. Another instance relates to a case in which a full bench (three judges) of the Gauteng High Court decided to offer a political commentary on a matter involving Eskom. Nailing their political flags to the mast, the three judges contended that the 'new dawn that engulfed the country in 2018 did not miss Eskom Holdings SOC Limited (Eskom). It brought life to Eskom in that in January 2018, Eskom's old and inactive leadership was replaced by new leadership with new life to undo years of maladministration and corruption within the organization.' It didn't take long before the country was plunged into rolling blackouts. The fall from Ramaphoria to Ramaruin happened at lightning speed. Lastly, members of the judiciary have not covered themselves in glory. We need not go further than recall the unseemly spectacle that played itself during the publicly televised interviews for the position of Chief Justice. It was evident that Justice Raymond Zondo was a spectacularly poor performer. Only three commissioners reportedly gave Zondo a thumbs-up against the current Chief Justice Maya's twenty-one votes. A discerning individual would have declined the appointment. We must not underplay the extent to which many of our judges are beholden to neo-colonialism. After all, they are part of 'a native elite faithful and [compliant] to the needs of the colonialists. It was largely through educational processes at all levels that these elites were moulded and culturally turned.' It is not an accident that we have courts that foreground 'colonially borrowed languages; languages that are hardly understood by [their audience], and languages, which even these speakers handle with difficulty and grammatical inadequacies.' The sooner we demythologize members of the judiciary, the better for us. * Professor Sipho P. Seepe is an Higher Education & Strategy Consultant. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
Daily Maverick
6 days ago
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
SA's National Development Plan 2030 — a laudable, but naive vision that's far from fruition
We are five years from the South Africa imagined in the National Development Plan (NDP) that was presented to Parliament in August 2012. The NDP was accepted unanimously by legislators and endorsed by the executive. Disclosure: I left the secretariat of the National Planning Commission (NPC) 10 years and a couple of months ago. I played a minuscule role in its formulation. I think 10 years is long enough for a self-imposed gardening leave. I have a lot of respect for most of the people who put together that first NDP under the leadership of Cyril Ramaphosa and Trevor Manuel. I write now as a complete outsider, and wilfully emerge from a veil of ignorance; I write as if I know little to nothing (which is about right in almost every aspect). There are very many parts of the plan that are open for questioning, scrutiny and evaluation. The thing that has struck me most about the NDP and the NPC in general is how little most of us know about the workings of the commission. Perhaps I have not paid enough attention, but I don't recall any public service announcement or statement about progress with implementation. I want to believe that the woman in Cofimvaba has seen a marked improvement in the lives of her family. The NPC needs to come out and provide an honest appraisal of their work; their successes and failures… They might not convince everyone of any successes. Do it, and they'll regret it. Don't do it, and they will also regret it. So do it, anyway. Among our compatriots are people who are unwilling to accept that two things can be true at the same time, and remind me of the Orwellian observation, 'However much you deny the truth, the truth goes on existing, as it were, behind your back.' Never mind. Let me start this discussion with the easy part: the Vision Statement. I'm probably opening up space for vitriol and vituperation, mantric claims, rhetoric and cant about corruption, incompetence, State Capture, Phala Phala — which are all valid, mind you, but very often stem from a cruel gloating and dancing on South Africa's grave. The vision part is important. I previously discussed the lack of vision (on the part, first of colonists in the late 19th century, settler-colonists in the 20th century, and African nationalists after 1994) in the context of Johannesburg's crumbling inner city. The vision stated in the NDP 2030 is laudable, but as I have come to learn, it's naive and has counted too much on goodwill and trust among the population. Of all the things that have gone wrong or turned sour in South Africa, trust is our greatest loss. Whenever I write about these things, I should always remind the reader that I am profoundly pessimistic — not just about South Africa. To paraphrase Dante, each day starts, at least for me, with accepting that I have to abandon all hope. 2030: A country remade The vision statement is a lengthy and prosaic declaration. At the lowest point of my day, I think of it as verging on mythopoetic because it relies so heavily on myth, hypothesis and romantic-utopianism. Utopianism can be good. It is dangerous when it is coupled with romanticism… Anyway, the opening passage of the Vision Statement reads: 'Now in 2030 we live in a country which we have remade. We have created a home where everybody feels free yet bounded to others; where everyone embraces their full potential. We are proud to be a community that cares.' Fifty million of us, infants and toddlers included, would probably like to be happy and prosper in that society. But the political-economic part is where our wish-dreams, kind of, fall apart: ' Through our service we show our solidarity. We enjoy the same quality of service. We are connected through our caring. The beating heart of our country is a community that has all the enablers of modern life: We have water. We use a toilet. We have food on the table. We fall asleep without fear. We listen to the rain on the roof. We gather together in front of heat. 'What we contribute in our taxes, we get back through the high quality of our public services. That is why we have: Good clinics and hospitals with well trained, caring doctors, administrators, nurses who rush to our aid with empathy and expertise; Affordable effective medicines, because they were made for all of us; Good schools with well educated, trained and caring teachers.' I don't believe that these latter, especially political matters and matters of professionalism and caring, have moved the length of a single breath towards Vision 2030. From Mitchells Plain to Diepkloof, from Shoshanguve, KwaZakhele, Zwide, Inanda to KwaMashu, you would be hard pressed to find a teacher who is well qualified (these data are a bit outdated, but things have become worse) or a nurse who takes care of a patient with empathy. I had major surgery a year ago, and was terrified by the lack of empathy and professionalism of the nursing staff. I remember having very major surgery at the old Coronationville Hospital (Rahima Moosa Mother and Child Hospital) in 1979, and at night the nurses (all black) would do rounds, quietly, with care and a sense of responsibility, checking on patients. Last year, while I was recuperating from surgery, nurses held conversations, loud and across 20m spaces, dropping needles and trays of instruments. Air bubbles in sacks of intravenous fluids and tubes were probably harmless, but frightening nonetheless… I was more scared of the nursing care than I was of the major surgery I had had. That was a personal experience, but recall the patient abuse at Tonga Hospital in Nkomazi, Mpumalanga, reported by the SABC in March. Nurses also get abused by patients. What incidents like these suggest is a lack of caring, of empathy and of respect and trust. We don't trust the police, we don't trust teachers, we don't trust nurses. Doctors and nurses are simply packing up and leaving the country. The data show the extent of the emigration. Data from Statistics Canada show that between January 2020 and July 2024, that country issued 7,781 temporary work permits to South Africans, 600 of whom were healthcare professionals, with around 350 being specialists like cardiologists, neurologists and emergency physicians. That was data from only one source. So much, then, for the 'good clinics and hospitals with well trained, caring doctors, administrators, nurses who rush to our aid with empathy and expertise' or 'good schools with well educated, trained and caring teachers'. There are many more elements of the vision that can be weighed up against the life world (the entirety of the experienced world of people across society) of South Africans. We must, necessarily, wait for two things. First, we have to ask the NPC to sit down and tell the public, not in the closed confines of Parliamentary committees where braskap and tall poppy syndrome are the rules of engagement. Second, we have to wait for 2030, five years from now, to reach what the NPC vision stated. It is worth presenting it here, more fully: 'The welfare of each of us is the welfare of all. Everybody lives longer. We experience fulfilment in life, living it in the successful society we are creating. We feel prosperous. Our connectedness across time and distance is the central principle of our nationhood. We are a people who have come together and shared extraordinarily to remake our society.' And 'We know our leaders as we have elected them and pledged them into office: They are wise in the use of our wealth; Wise in knowing and understanding our wishes and needs; Wise in expecting us to express ourselves to them in any appropriate manner we have agreed to be allowable; Wise in not silencing those who criticise, but enable them, through our rules of engagement, to be even more rigorous in supporting a just society. 'Our leaders' wisdom is ours, because we sense our wisdom in theirs. Someone who is better qualified than me should try to explain all of that. The only good thing that can be said today is that we have another five years to get much of this vision to come to fruition. DM
IOL News
27-05-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
The greed of supermarket CEOs is out of hand – we must pay so they are well off
Oh how I enjoyed watching that! In what can only be described as an utter failure to instill confidence in South Africa and the rest of the World, President Cyril Ramaphosa, once again, despite the severe challenges that we face, giggled and wiggled his way around accountability. US President Donald Trump, who missed a golden opportunity to hold the ANC president fully accountable for State Capture, BEE policies, the Phala Phala scandal, Covid 19 Corruption and the 142 or so race laws, also didn't have his finest performance. But boy oh boy, was there a deafening silence in the room once Potus pulled out his 'Trump card' – dimming the lights and showing the South African delegates videos of EFF leader Julius Malema chanting 'Kill the Boer, kill the Farmer', whilst Ramaphosa wriggled around like a worm. It was glorious to watch, if you are a Trump fan, and an ANC mainstream media in SA blatantly lying and defending our president, certainly raises the blood pressure.I cannot believe how anybody, from any country, could sing the praises of any president after such a grilling of epic proportions, even when Trump displayed much grace and could've really finished Ramaphosa off with another 2 or 3 killer blows! Ramaphosa looked out of sorts and quickly passed the baton onto Agriculture Minister John Steenhuisen, who himself had a below-par performance. What golfers Ernie Els and Retief Goosen said carried more weight than that of anyone else in the Oval Office. It was just pure, unscripted, raw and honest truth- like silky, raw honey. Not some fake marmalade spread around our lips by politicians who only say what they say to gain more power and influence. Once again, Ramaphosa tried to smile and dodge his way through the onslaught by Trump. The audacity of our media to call Trump out on his so-called ambushing tactics and how he had called out a news reporter who clearly was only there to try distract us from what was really going on, was astounding. The likes of SABC News, eNCA and Newzroom Afrika have become so ridiculously captured and politicised, that our poor news watchers must be left feeling very confused and utterly hope that after this circus, there was another, much more constructive, lazer-focused meeting, ironing out all the real issues in SA, and dealing with the real problems that South Africans face daily – load shedding, pot holes, rape, murder, dry taps, collapsing infrastructure and unbridled you to Trump, Els and Goosen for speaking up. May South Africa be freed from this seemingly reverse-apartheid situation, where revenge has taken the place of reconciliation. | L Oosthuizen Durban Is this how 'our time' has come? I write this letter mindful that we celebrated Africa Day yesterday, of the words of former president Thabo Mbeki, 'Africa your time has come'. I am sad that there are still avowed racists in government departments whose masking of government failures have come down to pinning their failures on minorities. A case in point is that of the death of an Umlazi Hospital medical intern and a diabetic. The medical intern Alulutho Mazwi, 25, who was employed at the Umlazi-based hospital and who was diabetic, was due to systemic collapse and his death was inevitable. So, reducing the whole issue and attributing that to alleged racism on the part of that SA Frindian Medical Manager is grossly dishonest and 'scape-goattery'. It distracts readers and thinkers from the fact that the entire medical system in KZN has collapsed. Heaven forbid. Not everyone buys the false narrative about the part attrbuted to alleged racism. As the EFF agrees, it wasn't racism that caused or led to that intern's death. The answer lies with gross failure on the part of the government to provide compatible working conditions for interns, medical officers, nurses and support staff. Health minister Aaron Motsaoledi and the KZN MEC for health best address the systemic collapse. Doctors, nurses and support staff are overworked and under-resourced. Due to budgetary constraints, in Addington Hospital for instance, most services are discontinued.I can go on ad nauseam, but will park it there. | Saber Ahmed Jazbhay Castlehill, Durban These greedy and selfish business CEOs These are hard times. Everything goes up. Even death is expensive. But Finance Minister Ernest Godongwana couldn't care less when he wanted to push up VAT by 1% to fund a bloated cabinet and a wasteful and corrupt public service. And look how deceptive, cunning and greedy business has become! In many cases manufacturers and retailers have stealthily reduced the size and quantity of their products but not the price. In nearly everything the price has gone up. You cannot buy a 10kg bag of potatoes or onions anymore. Now they are sold in 7kg or 8kg pockets. No more 10kg rice but 8kg, 7kg and even 5kg. But the price has not come down. Many of the pre-cooked, convenience foods are sold in odd quantities like 400grams, or 600g. And look how few biscuits or sweets come in a packet. Baker's famous Marie biscuit is now wafer thin but the price has gone up considerably. In some cases the packaging is deceptive. Manufacturers have kept the size of packaging the same but not the price. Look at a tub of ice cream. It's no longer sold at 2kg but 1.8kg and the price is not cheap anymore. You think you are picking up cooking oil for a bargain but when you go home you find it's not 5 litre, but 4l! You got conned by a marketing gimmick. We know these are tough economic times and business has to find ways and means to survive. But it should also consider the plight of the poor consumer; not only worry about its balance sheet and profitability. Look what fat cheques their CEO's earn. Look what flashy lifestyles they lead, in what mansions they live and what big luxury cars they drive. They are so greedy and selfish! | T Markandan Kloof Commonality in far flung wars 2 671km separate Moscow in Russia from Jerusalem in Israel, but in both the Russia/Ukraine conflict and the Israel/Hamas war it has become as clear as daylight that both Russian President Vladimir Putin and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu do have something in common: an incentive to keep their wars ongoing. In Putin's case to prevent Ukraine from joining Nato and also to take total control of Ukraine's economic standing as the breadbasket of Europe, and in Netanyahu's case it is simply to delay his political execution, the aftermath of which would see him fully prosecuted for fraud and corruption in his homeland and/or facing justice in the Hague for war crimes. | Eric Palm Gympie, Queensland, Australia DAILY NEWS
