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The National
3 days ago
- Business
- The National
Lebanon's President Aoun in Baghdad to bolster ties
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun arrived in Baghdad on Sunday for an official visit to bolster ties between the two countries. Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al Sudani welcomed Mr Aoun on his arrival in the Iraqi capital. The two leaders held discussions on regional developments and ways to boost co-operation. A ceremony was held to welcome Mr Aoun that "included the playing of the national anthems of Iraq and Lebanon, a review of the honour guard, and the salute of the flags of the two countries", according to a statement by the Iraqi news agency. During his visit, Mr Aoun was also due to hold talks with President Abdul Latif Jamal Rashid at the royal palace. Mr Aoun was absent from the Arab League summit held earlier this month in Baghdad. Lebanon was instead represented by Prime Minister Nawaf Salam. In April, Baghdad summoned Lebanon's ambassador to the country to voice 'discomfort' over statements made by Mr Aoun about a paramilitary force backed by Baghdad. The Popular Mobilisation Forces were formed to support the Iraqi military following a call by prominent Shiite cleric Ali Al Sistani after ISIS seized large parts of Iraq in 2014. Mr Aoun said in an interview with Al Araby Al Jadeed that Lebanon would not emulate Iraq's integration of the PMF into state forces, as Lebanon seeks to create a state monopoly on weapons. In response, Iraq's Foreign Ministry said "the PMF is an integral part of Iraq's military and security framework'. It said 'linking the PMF to Lebanon's internal crisis was ill-advised and that Iraq should not have been dragged into Lebanon's domestic affairs or have its institutions used as examples in this context'. Mr Aoun's administration has been under intense pressure from the US to disarm Hezbollah and other militia groups.
The National
21-05-2025
- Politics
- The National
Iraq PM Al Sudani to run in elections with new alliance
His sight set on a second term in office, Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al Sudani has unveiled a new alliance to compete in the country's national election later this year. 'We have placed the interest of Iraq and Iraqis first and foremost,' said a statement by the alliance on the parliamentary election due to take place on November 11, adding that it will 'build on the significant strides that have been achieved' since Mr Al Sudani took office in October 2022. The new Reconstruction and Development Coalition includes Mr Al Sudani's Al Foratain Movement, The National Coalition led by former prime minister Ayad Allawi and The National Contract Coalition led by the chairman of the paramilitary Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF) Falih Al Fayyadh, according to the statement. The US sanctioned Mr Al Fayyadh for his role in the quelling of pro-democracy protests in 2019 with the support of Iran's Quds Force. Other alliances include The Soumar Land alliance, which is led by the Minister of Labour and Social Affairs, Ahmed Al Asadi, The National Alliance of Solutions, led by one of the Prime Minister's advisers, Mohammed Sahib Al Daraji, Karbala Creativity Alliance, and The Generations Gathering. This year's election will be the sixth since the 2003 US-led invasion that toppled Saddam Hussein. The last one, brought forward in response to demands from a pro-reform protest movement that began in 2019 across central and southern Iraq, took place in October 2021. Mr Al Sudani was the candidate for the Iran-aligned Co-ordination Framework – the largest political group in the Iraqi parliament, with 138 out of 329 seats and consisting of Iran-backed political parties and armed factions. Since taking office, political and security stability has encouraged his government to launch a series of infrastructure projects and to introduce reforms to improve the country's business environment and public services. Several mega deals have been signed with major international companies as well as countries, mainly in the field of energy. 'Our goals include sustainable reconstruction, economic growth, infrastructure development; and strengthening security, stability and international relations,' the statement added. Bitter rivalry among political elites, mainly among the country's majority Shiites, delayed the process of forming a government for a year, after the October 2021 election. Shiite cleric and political leader Moqtada Al Sadr's efforts to form the government failed, despite his Sadrist bloc winning 73 of the 329 seats in parliament. His desire to form a majority government only with Sunni and Kurdish parties upset his rivals in the Co-ordination Framework. In June 2022, Mr Al Sadr ordered his MPs to resign from parliament and withdraw from the country's political process until it was purged of what he described as 'the corrupt'. There have been no indications yet about whether or not Mr Al Sadr will take part in the November election.
The National
13-04-2025
- Politics
- The National
Amid the ongoing US-Iran talks in Oman, Tehran faces a choice
We don't yet have the full details of what was discussed between US special envoy Steve Witkoff and Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi in Oman on Saturday. Nonetheless, it is necessary to dive into the mindset of the leaders in Washington and Tehran over questions regarding the future of Tehran's nuclear weapons programme and its support for armed proxies in the Middle East. The outlines of the negotiations indicate that Iran's establishment is floundering as it attempts to buy time, save face and find ways to escape while moving forward. It is aware of US President Donald Trump's seriousness, both in his warnings and in his readiness to deliver a painful military strike to its nuclear facilities, which represent one of the foundational pillars of its doctrine. With its other pillar – represented by a network of armed militias – having been amputated by Israel in recent months, it understands that both pillars are now unstable and crumbling. Yet it hopes that its continued aggressive rhetoric against Israel might deter the Trump administration from acting decisively. Iran's leaders have been trying to promote, for domestic and regional consumption, this notion that the Trump administration is prepared to abandon its insistence that Tehran change its regional behaviour in exchange for concessions on its nuclear programme. But if they believe this to be true, they haven't understood Mr Trump's convictions on the issue. The American leader who dismantled the arrangements put in place by former president Barack Obama with Tehran – arrangements that deliberately excluded Iran's regional behaviour and its support for militias and proxies from the nuclear agreement – was not Mr Trump. It was Joe Biden. Let's recall that it was the Biden administration that enabled Israel to carry out its crushing operations against Hezbollah in Lebanon and against Hamas in Gaza. Mr Trump has reaped the benefits of what Mr Biden implemented, which also unwittingly led to the fall of the Iran-aligned Assad government in Syria. But the Trump administration is building on these breakthroughs by attempting to block Tehran from exploiting Iraq's resources to evade sanctions and contain the Iran-backed Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF) in that country. It is also carrying out military operations in Yemen aimed at degrading the Tehran-backed Houthi rebels. So for anyone to claim or suggest that Mr Trump is prepared to adopt Mr Obama's approach by agreeing to overlook Iran's regional behaviour is to misunderstand how he and his team think. In other words, the point of no return for Iran's establishment has arrived. If it understands the value of what Washington is offering – lifting US-led sanctions, normalising US-Iran relations and ending Tehran's international isolation – then it must abandon the doctrine of militias. The time has come for these proxies to submit to the sovereignty of the states in which they operate, rather than continuing the model of creating a state-within-a-state loyal to Iran that undermines national sovereignty. This means Tehran must force the likes of Hezbollah and the Houthis to hand over their weapons to their respective states. Yet recent reports suggest this may not be the case. At least not yet. There have been contradictory leaks, some saying that Tehran is ready to abandon the Houthis and withdraw from Yemen, and others claiming it is doubling down on its support and positioning there. Likewise, Hezbollah has reportedly expressed its willingness to relinquish its weapons, yet there are reports that Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is still present on the ground in Lebanon, with dozens of its operatives planning alongside Hezbollah to reuse the Port of Beirut for arms manufacturing. Meanwhile, what is being telegraphed in Iraq doesn't suggest that Tehran is in any way ready to allow the PMF to hand over its weapons to Baghdad. All of this reflects either cunning and manoeuvring on the Iranian leadership's part or confusion within its ranks. If it is the former, then the thinking in Tehran could be that engaging in nuclear talks will draw the Trump administration into a negotiation over what the latter views to be its top priority: the nuclear issue. This could buy Tehran the time it needs to avoid American or Israeli military strikes, to regroup its proxies, and to evade the consequences of having to relinquish both pillars of its doctrine. In any case, the talks in Oman involving Mr Witkoff and Mr Araghchi, in the presence of Omani Foreign Minister Badr Al Busaidi, ended with an agreement to continue discussions in the coming week. Ahead of the meeting, the Trump team had emphasised a strict timeline by categorically rejecting any open-ended timeframe and instead insisting on a one- or two-month period for Tehran to accept Washington's set of demands. These demands include Iran opening its nuclear facilities to the International Atomic Energy Agency and accepting broader inspections in pursuit of dismantling its nuclear weapons programme. Iran has made it clear that it has rejected this demand, although it has opened the door for discussing the idea of a temporary, phased agreement on the nuclear issue. Another demand is that Iran cease shipping weapons, missiles and ammunition to its proxies in the region, as well as halt its use of proxies to destabilise the region. Washington also insists that talks not be limited to the nuclear file but also include Tehran's ballistic missile programme. Finally, the package includes a demand that Tehran commit to Israel's security. Iran will use the coming week to process and review these demands as well as its options. 'I think we are very close to a basis for negotiations and if we can conclude this basis next week, we'll have gone a long way and will be able to start real discussions based on that,' Mr Araghchi said after the meeting. In the end, Iran's leadership must know that it can't keep the door of dialogue open indefinitely, for the era of 'strategic patience' has run its course. Ultimately, and sooner rather than later, it needs to decide whether to modify its doctrine in order to ensure regime survival – or cling to it, even if this might spell regime destruction.
Yemen Online
03-04-2025
- Politics
- Yemen Online
Iraq moves under US pressure to limit Houthi activities
The Iraqi government has pledged to restrict the activities of Yemen's Houthi-aligned government within its borders, confining their operations to media and cultural endeavours. This decision comes amid heightened international scrutiny and pressure, particularly from the US, which has intensified its aggression against Yemen. Since 2018, the Houthis have maintained a presence in Baghdad's Jadriya neighbourhood, operating an office overseen by Abu Idris Al-Sharafi. This office has facilitated coordination with Iraq's Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF) and other pro-Iran factions. According to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP), the Houthis have leveraged Iraqi territory for logistical support, including the smuggling of arms and subsidised fuel to Yemen, often in violation of international embargoes. The Houthis' integration with Iraqi resistance factions has extended to joint military operations. In July 2024, Houthi missile specialist Hussein Mastour was killed alongside members of Kataib Hezbollah in a US air strike targeting a drone facility in Jurf Al-Sakhar. Despite official denials of an operational Houthi presence, sources indicate that 'many of their activities — particularly political and media-related ones — have been halted, but the movement's representatives remain in Iraq.' Abdulrahman Al-Jazaeri of the State of Law coalition acknowledged international pressure to close Houthi offices, stating, 'All such activities are being monitored… strictly limited to civilian, media and cultural work only.' Supporters of the Sanaa-based government, currently only recognised by Iran, argue that Iraq has offered them essential space to resist aggression and support the resistance in Gaza against the occupation state. Far from posing a threat, the Houthis' presence in Iraq is seen as part of a broader struggle for sovereignty and regional justice in the face of Western-backed encirclement.
Iraq Business
26-03-2025
- Politics
- Iraq Business
US Urges Iraq to Rein in Iran-Backed Groups
By John Lee. A US State Department spokesperson has reiterated Washington's concerns over Iranian-backed groups operating in Iraq. Responding to a question at a press briefing, Tammy Bruce emphasised that Iraq's government must maintain command and control over all security forces, including the Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF), and ensure they report to Iraq's commander-in-chief rather than Iran. Full text of spokesperson's statement: First, to strengthen Iraq's sovereignty, the Government of Iraq must ensure it has command and control of all security forces within its borders, to include the PMF. These forces must respond to Iraq's commander-in-chief and not to Iran. We are also concerned that these Iran-aligned groups within the PMF, including designated foreign terrorist organizations, engage in violent and destabilizing activities in Iraq. We continue to urge the Iraqi Government to rein in these groups and hold them accountable for breaking Iraqi law. The President has no higher priority than the safety of U.S. personnel, and he has made it clear that the United States will defend itself, its personnel, and its interests. (Source: US State Dept)
