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Lebanon's President Aoun in Baghdad to bolster ties

Lebanon's President Aoun in Baghdad to bolster ties

The National01-06-2025
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun arrived in Baghdad on Sunday for an official visit to bolster ties between the two countries. Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al Sudani welcomed Mr Aoun on his arrival in the Iraqi capital. The two leaders held discussions on regional developments and ways to boost co-operation. A ceremony was held to welcome Mr Aoun that "included the playing of the national anthems of Iraq and Lebanon, a review of the honour guard, and the salute of the flags of the two countries", according to a statement by the Iraqi news agency. During his visit, Mr Aoun was also due to hold talks with President Abdul Latif Jamal Rashid at the royal palace. Mr Aoun was absent from the Arab League summit held earlier this month in Baghdad. Lebanon was instead represented by Prime Minister Nawaf Salam. In April, Baghdad summoned Lebanon's ambassador to the country to voice 'discomfort' over statements made by Mr Aoun about a paramilitary force backed by Baghdad. The Popular Mobilisation Forces were formed to support the Iraqi military following a call by prominent Shiite cleric Ali Al Sistani after ISIS seized large parts of Iraq in 2014. Mr Aoun said in an interview with Al Araby Al Jadeed that Lebanon would not emulate Iraq's integration of the PMF into state forces, as Lebanon seeks to create a state monopoly on weapons. In response, Iraq's Foreign Ministry said "the PMF is an integral part of Iraq's military and security framework'. It said 'linking the PMF to Lebanon's internal crisis was ill-advised and that Iraq should not have been dragged into Lebanon's domestic affairs or have its institutions used as examples in this context'. Mr Aoun's administration has been under intense pressure from the US to disarm Hezbollah and other militia groups.
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With Gaza in the global spotlight, expect Israel to turn the heat on Hezbollah
With Gaza in the global spotlight, expect Israel to turn the heat on Hezbollah

The National

time2 hours ago

  • The National

With Gaza in the global spotlight, expect Israel to turn the heat on Hezbollah

Israel finds itself in need of diverting global attention away from its atrocities in Gaza. Enter Hezbollah. The Israeli government appears to see renewed war with the Lebanese group as a chance to further its interests, pretexting the latter's refusal to surrender its weapons to the Lebanese state as it previously pledged. The timing is driven by several factors. The administration of US President Donald Trump has grown weary of waiting for Beirut to fulfil its promise of exclusive state control over arms, and it might be ready to endorse any Israeli decision, regardless of its severity. Another factor is Iran's unwillingness to enter a direct war with Israel on Hezbollah's behalf. Indeed, Tehran is both preoccupied with the fallout from the recent US and Israeli strikes and worried about another wave of attacks in the near future. Still, it refuses to abandon its strategy of using armed regional proxies as bargaining chips in potential negotiations with Washington. Tensions between the US and Iran are thus escalating – manifested through American sanctions, Iranian threats and Israeli war preparations. Iran's proxies in Lebanon and Yemen are on high alert, and the wider Iranian 'Axis of Resistance' is watching events closely, from Iraq to Gaza. Israel has zero tolerance regarding Hezbollah's arsenal. It has convinced the Trump administration that if the Lebanese government fails to implement its disarmament pledge, Israel has no choice but to press ahead with its war on the group. Meanwhile, the international conference on the two-state solution – co-chaired by Saudi Arabia and France at the UN – might have angered Iran. The Islamic Republic's ideology rejects the two-state solution, with its doctrine calling for Israel's destruction. Moreover, the conference's show of global support for the Palestinian Authority as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people was also a collective cry against Hamas, a key player in Iran's axis. Just as Israel is indifferent to the civilian toll in Gaza, Iran appears unbothered by Palestinian suffering, particularly as long as Hamas remains faithful to the axis. Mr Trump was recently forced to acknowledge the human-made famine in Gaza, having previously denied this reality. While he didn't initially act against Israel, which is enacting a policy of starvation in the enclave, he spoke about it after parts of his Maga political base pressed him to intervene to end the humanitarian catastrophe. This was accompanied by a different kind of global political pressure as Mr Trump was challenged by European and non-European allies who participated in the two-state solution conference and endorsed its final communique charting a path towards a Palestinian state alongside Israel. There are concerns over possible vindictive responses from Mr Trump, particularly if he feels isolated on the international stage. There is unease over his administration sanctioning the PA's leadership, which the latter says is a form of punishment for seeking the establishment of a Palestinian state. It shouldn't surprise anyone if Israel seeks to crush everything that emerged from the UN conference. It views the PA as an obstacle to its ambitions of annexing the West Bank. It opposes the near-unanimous international view that Hamas should be dismantled, only because its policy is to fracture Palestinian unity and undermine the PA. The dilemma facing the US President over the current Israeli government's extremist policies is his growing global isolation on the Palestine issue. He may still choose to ignore increasing international momentum in favour of a Palestinian state, but it could come at a cost. Indeed, it was no small development for Saudi Arabia to insist to the international community that it won't normalise relations with Israel unless a Palestinian state is established. Riyadh's support for Palestinian statehood gained greater significance when it co-chaired the conference with France. The event brought surprising developments, including the UK's readiness to recognise the state of Palestine at next month's UN General Assembly unless Israel changes course from its current approach in Gaza. Yet a Palestinian state cannot come into being without American backing and Israeli compliance. The UN Security Council has already enshrined the two-state solution in resolutions 1397 and 1515, both supported by Washington. But the roadmap they laid out for Palestinian statehood by 2005 was never implemented and the Trump administration walked back American commitments to those resolutions. The events in New York could push Mr Trump further into the arms of Israeli extremism and its rejection of the two-state solution. Or he might find himself cornered and unable to punish the broad coalition of states that have challenged him. If so, his policy could shift under pressure. This would require a deft diplomatic effort to present Mr Trump with ways to align with the emerging consensus without feeling provoked. Countries have bilateral interests and won't risk undermining relations with Washington solely for the sake of the two-state solution. Having been increasingly scrutinised by the international community, Israel appears intent on shifting global focus away from Gaza. This is precisely because it intends to continue its policies there. And as long as European states fail to impose tangible punitive measures on Israel, and as long as Mr Trump supports its project of 'voluntary displacement', Israel will continue with its agenda. Israel's posture towards Lebanon and Iran, however, is another matter. There is little international sympathy for Iran's insistence that Hezbollah retain its arms in defiance of Lebanese sovereignty. Nor is there sympathy for Tehran's reckless endangerment of the Lebanese people's safety, security and agency. There is, likewise, little global sympathy for the Islamic Republic's stubborn adherence to its triad of strategic doctrines – nuclear capability, ballistic missiles and proxy warfare – without modifications. Thus, should it once again face US or Israeli military strikes, it is unlikely to find many sympathisers. Tehran is now trapped by American sanctions and the threat of more air strikes. Hezbollah, too, will find no one rushing to its rescue if it falls prey to Israel's attempts to shift global attention away from Gaza. Both entities will have only themselves to blame.

Dreams broken, displaced and rebuilt: Beirut's creatives reflect five years after the blast
Dreams broken, displaced and rebuilt: Beirut's creatives reflect five years after the blast

The National

time12 hours ago

  • The National

Dreams broken, displaced and rebuilt: Beirut's creatives reflect five years after the blast

'It was impossible not to be impacted by the Beirut explosion,' says Sarah Hermez, co-founder of Creative Space Beirut (CSB). The free fashion school was founded in 2011 to offer high-quality design education to underprivileged Lebanese youth. By the time the Beirut Port blast hit in 2020, CSB had already weathered the 2019 financial collapse, the protests that followed, and the challenges of a pandemic-stricken world. With classes paused due to Covid-19, CSB had pivoted to producing isolation gowns for hospitals. On August 4, 10 people were working at the space located in Beirut Souks, directly across the harbour from the port. The building was decimated. Miraculously, no one was harmed. 'We were so lucky,' says Hermez. 'We were covered in dust, but none of us had a scratch. It was surreal.' Fashion designer Georges Chakra, whose studio is 10km from the port in Jal El Dib, wasn't as lucky. 'The atelier was damaged, several team members were injured and a very loved colleague passed away,' he says. 'It was also heartbreaking how many had their homes destroyed.' After the initial shock, his focus shifted to his staff. 'We checked in with everyone living nearby, made sure they had medical care, shelter, whatever they needed. Some couldn't return right away. The hardest part was helping the team feel safe again.' In the aftermath, Hermez recalls 'the sound of glass', as survivors crunched over the debris of their former lives. 'It felt like our lives exploded. Our homes, our safe spaces, everything we knew was destroyed.' The psychological toll of the aftermath was immense. 'Looking at destruction for that long does something to your brain,' Hermez says. 'At the time, it felt like this was going to be life forever.' Staying put no longer felt viable. 'We didn't know if there would be another explosion – we just knew we had to get out,' she says. Though they initially looked to relocate to the safety of Lebanon's mountains, they eventually found a new place in the city – staying true to the Beirut in their name. Roni Helou, one of Lebanon's most promising young designers – and a CSB alumnus – was also among those caught in the blast's ripple effect. A winner of Fashion Trust Arabia's 2019 prize, Helou was preparing to rapidly expand his brand when the explosion hit. With his prize money frozen due to the banking crisis, he had sunk what little remained into the business. 'Then the blast happened and we went back to zero,' he says. A supporter of the 2019 revolution, Helou had believed in a better Lebanon. 'I thought we could change things. But the explosion felt like a slap. I realised we never would. For the first time, I considered leaving.' He turned to Sheikha Al Mayassa bint Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, chair of Qatar Museums and a key figure behind Doha's M7 creative hub, along with Fashion Trust Arabia's co-chair Tania Fares. Together, they helped Helou relocate his family to Doha, and brought him on as a strategist at M7, supporting local designers. 'Honestly, it took two or three years to make peace with Lebanon,' Helou admits. 'I was holding a grudge. I didn't think I'd ever come back.' For Hermez, leaving was never an option. 'This is where I'm from. I don't know where I'd go. Creative Space came from a desire to merge creativity with social justice, and that's still what keeps me going.' She watched many of her community leave in the blast's wake. 'In the span of a week, I think 80 per cent of our friends picked up and left the country. Any sense of community – culture, art, fashion, creativity, music – that defined Lebanon all of a sudden diminished.' Still, Hermez held on. 'Working every day towards something you believe in gives you the strength to keep going.' That perseverance paid off. In 2024, CSB staged its first graduation show since 2018 – interrupted by five years of cascading crises. More than 100 volunteers helped bring the show to life. 'The students have been through so much,' Hermez says. 'It was a beautiful moment.' With 500 guests in attendance, the night reflected her enduring optimism. 'In Lebanon, you take a few steps forward, then get pulled ten back. What keeps me personally going is that there's so much creativity and talent in Lebanon that goes untapped.' Meanwhile, now settled in Qatar and with his brand on hiatus, Helou is focusing his energy on the business side of the industry. 'I think I'm more of an entrepreneur, as I have these ideas that I want to bring to life. I'm working on a project that is not related to fashion, it's more about gaming and marketing. I'm rediscovering myself. It's funny because I had to leave Lebanon to do that.' Helou is also helping to build a vocational school in Doha that will teach design, architecture, graphic design and film, developed in collaboration with Hermez and CSB. 'I've had a moment to reflect on Roni the person, not just the brand, and I feel like I would have never have got that in Lebanon. I also don't think I would have got the opportunities I have in Doha if I had stayed in Lebanon. It's sad to say, but I needed the explosion to break the bond, to push me out of my comfort zone.' Chakra, who has returned to showing in Paris, agrees the scars remain. 'No one lives through something that insane without being affected. Beirut has always had to rebuild – I doubt this will be the last time. Resilience is part of daily life. 'Beirut never stops,' he adds. 'No matter what it endures, the city always finds a way to keep going.' For Hermez, the mission remains clear: nurturing the next generation of Lebanese creatives. 'For us, it's about why creative and cultural institutions should continue to exist during times of hardship. These spaces allow people to continue to have a voice and to dream. If these institutions shut down and people no longer have an outlet to create, then what do you have left in the country?'

'No accountability' for Beirut port blast as businesses reopen after self-funded rebuild
'No accountability' for Beirut port blast as businesses reopen after self-funded rebuild

The National

time13 hours ago

  • The National

'No accountability' for Beirut port blast as businesses reopen after self-funded rebuild

Victims of the Beirut port blast say they have not received promised insurance payouts and still await accountability for those responsible for the devastation − as impacted businesses continue to search for answers, reparations and justice, five years on. Much of the reconstruction was carried out by residents and business owners with support from Lebanese expatriate community, international aid agencies and NGOs, analysts say. The Beirut port explosion, triggered by improper storage of nearly 3,000 tonnes of ammonium nitrate, killed more than 220 people, injured thousands and flattened large parts of the capital on August 4, 2020. No high-ranking officials have been convicted over the blast. At the time, the World Bank estimated that the explosion caused losses of more than $8 billion, with severe damage to buildings and infrastructure, and economic decline from the numerous businesses affected. Lebanon's real gross domestic product contracted by 24.6 per cent in 2020, largely because of the blast, with a contraction of 33.2 per cent in the third quarter if that year, Beirut-based Byblos Bank said. 'There's been no accountability,' Nasser Saidi, a former economy minister and deputy governor of Lebanon's central bank, told The National f rom Beirut. The inquiry has repeatedly been hampered by political interference, legal challenges and the removal of lead investigators, leaving victims' families still searching for answers. Mr Saidi said: 'We have not seen a report, a verifiable report, of why the explosion took place. This issue of accountability is important because it covers the overall perception that things happen in Lebanon – disasters, economic collapse – and there is no accountability.' Who paid? The Lebanese government has failed to help businesses and people affected by the blast, Mr Saidi said. 'The state has been nearly absent. So what has happened is that it is the private-sector people who rebuilt their own lives and businesses and homes … supported by NGOs, charities and the like … and the Lebanese expatriate community was the main contributor to reconstruction,' he said. However, 'not everything has been rebuilt, but a good part of the homes and small businesses have started again and its mainly because of external finance,' Mr Saidi said. His own apartment was damaged in the blast and he rebuilt it himself. Lebanon was in the throes of economic crisis when the blast ripped through the port, with the Lebanese pound losing more than 90 per cent of its value against the US dollar on the black market after decades of financial mismanagement and corruption by ruling elite. The country's economy went into a tailspin after the government defaulted on about $31 billion of Eurobonds in March 2020. Lebanon's economy shrank about 58 per cent between 2019 and 2021, with its GDP plummeting to $21.8 billion in 2021, from about $52 billion in 2019, the World Bank said in a report in 2022, calling it the world's worst economic collapse since the 1850s. The Covid outbreak in early 2020 exacerbated the situation, with the private sector contracting amid a drop in demand and rising inflation. Food and dining, hospitality, retail, real estate and the commercial sector are those to have reopened for business. Michael Young, a senior editor at the Malcolm H Kerr Carnegie Middle East Centre in Beirut, said he too had to spend his own savings to repair his damaged apartment. 'I was told the state would pay me a share and the army came twice to my home to assess damages. I didn't get a cent, however, and had to pay several thousand dollars out of my own pocket. I suspect this was widespread and many businesses simply closed, as the blast came on top of the financial collapse and Covid crisis,' he said. Calculating the cost The World Bank in a preliminary report after the blast put total estimated costs at $8.1 billion – $4.6 billion in damage to infrastructure and physical assets, and $3.5 billion in economic losses as a result of the decline in Lebanese output. Housing, transport and cultural assets, including religious and archaeological sites and national monuments, were badly affected. Physical damage in the housing sector was estimated at between $1.9 billion and $2.3 billion, the cultural sector at $1 billion to $1.2 billion, and the transport and ports sector at between $280 million and $345 million. The World Bank also estimated the damage to the tourism sector at between $170 million and $205 million, commerce and industry at between $105 million and $125 million, and health care at $95 million to $115 million. It put damage to the financial sector at between $10 million and $15 million. 'Beirut continues to grapple with the aftermath of the blast, especially in the areas most affected by the explosion,' said Samer Talhouk, senior economist at S&P Global Market Intelligence. 'Some businesses in the affected areas have closed down permanently, while some damage can still be seen, especially in the lower income areas adjacent to the port.' Those who delivered Mr Talkhouk said economic activity in affected areas has recovered but not to pre-blast levels. 'There are some businesses that have closed permanently and not reopened, while new business have replaced some old ones in the area.' The rebuilding process has largely been driven by private initiatives, NGOs and international aid, rather than the Lebanese government, Mr Talhouk added. 'Many property owners and businesses relied on support from local and international NGOs, diaspora donations and some international agencies. A large portion of people affected have also relied on their savings to rebuild their damaged properties.' Lebanese banks' arbitrary restrictions on their clients' access to savings in their accounts complicated matters. On the first anniversary of the blast, the international community pledged about $370 million to help support Lebanon's reconstruction. French President Emmanuel Macron pledged $120 million, while Joe Biden, US president at the time, announced $100 million in aid. Germany, Kuwait, Canada and Sweden pledged $50 million, $30 million, $20 million and $14 million, respectively. 'There was lot of foreign aid, especially from Lebanese expatriates around the world, that poured in to support the affected families and neighbourhoods, and to fill the vacuum that the government at the time left behind,' said Nassib Ghobril, chief economist at Byblos Bank. Port operations The Beirut port, which suffered extensive damage, has not resumed to full operations as the heavily destroyed part has yet to be rebuilt, Mr Ghobril said. The port suffered damage of about $350 million in the explosion, the World Bank said. The container processing section, however, is 'functioning normally, with the most recent figures showing the port of Beirut was the entry point for 61 per cent of Lebanon's merchandise imports in the first five months of 2025, while it was the exit point of 41.2 per cent of merchandise exports in the same period of time'. But the port has not just been overcoming the aftermath of the blast, it has also been dealing with Houthi attacks on Red Sea shipping that have impacted the maritime industry, analysts say. In the second quarter of 2020, before the blast, Beirut port was ranked 120th in UNCTAD's Port Liner Shipping Connectivity Index. By the second quarter of 2025, the port's ranking had plummeted to 133rd. However, despite this most recent drop, the port's ranking had improved in to 85th position in the first quarter of 2024, indicating signs of recovery after the blast. However, this was undone by the impact of the Houthis' Red Sea attacks on shipping. 'The subsequent fall in ranking can very likely be attributed to the rerouting of ships due to Houthi attacks in the Red Sea,' Niels Rasmussen, Bimco's head of shipping market analysis, told The National. 'The re-routing not only reduced the number of ships transiting the Suez Canal but also the number of ships continuing into the Eastern Mediterranean after having sailed around the Cape of Good Hope.' Business owners speak out Charbel Bassil, owner of Le Chef restaurant: Le Chef is one of Beirut's oldest restaurants owned by Charbel Bassil. It's a family-owned business that is very popular among tourists and locals for its homestyle dishes and affordable prices. Damage from the port explosion forced the popular Gemmayzeh spot to close down for the first time since Francois Bassil, Mr Charbel's father, opened the restaurant in 1967. When the blast happened, business was slow due to the coronavirus pandemic and Lebanon's economic crisis. Lockdown measures meant the restaurant was open only a few days a week, and would usually serve only a few tables. At the time of the explosion, Mr Charbel had two customers. The blast destroyed everything he and two of his staff were injured, one badly. The restaurant was shut down for four months. In December 2020, it was able to reopen with the help of a community fund-raiser launched by loyal customers. A generous donation of $5,000 by actor Russell Crowe helped Le Chef open its doors again. The Gladiator actor made the pledge in memory of celebrity chef Anthony Bourdain, who featured Le Chef twice on his TV show No Reservations. Mr Bassil said: 'Some people called me and said they wanted to help us rebuild. I didn't know what to say, so I consulted my brother because we're a family business, and he said 'why not, whatever support people offer us, God will give them back twofold'.' 'We're blessed with people's love and support, we thank God for this gift and we thank God that we were able to survive this. 'Our plan was to work and rebuild with the money we make, this is how we have done it over the past decades, through all of Lebanon's crises. But we were open to people helping us and we appreciate it.' Business has since returned to normal but Mr Charbel says there's always a sense of fear in Lebanon of what comes next. 'We're tired, we just want some peace, we want calm, we're tired of all the crises. But regardless, we resist and we live, what else can we do?' He could not say how much the business had lost. Mohamad Al Ayan, owner of a convenience store: Mohamad Al Ayan, 38, who owns a convenience store in Sodeco in east Beirut, spoke of how he struggled to rebuild his damaged shop after the blast. The area is around 3km from the port but still suffered extensive damage. Although it was during the pandemic, he had permission to open until 3pm. 'It was the worst day of my life because we were stuck inside for 15 minutes, we didn't know what was going on. It was dark, there was screaming.' Initially he thought the city's tallest building, Sama Beirut, opposite the shop, had been bombed, such was the extent of the damage to his shop. 'It was like a nightmare,' he added. Mr Al Ayan stayed until midnight to fix his electricity feed and rebuild the front door so no one could break in. He remembers how all of the businesses and buildings in the area were 'broken', their shopfronts destroyed and glass shattered. Much of Al Ayan's inventory was destroyed and an expensive fridge was ripped from its position and flung outside by the blast. He doesn't remember exactly how much the damage cost but it was a lot for a small business. It would be at least two days until he could reopen. 'I paid a lot of money. Many thousands. No one gave me one dollar,' he said. He paid for everything himself and did not have any insurance. No one from the government came to offer support or visit. Some NGOs made inquiries but 'disappeared'. Mr Al Ayan has worked in the area for more than a decade and knows his fellow business owners well. He believed they were all in the same position, forced to fend for themselves. 'Beirut was destroyed. I don't want to remember anything, I don't want to be traumatised again. But everything after August 4 was changed. We are different people. They [the authorities] killed the fear inside us.' William Dobson, co-owner of Aaliya's Books: William Dobson, who was co-owner of the much-loved Aaliya's Books in Gemmayzeh, can tell you the rough financial cost the bookshop and cafe incurred when the Beirut blast came crashing through its doors and windows. In the aftermath, Aaliya's received £35,000 ($46,200) in donations from a crowdfunding campaign organised by a former customer based in the UK, $7,500 from a British government initiative that helped replenish its stock of books and a few thousand dollars from an insurance policy − the insurance company's own offices were badly damaged in the explosion. This was balanced against costs of about $100,000 − both for refurbishing Aaliya's and the impact of Covid-19 on business. But Mr Dobson says the greatest cost in many ways was the emotional toll from the unrelenting uncertainty brought by the explosion, Lebanon's economic crises, the pandemic and Israel's war in the country. Aaliya's managed to survive almost all of these, but finally closed in December 2024, as the impact of Israel's war against Hezbollah became just too much. 'Even post-explosion and post-recovery, what you end up losing is ambition,' said Mr Dobson. 'Ambition was lost, not just in terms of the people who were working for us and who saw less of a future for themselves, but also, I think, for us. We felt less ambitious in what we were able to achieve and we felt less confident in the thing that we were doing.' Aaliya's was set up in 2016 to be something new − a fresh space that allowed people to talk and express themselves, 'not driven by profit but driven by value'. Mr Dobson said he wanted the bookshop to be somewhere where people could thrive; where they could 'start off as a busboy and become a manager'. 'When you're trying to do something and you think you're making a difference and you see the differences that you are making. You're seeing people read, you're seeing people coming to storytelling nights,' he said. Mr Dobson recalled when Aaliya's first opened, 300 people came to storytelling event by a collective called Cliffhangers. 'It was kind of indicative of something more compelling, that there was a yearning for spaces like this in the city and at a specific moment in time,' he said. 'And that became harder to justify after the explosion. Because it almost felt like, what's the point in making micro-improvements when you can see every single one of those improvements disintegrate − both literally and figuratively − in the space of 30 seconds.'

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