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Yemen Online
22-07-2025
- Business
- Yemen Online
Even amid the Gaza war, Yemen peace talks can be revived if the world were to seize the moment
Before the Hamas militant group attacked Israel on October 7, 2023, negotiations to end Yemen's long-standing civil war were more productive than they had been for years. At the very least, there was a horizon for starting a political process. The Houthi rebel group, which took the capital Sanaa in 2014, continued to hold large swathes of the country even after a seven-year campaign by the internationally recognised government and its regional allies to dislodge them. The government, based in the port city of Aden, was the weaker party, but still standing. But the prolonged stalemate was finally growing tiresome enough that both parties were rumoured to be close to a 'roadmap' to making their ceasefire permanent and ending the war. The Hamas attack, despite taking place more than 2,000km from Yemeni soil, along with Israel's brutal and ongoing war of revenge in Gaza, changed all of that. The Houthis have dropped peace talks and instead taken to firing at commercial ships in the Red Sea, ostensibly in solidarity with the Palestinian cause. Punitive air strikes on Yemeni cities by Israel, the US and UK have dealt much damage but failed to cripple the Houthis. What hasn't killed them may even have made them stronger. Emboldened by their perception of invincibility, the Houthis continue to rule with extremism and repression. In the absence of any momentum towards a resolution, the government in Aden risks becoming inert, increasingly paralysed by internal disagreements. Its Presidential Leadership Council – an executive committee comprised of often-competing factions – has been unable to tackle an economic crisis in government-held areas. In May, the prime minister, Ahmed Awad bin Mubarak, resigned after complaining of being blocked by the PLC from carrying out his official duties. Hoping to signal that it takes economic issues seriously, the Council chose the Minister of Finance to replace him. But in the absence of deeper constitutional reform that prevents obstacles of the sort faced by Mr bin Mubarak, it is unlikely to make a difference. This state of affairs has not merely put the prospect of a Yemeni peace on ice but degraded it. The international community has seemingly become indifferent to that reality. Western powers, in particular, have come to treat Houthi actions as a mere extension of the Gaza conflict, behaving as though the Houthi threat will diminish in the event of a deal between Israel and Hamas. In the absence of any momentum towards a resolution, the government in Aden risks becoming inert, increasingly paralysed by internal disagreements. Its Presidential Leadership Council – an executive committee comprised of often-competing factions – has been unable to tackle an economic crisis in government-held areas. In May, the prime minister, Ahmed Awad bin Mubarak, resigned after complaining of being blocked by the PLC from carrying out his official duties. Hoping to signal that it takes economic issues seriously, the Council chose the Minister of Finance to replace him. But in the absence of deeper constitutional reform that prevents obstacles of the sort faced by Mr bin Mubarak, it is unlikely to make a difference. This state of affairs has not merely put the prospect of a Yemeni peace on ice but degraded it. The international community has seemingly become indifferent to that reality. Western powers, in particular, have come to treat Houthi actions as a mere extension of the Gaza conflict, behaving as though the Houthi threat will diminish in the event of a deal between Israel and Hamas. This approach is both short-sighted and wrong. There is a chance to revive Yemen's peace talks, as the UN's special envoy to Yemen, Hans Grundberg, reminded everyone during a visit to the country this month. The level of fighting within the country has subsided, Mr Grundberg noted, and the calm provides space for confidence-building measures between the two sides, if others can prod them along. It helps that the Houthis' main backer, Iran, appears to be growing weary of regional conflict, even if the rebels themselves are not. Tehran's security apparatus was badly wounded in its recent war with Israel and has seen its influence both in Syria and Lebanon much diminished. That offers some leverage with which to remind the Houthis that they are not, in fact, invincible, but rather deeply dependent on a network of alliances that is much weaker than it was when they took power. 'The opportunity for peace still exists,' Mr Grundberg told reporters in Aden, 'but it requires courage, compromise and a genuine commitment to the Yemeni people's future.' This may feel like a lot to ask for in a region trying to quell several outbursts of conflict at once, but it is the very least that millions of Yemenis deserve.
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First Post
22-07-2025
- Politics
- First Post
Why India should recognise South Yemen's independence
Rather than follow the West's tired and failed strategies on Yemen, India should take the diplomatic lead. The greater problem is the unchallenged belief among many diplomats that unity brings stability read more An Indian security guard was rescued from the Red Sea on July 10, 2025, after Yemeni Houthis sank the Eternity C, the ship on which he worked. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), meanwhile, helps the Houthis target Red Sea shipping not only out of animus toward Israel and the United States, but also because Revolutionary Guards-owned transport companies lose out financially if India-Middle East Economic Corridor (IMEC) traffic bypasses Iran. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD As a regional superpower and the world's fourth largest economy, India also relies on freedom of navigation and stability and security in the Indian Ocean basin. Rather than follow the West's tired and failed strategies on Yemen, India should take the diplomatic lead. For too long, Western priorities and assumptions have shaped policy toward Yemen. First and foremost, the US, the UK, and the UN have prioritised unity over defeating the Houthis. Outside powers have also promoted a big-tent approach. Both approaches make defeat of the Houthis and restoration of security impossible. The assumption that broad coalitions bring peace and stability is rooted in wishful thinking rather than evidence. Forcing US President Donald Trump to share an office with Kamala Harris, the Democratic Party nominee for the post Trump contested and won, would bring dysfunction, not smooth governance. Yet the international community forces divergent groups together into Yemen's Presidential Leadership Council. President Rashid al-Alimi represents the General People's Congress, the former political party of Yemen's long-time leader Ali Abdullah Saleh. Vice Chairmen of the Council come from the Southern Transitional Council, the Muslim Brotherhood, and Saleh's own family. Other tribal leaders and religious agendas fill out the council. The practical problem with the Council, though, is that each member promotes his agenda over the paramount goal of defeating the Houthis. Yemen's Muslim Brotherhood branch too often supports Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and facilitates the smuggling of weaponry to the Houthis. Their actions make them liable to the former terror designation, yet they remain a Trojan Horse inside the Presidential Leadership Council. Other northern officials prioritise undermining southern success over Houthi defeat. Aden has a surplus of fuel oil in its storage tanks, yet northern officials will not allow them to sell it. Residents of Aden suffer through 45-degree Celsius days with high humidity and no electricity for fans, let alone air conditioners. The greater problem, however, is the unchallenged belief among many diplomats that unity brings stability. In Yemen, that has never been the case. The British colonised Aden in 1839 as a coaling station to support British commerce and shipping to and from India. The Aden Colony became the Aden Protectorate, which then formed the Federation of Arab Emirates of the South and finally the Federation of South Arabia before the British withdrew and Communist insurgents formed the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, colloquially called South Yemen. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD With the fall of the Soviet Union, North and South Yemen united, but it was not a happy marriage. South Yemen has always been more cosmopolitan, tolerant, and progressive. It sought to leave the union in 1994, but North Yemeni forces conquered and occupied the region. Even if outside powers date Yemeni unity to 1990, the Houthi conquest of Sanaa in 2014 led South Yemen to restore its de facto autonomy. Put another way, Yemeni unity accounts for only 13 per cent of Yemeni history. Not by coincidence, those 24 years represent the most tumultuous and least stable time in Yemeni history. Any honest historical assessment would conclude that Yemen is most stable with South Yemen—or South Arabia, as many residents now see themselves—independent. The notion that there must be only one Yemen makes no logical sense when there are 22 Arab states, two Albanias (one called Kosovo), and two Romanias (one called Moldova). The international community recognised Kosovo and Moldova for purely practical reasons, as they recognised that forcing unity could actually worsen regional conflict. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Here, India should play a diplomatic role. South Yemenis orient themselves toward India. Many Indians immigrated into Aden during the period of British control and chose to stay following South Yemen's independence. Today, Indian heritage is a source of pride. Some Yemenis introduce themselves as Indian, and it is common for Yemenis whose families arrived from India five generations back to still speak Hindi and know their home regions and towns. As India seeks to secure the Indian Ocean basin, it should leverage positive feelings toward India to support former British protectorates like Somaliland and South Yemen in their quests for independence. Under Jawaharlal Nehru, India became the intellectual and diplomatic centre of anti-colonialist sentiment. Today, his goal is incomplete. India could resume its intellectual and diplomatic leadership, leverage its Indian diaspora, and bring stability to South Arabia and the Gulf of Aden by forcing other influential states to reconsider the stale assumptions underpinning their diplomacy. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Michael Rubin is director of policy analysis at the Middle East Forum and a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington, DC. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
Arab Times
17-07-2025
- Politics
- Arab Times
Massive Arms Haul Exposes Iran's Direct Role in Yemen Conflict
SANA, July 17: Tariq Saleh, a member of Yemen's Presidential Leadership Council and commander of the West Coast forces, announced the interception of a major weapons shipment following monitoring and surveillance conducted by the intelligence division of the National Resistance. According to Saleh, the seized cache included naval and air missile systems, an air defense system, advanced radars, drones, surveillance equipment, anti-tank missiles, B-10 artillery, tracking lenses, sniper rifles, ammunition, and various military hardware. Saleh reaffirmed his commitment to countering the activities of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in the region. Meanwhile, U.S. Central Command confirmed that Yemeni forces had confiscated over 750 tons of munitions and military equipment, which included hundreds of sophisticated anti-ship missiles, drones, warheads, radar systems, communications gear, and search devices. Commenting on the development, Yemeni Information Minister Muammar al-Eryani described the seizure as the largest Iranian weapons shipment intercepted to date, destined for the Houthi militia. He added that the presence of Persian-language operating manuals among the cargo underscores Iran's direct role in fueling regional instability. Al-Eryani stressed that the Houthi militia serves merely as a local proxy for the Revolutionary Guard's broader expansionist ambitions deep within Yemeni territory.
Yemen Online
16-07-2025
- Politics
- Yemen Online
Yemeni Gov't Foils Houthi Plot to Assassinate UN Envoy to Yemen
Aden — Yemen's Presidential Leadership Council has revealed the disruption of a Houthi-linked assassination plot targeting UN Special Envoy Hans Grundberg, in what officials describe as a grave attempt to destabilize liberated regions and undermine international confidence in the Yemeni government. The announcement was made by Chairman Rashad Al-Alimi during a meeting with European Union ambassadors in Aden. Al-Alimi stated that the cell behind the plot was uncovered in recent weeks and is believed to be responsible for a string of high-profile assassinations, including the killing of World Food Programme employee Moayad Hamidi in Taiz, as well as attacks on journalists, activists, and military leaders. Security sources say the cell operated under the direction of Amjad Khaled, a former military commander allegedly tied to senior Houthi figures. The group reportedly coordinated with extremist networks to carry out targeted killings and spread chaos in government-controlled areas. Neither the UN nor Grundberg has issued an official response to the allegations. However, the news has sparked concern among diplomatic circles, especially given the UN envoy's central role in facilitating peace negotiations and humanitarian efforts in Yemen.
Yemen Online
16-07-2025
- Politics
- Yemen Online
Yemeni Forces Intercept Massive Iranian Arms Shipment Bound for Houthis
Aden — Yemeni government-aligned forces have announced the seizure of a 750-ton shipment of Iranian weapons allegedly destined for the Houthi rebel group, marking one of the largest interdictions in the region's decade-long conflict. The operation, led by Brigadier General Tariq Saleh, commander of the National Resistance Forces and member of Yemen's Presidential Leadership Council, was carried out in the Red Sea following intelligence surveillance. The seized cargo reportedly includes naval and aerial missile systems, air defense equipment, modern radar systems, drones, anti-tank missiles, sniper rifles, and surveillance devices. Saleh described the interception as a 'direct blow' to Iran's alleged support for the Houthis, accusing Tehran of attempting to destabilize Yemen and undermine its republican institutions. Iran has consistently denied supplying arms to the Houthis, despite repeated discoveries of Iranian-made weaponry in previous seizures. This latest haul adds to a growing list of intercepted shipments, with Yemeni forces claiming to have blocked eight arms deliveries since early 2024. The Houthis, who have controlled Yemen's capital Sanaa since 2014, have been involved in recent attacks on commercial vessels in the Red Sea, escalating regional tensions. The Yemeni military has released video footage showing the seized weapons, including anti-ship missiles and Type 358 anti-aircraft systems, similar to those used in previous Houthi drone and missile attacks. International observers view the seizure as a significant development in curbing arms flow to the Houthis, amid ongoing efforts to stabilize Yemen and prevent further escalation in the region.
