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Business News Wales
16-05-2025
- Politics
- Business News Wales
Cllr Jake Berriman Elected New Leader of Powys County Council
Cllr Jake Berriman has been elected as the new Leader of Powys County Council. Cllr Berriman takes over from Cllr James Gibson-Watt, who announced earlier this month that he was to stand down after three years. Having first been elected to the county council as councillor for the Llandrindod North ward in October 2019, Cllr Berriman was appointed Cabinet Member for a Connected Powys in May 2022. 'I'm honoured to be elected the new leader of Powys County Council and I'm deeply aware that this council's strength lies in its diversity and collaboration,' said Cllr Berriman. 'No one group holds all the answers, and every voice and vote matters. I see a chamber united by a shared commitment to serve our communities, and I believe we can build on that to deliver better outcomes together. 'My leadership will be visible, accessible and rooted in listening. We must work together, with mutual respect, to tackle the challenges ahead – especially in education, social care, and the cost of living. 'I'm committed to inclusive decision-making, fair budget planning, and maintaining strong frontline services. Together, we can shape a stronger, fairer, greener Powys. As part of his acceptance speech, Cllr Berriman paid tribute to his predecessor for his work as Leader during challenging times and for championing Powys locally and nationally. Cllr Berriman said: 'I'd like to take this opportunity to thank James for the steady hand he has brought to the role since 2022, and for the support he has shown me as I step forward at this time. He has laid strong foundations both within the council and across Wales through his collaborative approach. 'James has played a major role in the political life of Powys, and his name is synonymous with dedicated public service. He is a hard act to follow, and I am truly grateful for the confidence and support he has given me. 'I am really pleased that James has agreed to continue to play a key role within the council as Cabinet Member for a More Prosperous Powys until the end of September and I look forward to continuing working with him.' Following his election, Cllr Berriman confirmed the membership of his new Cabinet: Cabinet Member Portfolio Cllr Jake Berriman Leader and Cabinet Member for People, Performance and Partnerships Cabinet Business Developing and maintaining partnerships including Corporate Joint Committee and the Public Service Board People Services – Workforce and Member development and support Corporate Health & Safety incl. joint Chair of JCNC Corporate Performance Management Strategic and Local Development Planning Property including County Farms Cllr Matthew Dorrance Deputy Leader and Cabinet Member for a Fairer Powys Housing Service, including Gypsies and Travellers Tackling Poverty including Money Advice Service Violence Against Women, Domestic Abuse & Sexual Violence, incl. White Ribbon Pledge Equality & Diversity Armed Forces Partnership and Champion Refugees Cllr James Gibson-Watt (up to 30 September 2025) Cllr Glyn Preston (from 1 October 2025) Cabinet Member for a More Prosperous Powys Developing Strategic Economic Framework for Powys, identifying sustainable growth and regeneration opportunities Securing economic investment opportunities across Powys Localities to support sustainable place making, urban regeneration and rural renaissance Supporting the Mid Wales Growth Deal and Regional Skills Partnership to create and deliver economic and learner opportunities Post-16 Learning and skills development, partnerships with HE, FE, WBL & Community-based providers Cllr David Thomas Cabinet Member for Finance and Corporate Transformation Delivering Sustainable Powys Transformation programme Finance Procurement, Income & Awards & Integrated Business Planning Risk management Cllr Sian Cox Cabinet Member for a Caring Powys Adult Social Care & Commissioning North Powys Wellbeing Programme Integration of Care System with Powys Teaching Health Board Developing Community Engagement to support locality working Cllr Richard Church Cabinet Member for Legal and Regulatory Services Environmental Health and public protection Trading Standards Emergency Planning and Community Safety Development Management and Building Control Services Legal Services Ombudsman, Coroner & Registrar Services Cllr Pete Roberts Cabinet Member for a Learning Powys Education Schools' Transformation Programme Cllr Jackie Charlton Cabinet Member for a Greener Powys Climate Change and decarbonisation Highways and Recycling Transport, including home to school transport Countryside Services Environmental matters Cllr Sandra Davies Cabinet Member for Future Generations Children's Services Youth Justice Youth Services Future Generations Act Welsh Language Cllr Raiff Devlin Cabinet Member for Customers, Digital and Community Services Customer Services & Information Governance Digital Powys Programme Leisure and Culture, including Theatres, Libraries, Museums and Archives Supporting the Sustainable Food Partnership for Powys including Catering & Cleaning
Asia Times
14-04-2025
- Politics
- Asia Times
Likely to lead South Korea, Lee holds left's foreign policy views
In the wake of President Yoon Suk-yeol's ouster as president of the Republic of Korea, his former opponent Lee Jae-myung is likely to win the snap presidential election scheduled for June 3. A Gallup poll released in April indicated Lee enjoys a support level of 34 percent, while his highest-rated rival languishes at 9 percent. Yoon was a conservative, while Lee represents the progressive Democratic Party (DP). Ordinarily, a change in South Korea from a conservative to a left-of-center government would have the potential to substantially shake up international relations in Northeast Asia. Progressive governments in Korea tend to be relatively conciliatory toward North Korea and China, which correspondingly engenders tensions with the US. Kim Dae-jung, who was South Korea's president in 1998-2003, opposed the hardline US approach to North Korea, instead implementing the now-infamous 'Sunshine Policy' of offering economic rewards – including a secret payment of $500 million to secure a summit meeting with Kim Jong-il – in an attempt to pacify Pyongyang's hostility toward the ROK. Kim's successor Roh Moo-hyun continued the Sunshine Policy, criticized the US approach of using economic sanctions to pressure North Korea to give up its nuclear weapons program and sought 'equidistance' for the ROK between China and the US. By contrast, although controversial and ultimately a failure at home, the conservative Yoon was unusually supportive of the US agenda. His 'Strategy for a Free, Peaceful, and Prosperous Indo-Pacific Region' closely resembled the Biden Administration's 'Indo-Pacific Strategy' published a few months prior. Yoon was tough on North Korea and spoke without deference about China, consistent with US positions. He promised a foreign policy anchored in the same liberal values Washington was then promoting. The US government especially welcomed Yoon's willingness to increase strategic cooperation with Tokyo despite Korea's historical grievances with Japan remaining unresolved. Accordingly, many observers expect a major shift in South Korea's foreign policy if the presidency shifts from Yoon to Lee. They see the ROK at a 'crossroads,' with some concluding a Lee government would 'send shockwaves through East Asia's delicate balance of power' or even create 'a nightmare scenario.' The transition from Yoon to Lee, however, would likely be a tremor rather than an earthquake. To be sure, Lee's outlook differs from Yoon's. The DP argues that Yoon excessively damaged relations with China and Russia in his effort to please Washington. During the National Assembly elections of March 2024, Lee complained about Yoon needlessly antagonizing China, the country that buys about a quarter of South Korea's exports. 'Chinese people don't buy South Korean products because they don't like South Korea. Why are we bothering [Beijing]?' he asked. 'Why do we care what happens to the Taiwan Strait? Shouldn't we just take care of ourselves?' Why do we care what happens to the Taiwan Strait? Shouldn't we just take care of ourselves? Lee Jae-myung Lee opposed the diplomatic boycott of the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympic Games imposed by the US and other governments. He is also against the deployment of additional US THAAD anti-missile batteries in South Korea. Lee is also less pro-Japan than Yoon. When the Yoon government, seeking improved relations with Tokyo, declined to press the Japanese government to compensate Korean forced laborers, Lee called Yoon 'submissive and subservient.' Lee has endorsed former President Moon Jae-in's approach of seeking rapprochement with North Korea by offering sanctions relief, with the stipulation that sanctions could be reimposed in the absence of reciprocal DPRK concessions. While Yoon said South Korea might provide lethal military assistance to Ukraine as a result of North Korean soldiers fighting on Russia's side, Lee has made clear he would not. Lee is against a trilateral military alliance that includes Japan, saying this could be 'very dangerous' because of the territorial dispute between Korea and Japan over ownership of the Dokdo / Takeshima Islands. In practical terms, however, Lee's proposed policy toward Japan is not dramatically different from Yoon's. Lee said during his speech announcing his candidacy for president that he believes it 'important' to 'strengthen trilateral cooperation with Japan' short of formally allying with Japan. The 'two-track' diplomacy that Lee favors would pursue strategic cooperation while simultaneously and separately seeking justice for Korean victims of Japan's past misdeeds. Lee told The Economist he does not viscerally hate the Japanese. Upon visiting Japan, he said, he 'was shocked by Japanese people's diligence, sincerity and courtesy.' He concluded that the general Korean view of Japan 'has ultimately been distorted by politics.' Lee advocates speeding up giving South Korea operational control over its own armed forces during wartime, but he is not calling for the expulsion of US military bases. Although he once used the phrase 'US occupying forces,' he later explained he was referring to the period immediately after the Second World War. Now, he says, 'This is not an occupying force, but an ally.' Lee wants talks with North Korea to lower tensions, but this does not put him at odds with the new Trump Administration. Trump himself says he wants to re-engage with Kim Jong-un. Lee says he is 'very grateful' for this, and even seems to goad Trump in this direction, saying he might recommend Trump for the Nobel Prize that the US president covets. Then-President Donald J. Trump shakes hands with Chairman of the Workers' Party of Korea Kim Jong Un Sunday, June 30, 2019, as the two leaders meet at the Korean Demilitarized Zone. Official White House Photo by Shealah Craighead Lee would return to something like Roh's equidistance policy, attempting to preserve the security relationship with the US while maintaining healthy economic engagement with China. That would prove difficult if the US-China cold war should intensify. But this would not distinguish Lee from his predecessor. Aside from advancing trilateral cooperation including Japan, Yoon's alignment with the US against China was arguably more rhetorical than substantive. For example, Yoon's government refrained from criticizing China by name over its harassment of Philippine vessels near Second Thomas Shoal in the South China Sea, and Yoon declined to meet with US Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi the day after her visit to Taiwan in 2022. From the standpoint of Korean conservatives and many in the US policy-making community, a left-leaning Korean government is prone to pursuing a North Korea policy that increases the South's vulnerability to DPRK exploitation or aggression. The danger arises when Pyongyang, acting in bad faith, outmaneuvers Seoul during bargaining. That possibility is now much reduced, however, because the North is relatively uninterested in bargaining. Its nuclear and missiles programs are permanent, reunification is off the table, Kim Jong-un is not hankering for a summit meeting and Pyongyang does not seek to re-open the Kaesong Industrial Complex. For the DPRK government, Seoul has mainly been useful only as an intermediary for seeking concessions from the US. But Kim seems to have largely moved on. Badly burned during the 2019 Hanoi summit with Trump, Kim has since entered into a fruitful partnership with Russia. Lee might have little opportunity to show magnanimity to Pyongyang even if he wants to. Finally, Lee would not be more likely than Yoon to go nuclear. According to one recent poll, three out of four South Koreans want nukes. In 2023 Yoon threatened to acquire tactical nuclear weapons in response to the North Korean nuclear buildup, although he backed off after receiving US assurances as part of the Washington Declaration. A nuclear-armed South Korea would indeed send a 'shockwave' through the region. Catastrophic unintentional escalation in a DPRK-ROK conflict would become more likely. The US and South Korean governments would reconsider the necessity of the bilateral alliance. Japan would probably deploy nukes also. The change in leadership from Yoon to Lee, however, would not increase the chances of any of this happening. The Democratic Party no longer considers nuclear weapons a taboo topic, but it currently goes no farther than favoring nuclear latency, not actual deployment. Under a hypothetical Lee presidency, we can easily imagine that ROK-DPRK relations would remain stagnant, while modest South Korea-Japan strategic cooperation would continue. China would try to take advantage of a perceived opportunity to lure the ROK out of the US Bloc, but this campaign would bump up against limits, as South Koreans still value the US alliance. Seoul and Washington would agree in principle on working toward new talks with Pyongyang. Thus, the region would see adjustments of South Korea's foreign relations, but not a major reset. Denny Roy is a senior fellow at the East-West Center in Honolulu.
