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EXCLUSIVE: Pentagon reaffirms Iraq withdrawal timeline
EXCLUSIVE: Pentagon reaffirms Iraq withdrawal timeline

Shafaq News

time2 days ago

  • General
  • Shafaq News

EXCLUSIVE: Pentagon reaffirms Iraq withdrawal timeline

Shafaq News/ The US Department of Defense confirmed on Tuesday that the planned withdrawal of American forces from Iraq remains on schedule, with no changes or delays caused by recent political or regional developments. In an official response to Shafaq News, a Pentagon spokesperson stated, 'We are on track with what we reaffirmed in the September 2024 joint statement.' The spokesperson did not provide additional details regarding ongoing discussions. The Pentagon's remarks come amid continued talks between Baghdad and Washington within the US-Iraq Higher Military Commission. Established in 2023, the commission is tasked with overseeing the transition of US forces from combat operations to bilateral security cooperation focused on training and intelligence sharing. Currently, about 2,500 US troops remain in Iraq, stationed primarily at Ain al-Asad Air Base in al-Anbar and Harir Air Base in Erbil. They continue to provide logistical and operational support to Iraqi forces and engage in efforts to combat the remnants of ISIS. Iraq's parliament voted in early 2020 to set a timetable for ending foreign troop presence following the US assassination of Iranian commander Qassem Soleimani and Iraqi armed group leader Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis near Baghdad airport. Despite ongoing pressure from some Iraqi Shiite factions, the US insists any withdrawal will be fully coordinated with Baghdad to ensure stability and prevent a resurgence of terrorist threats.

Araghchi, the bomb and the Iranian train
Araghchi, the bomb and the Iranian train

Arab News

time3 days ago

  • Business
  • Arab News

Araghchi, the bomb and the Iranian train

The US has no interest in resorting to a military solution to resolve the dispute with Iran over its nuclear program. The use of force in the Middle East revives memories of costly experiences. President Donald Trump himself does not believe that a military solution is viable, unless all other options to persuade Iran to abandon its nuclear dream run out. Iran, in turn, says it has no such dream. However, despite its repeated denials, the nuclear file continues to return to the spotlight. The lack of trust between the US and Iran is not unusual. The two countries have traded direct and indirect blows over recent decades, deepening this crisis of trust. The current Iran always views the US, or 'the Great Satan,' as the top danger. It is aware that the US is a major power that is capable of upending balances of power in most parts of the world. Meanwhile, the US views Iran as the main backer of terrorism in the Middle East and Washington has accused it of having a hand in every attempt to destabilize the region. Trump's return to the White House has inflamed the crisis with Iran. He is connected to two major events in Iran's recent history: Washington's withdrawal from the nuclear agreement and the killing of Qassem Soleimani. Trump has opened the door for negotiations with Iran, but with the constant reminder that it will never be allowed to possess nuclear weapons, even if this ultimately means resorting to military force to prevent it from doing so. The current nuclear crisis with Iran has entered a new phase in the wake of the latest International Atomic Energy Agency report, which accused Tehran of speeding up the rate of its uranium enrichment. Trump's repeated statements that Tehran will not be allowed to acquire nuclear arms have been accompanied by repeated signs from him that an agreement is possible, and soon. The US has no interest in sliding into a military confrontation with Iran. It also has no interest in Israel taking the reins in such a mission, meaning unpredictable repercussions. In all likelihood, Iran, which has long avoided slipping into a direct confrontation with the US, will continue to walk the same path in avoiding such a costly clash. The US has no interest in a military confrontation with Iran. It also has no interest in Israel taking the reins in such a mission Ghassan Charbel Moreover, Iran is today in no shape to become embroiled in such a test of force. The recent changes in the Middle East have not at all been in Iran's favor and they have denied it some of its most valuable cards. On this note, we have to wonder what Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi will feel when his plane approaches Beirut airport. Will he sense that Beirut has changed or that the region has changed, along with Iran's position in it? He knows that his mission these days is very difficult, if not impossible. The world is calling on Iran to reassure it, while he responds that it should reassure Iran instead. Araghchi is aware of what has happened to the Iranian train in recent months. Syria has hopped off and there is nothing that would lead anyone to believe that it will jump back on again. What has changed in Syria is not just the name of its president, but an entire reversal in how it treats the Syrian people, its neighbors and the world. Damascus ousted the 'way of the resistance' that the Assad regime had long relied on. The US is no longer viewed as an enemy. Syria is now being desired and is in demand. Its advice and demands are also being heard. Syria no longer hosts the officers of Iran's Revolutionary Guards as part of the plan Soleimani spent years drawing up, especially after he successfully persuaded Vladimir Putin's Russia to save the Assad regime from collapse. Syria no longer hosts the headquarters of Palestinian 'resistance' organizations or offers its leaders safe havens. These groups are no longer welcome in Syria, while Lebanon's Hezbollah is now viewed as an enemy. Lebanon has also changed. The naming of presidents is no longer in the hands of Hezbollah commanders. The current president of the republic was elected after vowing to achieve a state monopoly over arms. The same can be said of the current prime minister. The current rule in Lebanon is based on the full implementation of UN Security Council resolution 1701. Any delay is full of dangers and risks wasting opportunities for reconstruction and reestablishing stability. Araghchi knows that the current nuclear crisis erupted at a very difficult time. The changes in Syria are comparable to the changes that took place in Iraq after Saddam Hussein was overthrown. Another Iraq and another Syria. Iran has not been able to make up for such losses. Iraq did not hop off the Iranian train in the wake of the Al-Aqsa Flood Operation and its ensuing wars, but it managed to remain outside of the storm and avoid any adventures. The Houthi missiles are not enough compensation for Iran's losses. One must pause at the situation in Gaza. The catastrophe there has no bounds and there are no limits to Israel's savagery. Hamas fought long and hard and paid a hefty price, but today it has no other practical alternative than to seek shelter in US envoy Steve Witkoff's proposal. Araghchi is aware of what happened to the Iranian train in the wake of the Al-Aqsa operation. He knows that the countries of the region encourage the building of bridges with his own. Perhaps he even knows that accepting a lesser role for his country is much better than risking exposing it and its regime to a direct clash with the American military machine. *Ghassan Charbel is editor-in-chief of Asharq Al-Awsat newspaper. X: @GhasanCharbel This article first appeared in Asharq Al-Awsat.

Araghchi, the Bomb and the Iranian Train
Araghchi, the Bomb and the Iranian Train

Asharq Al-Awsat

time3 days ago

  • Business
  • Asharq Al-Awsat

Araghchi, the Bomb and the Iranian Train

The United States has no interest in resorting to the military solution to resolve the dispute with Iran over its nuclear program. The use of force in the Middle East revives memories of costly experiences. President Donald Trump himself does not believe that the military solution is viable, unless all other options to persuade Iran to abandon its nuclear dream run out. Iran, in turn, says it has no such dream. However, despite its repeated denials, the nuclear file continues to return to the spotlight. The lack of trust between the US and Iran is not unusual. Both countries have traded direct and indirect blows over the past decades, deepening this crisis of trust. The current Iran always views the US or 'Great Satan' as the top danger. It is aware that the US is a major power that is capable of upending balances of power in most parts of the world. Meanwhile, the US views Iran as the main backer of terrorism in the Middle East and it has accused it of having a hand in every attempt to destabilize the region. Trump's return to the White House has enflamed the crisis with Iran. He is connected to two major events in Iran's recent history: Washington's withdrawal from the nuclear agreement and the killing of Qassem Soleimani. Trump has opened the door for negotiations with Iran, but with the constant reminder that it will never be allowed to possess nuclear weapons, even if this ultimately means resorting to military force to prevent it from doing so. The current nuclear crisis with Iran has entered a new phase in wake of the latest International Atomic Energy Agency report that accuses Tehran of speeding up its rate of uranium enrichment. Trump's repeated statement that Tehran will not be allowed to acquire nuclear arms is accompanied by repeated signs from him that an agreement is possible with it, and soon. The US has no interest in sliding into a military confrontation with Iran. It also has no interest in Israel taking the reins in such a mission with unpredictable repercussions. In all likelihood, Iran, which has long avoided slipping into a direct confrontation with the US, will continue to walk the same path in avoiding such a costly clash. Moreover, Iran today is in no shape to become embroiled in such a test of force. The recent changes in the Middle East have not at all been in Iran's favor and they have denied it some of its most valuable cards. On this note, we have to wonder what Abbas Araghchi will feel when his plane approaches Beirut airport. Will he sense that Beirut has changed or that the region has changed, along with Iran's position in it? He knows that his mission these days is very difficult, if not impossible. The world is calling on Iran to reassure it, while he responds that it should reassure Iran instead. Araghchi is aware of what happened to the Iranian train in recent months. Syria has hopped off and there is nothing that would lead anyone to believe that it would jump back on again. What changed in Syria was not just the name of its president, but an entire way in how it treats the Syrian people, its neighbors and the world. Damascus ousted the 'way of the resistance' that the Assad regime had long relied on. The US is no longer viewed as an enemy. Syria is now being desired and is in demand. Its advice and demands are also being heard. Syria no longer hosts the officers of Iran's Revolutionary Guards Corps as part of the plan Qassem Soleimani spent years in drawing up, especially after he successfully persuaded Putin's Russia in saving the Assad regime from collapse. Syria no longer hosts the headquarters of Palestinian 'resistance' organizations and offers its leaders safe havens. These groups are no longer welcome in Syria, while Lebanon's Hezbollah is now viewed as an enemy. Lebanon has also changed. The naming of presidents is no longer in the hands of Hezbollah commanders. The current president of the republic was elected after vowing to achieve state monopoly over arms. The same can be said of the current prime minister. The current rule in Lebanon is based on the full implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 1701. Any delay is full of dangers and risks wasting opportunities for reconstruction and reestablishing stability. Araghchi knows that the current nuclear crisis erupted at a very difficult time. The changes in Syria are comparable to the changes that took place in Iraq when Saddam Hussein was overthrown. Another Iraq and another Syria. Iran has not been able to make up such losses. Iraq did not hop off the Iranian train in wake of the Al-Aqsa Flood Operation and its ensuing wars, but it managed to remain outside of the storm and avoid any adventures. The Houthi missiles are not enough compensation for Iran's losses. One must pause at the situation in Gaza. The catastrophe there has not bounds and there are no limits to Israel's savagery. Hamas fought long and hard and paid hefty prices, but today, it has no other practical alternative than to seek shelter in Witkoff's proposal. Araghchi is aware of what happened to the Iranian train in wake of the Al-Aqsa operation. He knows that the countries of the region encourage building bridges with his own. Perhaps he even knows that accepting a lesser role for his country is much better than risking exposing it and its regime to a direct clash with the American military machine.

Hezbollah seeks boost in Lebanon vote as disarmament calls grow
Hezbollah seeks boost in Lebanon vote as disarmament calls grow

Straits Times

time23-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Straits Times

Hezbollah seeks boost in Lebanon vote as disarmament calls grow

Iranians walk next to a billboard with a picture of late Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh, senior Iranian military commander General Qassem Soleimani, late Lebanon's Hezbollah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah and late Hamas leader Yahya Al-Sinwar on a street in Tehran, Iran, May 11, 2025. Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via REUTERS/File Photo NABATIEH, Lebanon - Amid the rubble left by Israeli bombardment of south Lebanon, campaign posters urge support for Hezbollah in elections on Saturday as the group aims to show it retains political clout despite the pounding it took in last year's war. For Hezbollah, the local vote is more important than ever, coinciding with mounting calls for its disarmament and continued Israeli airstrikes, and as many of its Shi'ite Muslim constituents still suffer the repercussions of the conflict. Three rounds of voting already held this month have gone well for the Iran-backed group. In the south, many races won't be contested, handing Hezbollah and its allies early wins. "We will vote with blood," said Ali Tabaja, 21, indicating loyalty to Hezbollah. He'll be voting in the city of Nabatieh rather than his village of Adaisseh because it is destroyed. "It's a desert," he said. The south's rubble-strewn landscape reflects the devastating impact of the war, which began when Hezbollah opened fire in support of Hamas at the start in October 2023 of the Gaza conflict and culminated in a major Israeli offensive. Hezbollah emerged a shadow of its former self, with its leaders and thousands of its fighters killed, its influence over the Lebanese state greatly diminished, and its Lebanese opponents gaining sway. In a measure of how far the tables have turned, the new government has declared it aims to establish a state monopoly on arms, meaning Hezbollah should disarm - as stipulated by the U.S.-brokered ceasefire with Israel. Against this backdrop, the election results so far indicate "the war didn't achieve the objective of downgrading Hezbollah's popularity in the community", said Mohanad Hage Ali of the Carnegie Middle East Center, a think tank. "On the contrary, many Shia now feel their fate is tied to Hezbollah's fate." Hezbollah's arms have long been a source of division in Lebanon, sparking a brief civil conflict in 2008. Critics say Hezbollah has unilaterally dragged Lebanon into hostilities. Foreign Minister Youssef Raji, a Hezbollah opponent, has said that Lebanon has been told there will be no reconstruction aid from foreign donors until the state establishes a monopoly on arms. Hezbollah, in turn, has put the onus on the government over reconstruction and accuses it of failing to take steps on that front, despite promises that the government is committed to it. DISARMAMENT TERMS Hage Ali said that conditioning reconstruction aid on disarmament was intended to expedite the process, but "it's difficult to see Hezbollah accepting this". Hezbollah says its weapons are now gone from the south, but links any discussion of its remaining arsenal to Israel's withdrawal from five positions it still holds, and an end to Israeli attacks. Israel says Hezbollah still has combat infrastructure including rocket launchers in the south, calling this "blatant violations of understandings between Israel and Lebanon". A French diplomatic source said reconstruction would not materialise if Israel continues striking and the Lebanese government does not act fast enough on disarmament. Donors also want Beirut to enact economic reforms. Hashem Haidar, head of the government's Council for the South, said the state lacks the funds to rebuild, but cited progress in rubble removal. Lebanon needs $11 billion for reconstruction and recovery, the World Bank estimates. In Nabatieh, a pile of rubble marks the spot where 71-year-old Khalil Tarhini's store once stood. It was one of dozens destroyed by Israeli bombardment in Nabatieh's central market. He has received no compensation, and sees little point in voting. Expressing a sense of abandonment, he said: "The state did not stand by us." The situation was very different in 2006, after a previous Hezbollah-Israel war. Aid flowed from Iran and Gulf Arab states. Hezbollah says it has aided 400,000 people, paying for rent, furniture and renovations. But the funds at its disposal appear well short of 2006, recipients say. Hezbollah says state authorities have obstructed funds arriving from Iran, though Tehran is also more financially strapped than two decades ago due to tougher U.S. sanctions and the reimposition of a "maximum pressure" policy by Washington. As for Gulf states, their spending on Lebanon dried up as Hezbollah became embroiled in regional conflicts and they declared it a terrorist group in 2016. Saudi Arabia has echoed the Lebanese government's position of calling for a state monopoly of arms. Hezbollah lawmaker Hassan Fadlallah said it was up to the government to secure reconstruction funding and that it was failing to take "serious steps" to get the process on track. He warned that the issue risked deepening divisions in Lebanon if unaddressed. "How can one part of the nation be stable while another is in pain?" he said, referring to Shi'ites in the south and other areas, including Beirut's Hezbollah-dominated southern suburbs, hard hit by Israel. REUTERS Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you.

IRGC chief says Iran considers Trump ‘murderer' of Qassem Soleimani
IRGC chief says Iran considers Trump ‘murderer' of Qassem Soleimani

Al Arabiya

time15-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Al Arabiya

IRGC chief says Iran considers Trump ‘murderer' of Qassem Soleimani

The chief commander of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), Hossein Salami, told US President Donald Trump on Thursday that the Iranian nation considered him the 'murderer' of former Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani. Soleimani was the commander of the Quds Force, the overseas arm of the IRGC. He was killed in Iraq in a drone strike on January 3, 2020, ordered by Trump during his first term in office. Trump had said earlier that the United States was getting very close to securing a nuclear deal with Tehran.

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