Latest news with #RaficHariri
Arab News
6 days ago
- Politics
- Arab News
End of era as Beirut renames Assad avenue after late music legend
BEIRUT: Lebanon has decided to rebaptise a thoroughfare named after former Syrian president Hafez Assad in favor of late Lebanese musician and playwright Ziad Rahbani, a move many welcomed on Wednesday. The decision marks the end of an era and a rupture with the authoritarian rule of former Syrian leaders Hafez Assad and his son Bashar — close allies of Lebanon's Hezbollah militant group — who from Damascus held Lebanon in a stranglehold for almost three decades. Islamist forces ousted Bashar Assad in December, ending five decades of one-family rule, further weakening Hezbollah after a war with Israel and helping to change the balance of power in Lebanon. 'Hafez Assad into the dustbin of history, Ziad Rahbani is the name of the airport road forever!' independent lawmaker Mark Daou who opposes Hezbollah wrote on X. The government on Tuesday announced the renaming of the avenue, which runs to the international airport through south Beirut, where Hezbollah enjoys strong support. Lebanese actor Ziad Itani welcomed the move, telling AFP that the former Syrian leader was associated with 'dark periods in Lebanese history, marked by massacres, abuses and assassinations.' The Syrian army entered Lebanon in 1976 as part of an Arab force that was supposed to put an end to the country's civil war which began a year earlier. Troops only withdrew in 2005 under enormous pressure after the assassination of Lebanese ex-prime minister Rafic Hariri, which was widely blamed on Syria and Hezbollah. The Lebanese army dismantled a number of monuments paying homage to the Assad family following the pullout. The government announced the street's name change as it said it had tasked the army with developing a plan to disarm Hezbollah by the end of the year, an unprecedented step since civil war factions gave up their weapons decades ago. The road's renaming 'is the decision that made me the happiest,' said Hassan Roumani near the avenue. 'Each time I passed along the Assad road, I felt like Hafez Assad and the Syrian army were still in Lebanon. Now psychologically I feel relieved — that period is over, and for the best,' he told AFP. Not all welcomed the renaming however, particularly Hezbollah supporters. Faysal Abdelsater, an analyst close to the Iran-backed group, said the move was 'the result of political malice' and urged the local council to reject it. Rahbani, son of iconic singer Fairuz, died last month aged 69 after a decades-long career that revolutionized the country's artistic scene.
The National
04-07-2025
- Business
- The National
Lebanon ready for take-off: Minister pushes for airport upgrades and investment
A Lebanese government minister is taking a pragmatic, business-minded approach to reviving the country's collapsing infrastructure, expanding its overstretched international airport and eventually launching a second hub in the north. As Lebanon emerges from war and economic turmoil, and exits a period of political paralysis, Public Works and Transport Minister Fayez Rasamny is betting on steady short-term improvement projects and foreign investment to rehabilitate the public infrastructure of a country operating at a mere fraction of its capacity after years of crisis. 'Things are extremely challenging due to years of mismanagement,' Mr Rasamny told The National at his office this week. A former entrepreneur and business leader, the minister acknowledges the deep institutional dysfunction challenging ministerial progress – from staffing shortages to outdated equipment – but is pushing through with a steady, 'step-by-step' strategy that focuses on what he calls 'doable' priorities. His ministry will begin by increasing the capacity of Beirut's overstretched Rafic Hariri International Airport from 8.6 million passengers to more than 10 million within the next year, and enacting a fast-track for passengers. The project has already shown tangible progress with the addition of new X-ray machines, ticket scanners and e-gates, all of which enable faster passage through the airport. 'Over a period of one year, you will see a lot of changes in the existing Rafic Hariri International Airport,' Mr Rasamny said. 'We're enhancing the existing terminal. So many things can be done with the current facility." The minister said the opening of a second terminal, as cited in recent reports, was a 'long-term plan". "We have a lot of long-term plans. But we need to be realistic. What can be achieved now? What can be achieved later?' he said. Mr Rasamny also plans to reopen the dormant Qlayaat Airport in the northern governorate of Akkar, which he believes has the potential to 'cater for low-cost airlines and cargo'. 'Promising environment' The success of his plans depends not only on technical execution but on whether Lebanon can persuade foreign investors that, despite years of political and economic turmoil, the country is once again open for business. It is not a hard sell any more. Fourteen months of war between Israel and Hezbollah have left the Iran-backed paramilitary military depleted and politically constrained, allowing the Lebanese state to reassert control with the backing of western powers. After years of paralysis, caught between Iran and its allies on one side and the US and its backers on the other, Lebanon is finally able to move in a clear direction. 'The environment we are facing is very promising,' Mr Rasamny said. 'We've seen the worst. We're still functioning – and we haven't yet exploited Lebanon's full potential.' Mr Rasamny said his ministry is finalising the tender book for bidding, saying the airport is courting 'a lot of interest from neighbouring countries, the Gulf, from joint ventures and operating companies'. Investors are 'interested in Lebanon in general', he added. Launching the tender book for Qlayaat will hinge on amending Lebanon's Public-Private Partnership Law in parliament. Mr Rasamny said he is optimistic and hopes to receive the tender book 'before September' and sign with an investor by the first quarter. The project has seen 'a lot of interest' from a variety of investors. 'Lebanon for them is a gateway, and they are right,' Mr Rasamny told The National. 'It's a gateway to the Mediterranean. It's a gateway to Iraq. It's close to Syria.' 'Lebanon's full potential is not being exploited. And they [investors] can see that. Before, they could see Lebanon's potential, but for political reasons they couldn't do anything. Now, everything has changed.'
The National
13-04-2025
- Business
- The National
Learning the lessons of Lebanon's civil war
Fifty years ago today, Lebanon and its people were plunged into the abyss of civil war. Partly as a reaction to the horror of more than 150,000 deaths in 15 years of bitter armed conflict, there has been a tendency to somewhat romanticise the country's pre-war history – yet Lebanon's sectarian tensions and social inequalities left the state brittle and prone to collapse. The war brought a special period in Lebanon's history to a shuddering halt. Its position as a vibrant cultural and intellectual bridge between East and West became another victim of the conflict. Before the war, cosmopolitan Beirut was a luxury tourism destination, a hub for Arab commerce and home to a flourishing and stable banking sector. The conflict that erupted on April 13, 1975 was manipulated by an array of countries including Israel, Syria and Iran. The early 1980s saw the rise of Hezbollah after Israel invaded Lebanon in 1982, leaving successive Lebanese governments struggling to cope with an Iranian-backed state within a state. However, despite this dark history – or, in some ways, because of it – Lebanon has much to teach the world about resilience. In spite of facing some very long odds and amid repeated predictions that the state would not survive, Lebanon is still standing. It is a country that has worked hard to manage its diversity, and has not given up on the goal of creating a civic society and multi-confessional republic that all Lebanese can call home. That various Lebanese governments have often fallen short of these ideals does not invalidate them. Lebanon has been through more than its fair share of hardships: occupation; sectarian violence; repeated governmental collapse; financial crises; corruption; the destabilising assassination of former prime minister Rafic Hariri in 2005; the 2020 Beirut port blast and last year's Israeli invasion to name but a few. Although the civil war ended in 1990, there has been little accountability or justice for the many families who lost loved ones in the fighting. It is worth considering however, that in early 2025, Lebanon is in a better position to build a brighter future that it has been for several years. A new President, Prime Minister and government are in place, there is international support for the state's institutions, and a weakened Hezbollah has lost much of its ability to act as a spoiler. Added to these are the energy and spirit of the Lebanese people, who are among the most educated, entrepreneurial and dynamic in the Middle East. If the country wants to harness this energy and stem the brain drain of young talent, there is much work to be done. Lebanon's sovereignty must be re-established by building up institutions such as its armed forces and removing occupying Israeli troops in the south. The Lebanese authorities must also work to curtail corruption, provide essential services, maintain law and order, and ensure opportunity for all. Friends of Lebanon must step up and ensure its government has the tools to maintain a real path of reform. The ultimate goal should include restoring the Lebanese people's confidence in their institutions and leaders, and reinstating the country's place as a regional and international hub, therefore ensuring that the kind of deadly divisions seen 50 years ago are never allowed to return.
The National
17-03-2025
- Politics
- The National
US offers $10m for information on Hezbollah financing network
The US State Department is offering a reward of up to $10 million for information on Lebanese Hezbollah's financing network. 'Smuggled cash from Iran supports Hezbollah terrorists in Lebanon,' the department said in a post on X. 'Help us stop the money flow.' In a more detailed pamphlet attached to the post, the State Department said that Hezbollah funds its 'terrorism through various illicit activities including use of commercial and other civilian aircraft to smuggle cash". Anyone with information on 'airport employees, customs officers or aviation officials' who may be involved in Hezbollah financing networks were urged to come forward. The US has often offered cash incentives to try to gather information on foreign terrorist organisations and wanted people. In 2021, it offered $10 million to anyone with information on Salim Ayyash, a Hezbollah member sentenced in the killing of former Lebanese prime minister Rafic Hariri 16 years earlier. In 2020, it offered the same amount for information on an Iran-Hezbollah financing network. Hezbollah, once a powerful political and military organisation, is reeling from a string of defeats at the hands of Israel. Last year, the Israeli military killed Hezbollah's long-time leader Hassan Nasrallah, an influential figure in Lebanon and the wider region, as well as other leaders. It severely hampered the group's military capabilities. The US has thrown its support behind Lebanon's new government led by Prime Minister Nawaf Salam and President Joseph Aoun, and urged the country to prevent Hezbollah from rebuilding.
The National
14-02-2025
- Business
- The National
Hariri's vision for Lebanon shaped its destiny
I recall the day Rafic Hariri was assassinated 20 years ago as if it were yesterday. Few people have shaped the destiny of their countries like Hariri did for Lebanon. His impact extended far beyond the country, influencing the broader region, and his assassination marked a pivotal moment – a clear demarcation between the pre-Hariri and post-Hariri eras. Reflecting on the former prime minister's legacy is a daunting and complex task, especially at a time when opinions diverge sharply. Some blame him for Lebanon's enduring problems, while others mourn the missed opportunity for a true saviour. A balanced appraisal, however, must weigh his achievements and shortcomings against the backdrop of Lebanon's deep-rooted political and economic dysfunctions and the volatile geopolitics of the Middle East. Even before assuming the role of prime minister, Mr Hariri was already instrumental in shaping Lebanon's future – engaging in critical civil war negotiations, supporting relief efforts after the 1982 Israeli invasion, and establishing scholarship programmes for more than 40,000 Lebanese students. As prime minister, Mr Hariri pursued an ambitious vision to transform Lebanon into a regional financial hub reminiscent of its pre-war glory. Moreover, his international and regional contacts were unrivalled, affording him unmatched access to influential figures and cementing his role as a key mediator in global diplomacy. Mr Hariri championed large-scale reconstruction projects, most notably through the creation of Solidere – a master-planned urban redevelopment company that modernised Beirut – and attracted significant international investment. His policies positioned Lebanon as a centre for banking, tourism and services, bolstering the country's international financial credibility and economic liberalisation. Yet, this rapid development came at a price. Investment was heavily concentrated in the Greater Beirut area at the expense of the peripheral regions, and the economy became overly reliant on the financial, banking and real estate sectors, while overlooking more productive sectors such as manufacturing and agriculture. Furthermore, the currency peg to the dollar, initially a necessary and temporary stabilising force, eventually proved unsustainable. Much of Lebanon's rebuilding was financed by high-interest borrowing, leading to structural debt vulnerabilities. The aggressive financialisation of the economy – marked by high interest rates and an expanding banking sector financing the fiscal deficit – laid the groundwork for a financial crisis decades later. A pivotal moment occurred in 1998 when Lebanon began borrowing in US dollars through Eurobonds, a measure rushed through Parliament with the assistance of Speaker Nabih Berri. This decision increased Lebanon's dependence on a currency it could not print and sowed the seeds for the default in March 2020. Most of Mr Hariri's critics, however, have either attacked him on political and personal grounds or failed to address the core issues. First, Mr Hariri's most significant misstep was the inability to fully account for Lebanon's – and the region's – complex realities. He operated within a deeply entrenched sectarian and clientelist system, where post-Taif governments were populated by people chosen more for loyalty than competence. The pervasive influence of Syria further constrained his policy options. Second, Mr Hariri's economic vision was anchored in a broader political bet on regional peace following the Oslo Accords, with the hope that Lebanon would emerge as a stable investment hub in a peaceful Middle East. This optimistic expectation was first dashed by the assassination of then Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin and further undermined by subsequent turmoil, including 9/11 and the Iraq War. Rather than pivoting when circumstances changed, Mr Hariri persisted with his strategy – a course that his political opponents were unwilling to challenge with decisive reforms, as shown by the 1998-2000 government led by prime minister Salim Al Hoss government. Third, the core of Lebanon's economic problem lay not merely in the accumulation of debt but in the misallocation of funds. Investments were funnelled into projects with low economic multiplier effects. The promise of post-war reconstruction was originally based on the pledge by Arab countries to disburse $2 billion (equal to $5 billion in today's dollars) as part of the Taif Agreement's broader framework for reconstruction and relief – this was not fully realised. Even the lavish development of Solidere – which was meant to revive the centre of Lebanon's capital after 15 years of being divided by the civil war – was transformed into an exclusive banking and commercial centre that starkly contrasted with its neglected residential surroundings and excluded its original residents. Fourth, countries recovering from war typically avoid slashing taxes because they need revenue to finance reconstruction. In defiance of both economic theory and natural experiments, Mr Hariri reduced income taxes, further straining limited resources and hindering recovery. Finally, Mr Hariri's reluctance to dismantle exclusive commercial agencies or advance progressive legislation such as the Civil Marriage law under pressure from powerful economic groups and religious authorities meant that he did not challenge dominant political blocs that resisted reforms weakening their control. Today, as Lebanon faces a profound crisis, the collapse of Mr Hariri's economic model – exacerbated by years of bad policies, mismanagement and institutional decay after his assassination – serves as a stark reminder that economic policy cannot be separated from politics. Although a full return to his model is unrealistic and undesirable, selective lessons remain vital. Pragmatic diplomacy, investment attraction and international engagement are crucial, but current Prime Minister Nawaf Salam must also confront the persistent perils of political patronage that has long hindered the development of a robust, merit-based public sector. Moving forward, Lebanon urgently requires a sustainable and diversified economic model anchored in structural reforms, industrial development and a revamped financial system. Yet, the path to meaningful reform is complicated by a legislative environment where MPs often prioritise populist strategies and short-term gains over transformative, long-term change. It is, therefore, imperative for the current Cabinet to secure a limited-time legislative mandate on specific issues. Ultimately, while Mr Hariri's vision did help modernise Lebanon and position it as a regional hub, policies under his tenure cannot be divorced from the political context that both enabled and constrained them. The current crisis is not solely a failure of economic strategy but reflects a broader systemic collapse within Lebanon's governance structures.
