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Fibre2Fashion
a day ago
- Business
- Fibre2Fashion
Sri Lanka launches GRI-backed ITSB for apparel sustainability
Sri Lanka's textile and apparel industry has taken a major leap in sustainability with the launch of the Improving Transparency for Sustainable Business (ITSB) programme, a new ESG-focused initiative supported by the Global Reporting Initiative (GRI) South Asia, the Sri Lanka Export Development Board (EDB), the Sustainable Development Council (SDC), and the Joint Apparel Association Forum (JAAF). Backed by Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA), the ITSB programme aims to embed world-class ESG reporting across apparel businesses—ranging from multinational firms to SMEs—strengthening the sector's transparency, investor confidence, and global market readiness. Companies will be trained on the use of GRI Standards to report on critical issues such as labour practices, energy and climate impact, economic contribution, and waste. The initiative aligns with Sri Lanka's Inclusive and Sustainable Business Action Plan and responds to rising global demand for ethical sourcing and regulatory compliance, including EU's upcoming Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) rules. The first full-day session took place on July 16, 2025, in Colombo, featuring stakeholder workshops, ESG strategy discussions, and a preview of the 2025 GRI Textiles and Apparel Sector Standard, JAAF said in a media release. With apparel contributing over 40 per cent of Sri Lanka's exports and employing 350,000 people, the ITSB is a strategic step towards making the industry more competitive, transparent, and future-ready. The programme is expected to extend to India and Bangladesh later this year, positioning Sri Lanka as a regional ESG frontrunner. 'ITSB is designed to elevate sustainability practices and transparency across South Asia's textile and apparel sector, positioning it for long-term resilience, profitability, and global leadership. Through this multi-year initiative, we aim to foster a dynamic and inclusive platform that brings together key stakeholders across Sri Lanka's textile and apparel sector. Adopting the GRI Standards – the world's most widely used sustainability standards, does not only elevate corporate transparency but also strengthens investor confidence, international positioning, and regulatory preparedness—contributing to a more transparent and future-ready economy,' said Rahul Singh, senior manager, South Asia, GRI, commenting on the significance of the programme. Note: The headline, insights, and image of this press release may have been refined by the Fibre2Fashion staff; the rest of the content remains unchanged. Sri Lanka has launched the ITSB programme to boost ESG reporting in its apparel sector, backed by GRI South Asia, EDB, SDC, and JAAF, with support from Sweden's SIDA. Aimed at SMEs and large firms, the initiative promotes transparency and global compliance. The first session was held on July 16, 2025, with plans to expand to India and Bangladesh later this year. Fibre2Fashion News Desk (HU)


The Print
5 days ago
- Politics
- The Print
Pakistan priority in our neighbourhood diplomacy, says China as Munir-Wang Yi meet after Op Sindoor
Indian Army deputy chief Lt Gen Rahul Singh had earlier this month said that China provided real-time surveillance and battlefield intelligence to Pakistan. His remarks followed his meeting with visiting Pakistan Army chief in Beijing after the four day conflict between India and Pakistan that saw Chinese defence equipment and tactics in action. New Delhi: In a first after Operation Sindoor, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi congratulated Pakistan Army chief Asim Munir's promotion to Field marshal and underlined that Islamabad was and will always be a priority for China's neighbourhood policy. As both sides held discussions on regional and international issues of shared concern, Munir called China Pakistan's 'ironclad brother'. A read-out by China said, 'China will, as always, take Pakistan as a priority in its neighborhood diplomacy, and is ready to work with Pakistan to fully implement the important common understandings reached by leaders of both countries, further deepen the all-weather strategic cooperation for the greater benefits of the two peoples, and make due contributions to peace and stability in the region'. Meanwhile, China's Vice-President Han Zheng met Munir Friday, describing China-Pakistan ties as an 'ironclad friendship' and an 'all-weather strategic cooperative partnership' rooted in mutual trust, solidarity, and a shared future. 'China is willing to work with Pakistan to implement the important consensus reached by the leaders of the two countries, deepen all-weather friendship, expand all-round cooperation, and accelerate the building of a closer China-Pakistan community with a shared future in the new era,' Han said. Munir, in response, said developing friendly cooperation with China enjoys broad consensus across Pakistani society. He expressed support for China's three global initiatives—Global Development Initiative (2021), Global Security Initiative (2022), Global Civilisation Initiative (2023)—and emphasised Pakistan's readiness to further implement the consensus between both countries' leaders. Under China's broader Global Security Initiative (GSI), the two countries are also exploring collaboration in non-traditional sectors such as health, climate security and AI. Also read: '1 border, 3 adversaries': Army Deputy Chief on Op Sindoor, says Pakistan got live inputs from China China's military support to Pakistan The longstanding defence partnership between China and Pakistan has evolved into a full-spectrum strategic alliance. In 2023, China pledged to work closely with Pakistan's military to strengthen shared interests and maintain regional peace and stability. The statement came from China's Ministry of Defence after a meeting in Beijing between General Munir and Zhang Youxia, Vice Chairman of China's Central Military Commission. This visit marked Munir's first official trip to China as army chief. Pakistan now aims to acquire 40 J-35A fifth-generation stealth fighter jets. These radar-evading aircraft are expected to provide Pakistan with a qualitative edge, though affordability and logistics remain significant hurdles. China's diplomatic shield At the diplomatic level, China shielded Pakistan from international censure. In the United Nations Security Council's 1267 Sanctions Committee, Beijing blocked a move to designate The Resistance Force (TRF)—a known Lashkar-e-Taiba offshoot—as a terrorist organisation. Chinese state media amplified Islamabad's denials, even suggesting the Pahalgam attack may have been a 'false flag' operation by India. Online, China's 'Wumao' disinformation operatives collaborated with Pakistan's Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) wing to inflate reports of Indian casualties and highlight the performance of Chinese military systems—claims that were quickly debunked by independent observers. Meanwhile, last week, the United States officially designated The Resistance Front (TRF) as both a Foreign Terrorist Organisation (FTO) and a Specially Designated Global Terrorist (SDGT). China responded cautiously to the US designation and reaffirmed China's opposition to all forms of terrorism while calling for joint efforts to maintain peace and stability in the region. (Edited by Viny Mishra) Also read: Op Sindoor is the first battle in India's two-front war. A vicious pawn in a King's Gambit


India Today
21-07-2025
- Politics
- India Today
Advocates, political workers among 21 wanted in UP with reward of up to Rs 20,000
Uttar Pradesh Police on Sunday announced cash rewards ranging from Rs 10,000 to Rs 20,000 for information leading to the arrest of 21 absconding persons, including three women, an official said.A separate list of the absconders, which includes advocates and political workers, has been released, the official of Rs 20,000 each have been announced for 12 persons -- Ram Pratap Singh, Rahul Singh, Deepak Jadaun, Shrot Gupta, Narain Bhadauria, Anoop Shukla, Sanjay Upadhaye, Aridaman Singh, Merajul Haq, Shyam Sundar Prajapati, Abhishek Katiyar and Shivam Rathore, police Most of the wanted persons are accused in cases of serious crimes such as cheating, forgery using fake documents and criminal intimidation, they Commissioner of Police (East) Satyajeet Gupta said rewards have also been declared against absconding women Vibha Sachan, Kamini Tripathi and Priti Singh, who are wanted for cheating and forgery.- Ends


The Hindu
18-07-2025
- Health
- The Hindu
Helicopter Medical Emergency Services drill held at college
A middle-aged man slips and falls from a height of 25-30 feet in Kancheepuram, and injures himself severely. Passers-by spot him lying in a pool of blood, and alert the ambulance service. As the ambulance arrives, paramedics evaluate the severity of his injuries, and conclude that it would be too late if they are to transport him by road to the nearest hospital. They call the air ambulance unit while stabilising the patient. Soon, a chopper arrives and a journey of 50 kilometres, which would have taken over an hour by road, is clocked in a fraction of that time. This was a simulation carried out by the International Critical Care Air Transfer Team (ICATT), a Bengaluru-based air ambulance service provider, during its Helicopter Emergency Medical Services (HEMS) drill at the Saveetha Medical College grounds on Friday. While the set up and mobilisation costs of air ambulance services were 'substantial', they may be offset if the government entered the picture to support such initiatives, said Rahul Singh, Founder and Director, ICATT. 'We have started similar initiatives in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh with the help of the State governments. In Madhya Pradesh, we offer a flying time of 100 hours a month and it costs the government ₹25 crore annually. Due to the high establishment costs, we insist on a five-year contract,' Dr. Singh added. The helicopter used for the drill was the U.S.-made Bell 429 – a compact 5-seater with a six-seven metre rotor radius – which can land on a helipad. 'It has twin engines, rigid rotors, is capable of handling tough weather conditions, and is instrument flying enabled,' said Wing Commander V.T. Prakash, one of the pilots. 'Air ambulances are used extensively by the military. Slowly, civilian use is increasing,' Mr. Prakash added.


The Hindu
16-07-2025
- Business
- The Hindu
Pakistan is the Front Face for China in a War with India: Lt General D.S. Hooda
Published : Jul 16, 2025 17:13 IST - 16 MINS READ Two months since Operation Sindoor, the sounds of this four-day conflict with Pakistan continue reverberating. What emerges repeatedly is that China and Turkey helped Pakistan—not just with weapons, but likely real-time intelligence. This while India and China normalise relations. Lieutenant General Deepinder Singh Hooda, former General Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the Indian Army's Northern Command and Northern Army Commander during the 2016 surgical strikes., spoke to Frontline about what the war exposed about India's readiness, the China-Pakistan-Turkey nexus, and the future of India's war doctrine. Lieutenant General Rahul Singh spoke candidly about Operation Sindoor lessons. Three stood out: India faced three adversaries on a single border—Pakistan, Turkey, and China. China's real-time intelligence sharing gave Pakistan commanding oversight of our military assets. Operation Sindoor became a live lab for China to study. Given long military relationships between Pakistan-China and Pakistan-Turkey, why did this surprise our leadership? We procure weapons from many countries. Reports suggest US military intelligence helped India repel a 2022 People's Liberation Army (PLA) attack in Arunachal Pradesh. Why is India feeling overwhelmed by China's help to Pakistan rather than anticipating it? This fact is well known. Military cooperation between Pakistan and Turkey, Pakistan and China is documented. I'm not sure General Rahul R. Singh was surprised—he was stating facts. Pakistan-Turkey cooperation spans many years. Pakistan is Turkey's second biggest arms export market. In 2021, Turkey and Pakistan signed a deal to manufacture armed drones in Pakistan itself. Turkey's position on Kashmir is very clear—they completely support Pakistan. China has a much deeper relationship with Pakistan. More than 80 per cent of arms procured by Pakistan in the last five years have been from China. Pakistan is one country with access to China's Beidou satellite system, both civilian and military. Pakistan is the only country that can access military satellites and military systems of China. So there's no doubt they would be getting real-time intelligence, information, Chinese satellites would probably be helping with targeting, precision strikes. These facts should have been factored into our military plans leading up to Operation Sindoor. These are very well-known things to the military and political leadership. Were we prepared for this four-day war to be a two-front war? From statements that emerged, it seems like a complaint that China helped Pakistan rather than something factored in. As far as the military is concerned, they know exactly what systems are being supplied to Pakistan by China, how Pakistan is utilising them. Perhaps if there was surprise, it was how very well network centricity works in the Chinese system—they seem very well networked. On the two-front question, we have traditionally looked at two fronts as geographically separated—northern border where China operates, western border where Pakistan operates. We need to start re-looking, and experts are talking about it, that you could well have one front with two adversaries—Pakistan is the front face with almost complete support from China, unless of course troops on the ground. Our thinking about two front needs to factor this in now. He actually said three front—China, Pakistan, and Turkey. If we knew this already, were we prepared? But there's realisation that this conflict may have inadvertently exposed India's vulnerabilities when General Rahul Singh said this was a live lab situation where they could observe performance of their military hardware given Pakistan, as well as how India responded. Did India expose itself? Always happens that you can have the best plans, equipment, strategy and tactics, but the real test comes in conflict. When you have kinetic attacks taking place, it exposes both strengths and vulnerabilities in your system, just as it exposed strengths and vulnerabilities of what the Pakistanis have. The Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) admitted there were some tactical shortfalls on the first day that led to some combat losses of aircraft. Lessons were learned and corrective measures put in place. Certainly, both strengths and vulnerabilities are literally exposed only during conflict. Both sides would be taking lessons from this. Even China would be very seriously looking at performance of their system. Some worked well. There was talk that the air defence system didn't work as well as they expected because they were unable to counter Indian strikes, particularly on May 9 and 10. All three sides will be looking at these issues. Why is there dissonance between military and political leadership messaging? The CDS said there were losses during combat, Indian Air Force losses. But the national security advisor in Chennai challenged anyone to provide photographic proof of even a single damaged structure. Why is political leadership saying we taught Pakistan a lesson while military leadership talks about our vulnerabilities? Political leadership on both sides will claim victory. Even Pakistan is saying they have been victorious. From the Indian perspective, it would be fair to say that in this short four-day conflict, India came out on top. We struck all the terrorist camps we set out to do. We managed to, once Pakistan responded with drone attacks and missiles over the next two, three days, largely hold them off without major damage on our side. As matters escalated, we carried out very successful strikes on May 9 and 10, which caused serious damage to aerial infrastructure, airfields, radar stations, air defence side. Dispassionately looking at it, India did well, India did better than Pakistan did. That's the context of how political leadership is framing it. As far as the military is concerned, one key element of a professional military is the ability to learn lessons from conflicts. It would be absolutely unprofessional if we said everything went fine, that there are really no lessons. The CDS was candid enough to admit shortfalls, which led to losses, leading to lessons learned, practices put in place that helped us succeed. Also Read | India-China will remain in state of armed co-existence until mistrust goes: Vijay Gokhale Are both leaderships on the same page, but conveying different messages? In different contexts. Political leadership is looking at it as a whole and saying, this is what we set out to do and this is what we've done. The military has said we have done a good job, but there are lessons we need to learn, and that is a good thing. After a four-year standoff with China at the Line of Actual Control (LAC), India is pursuing normalisation. External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar is traveling to China today for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation meeting and bilateral conversation with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi. Shouldn't India be asking China about its role in helping Pakistan against India? Shouldn't that be on the agenda? It's well known that China has been supporting Pakistan both militarily and diplomatically. Chinese statements have come out saying their partnership with Pakistan is not directed at any other country. General Rahul has called it out by saying this is how it was. He used terms like Pakistan has been using China directly as a proxy to fight against India. How do we deal with it diplomatically? We need a more nuanced position. We are currently in the phase of trying to normalise relations after a difficult four and a half, five years. Does it suit us to have tension on the LAC at this time or to rake up these issues? There is dependency—trade dependency, pharmaceuticals, electronic parts, industrial equipment. This dependency is not going away in a hurry. We need to see what kind of strategic costs we are willing to pay. Doesn't mean we are turning a completely blind eye to whatever China is doing. We are seeing greater capability building along the LAC, infrastructure development is happening. Slowly we are trying to reduce our dependencies. We are talking about Make in India. But all this is going to take time. As far as dealing with China is concerned, perhaps outrage and emotion that has marked our dealings with Turkey need to be kept aside and the most strategic position taken. Different strokes for different folks—with Turkey we can afford to call them out, whereas with China we have to be more careful because of power asymmetry? There is power asymmetry. There are dependencies. China is our immediate neighbour. We have an unsettled border, which has created problems for both countries. Turkey is a distant neighbor, hardly have any trade. There were some defence deals supposed to be done between India and Turkey, but they've been called off because of statements supporting Pakistan. The relationship is different. The costs of calling out both countries are different. We can't deal with them with the same brush. Is normalising relations despite everything—China's support for Pakistan militarily, diplomatically, including helping water down UN Security Council statements after Pahalgam—the way forward? Should we think of normalising ties with Pakistan then? It would be ideal if you could normalise relations with Pakistan, but positions are today so far apart on two issues—Kashmir as far as Pakistan is concerned, and terrorism as far as India is concerned—that normalisation at this current juncture looks difficult. But between the two countries, there needs to be some communication channels that are open. If you can't have official communication channels, at least keep back channel communications in place. If a crisis occurs, management of that crisis bilaterally will only happen if there are mechanisms and back channels in place. Otherwise, then you will have issues like the two countries are not talking to each other. Then obviously third party mediation is warranted. Pakistan will go running to America or to Saudi Arabia. This is something we say we don't want. DGMO [Director General of Military Operations] hotline exists, but this is basically meant for tactical military issues. If political, diplomatic issues, strategic issues are to be discussed, there needs to be some channel between the two countries. When India and Pakistan arrived at the 2021 ceasefire agreement, thinking was that India had done well to de-hyphenate this, helping India focus on the LAC in Eastern Ladakh. From how the conversation is developing about how China helped Pakistan, is that idea of de-hyphenation no longer valid? Do we have to think of them as a hyphenated entity? Double the trouble. We did well in the past—our approach to the two countries was different diplomatically, politically, even militarily. It was for good reason. You pointed out the ceasefire that came about in 2021. Can we let this one issue dominate our complete bilateral ties with China? That because you are helping Pakistan militarily, this is going to be the key issue as far as India-China relations is concerned. I think that would be wrong because it would seriously limit our options on how we are dealing with China. We ourselves are very sensitive about hyphenation. India should not be hyphenated at all with Pakistan. The two different countries need to look at these two countries differently. The same approach has to be followed. Why do we think it's a good strategy to hyphenate Pakistan and China? Two completely different kinds of countries. People talking about equal hostility to both—I don't think that will work. Does it surprise you that the ceasefire is actually holding? It shattered during the conflict itself, Poonch took the brunt, but it's back to being observed. Even prior to Operation Sindoor, despite everything happening in Jammu and Kashmir—series of terror attacks in the Jammu region, hundreds of terrorists infiltrating across the IB or line of control—ceasefire was holding. There are good reasons why it was holding and the same reasons apply now. The kind of relief it provided to the local population—the ceasefire really was fighting between the two armies, but casualties were mostly civilians. Their daily lives were affected. After Operation Sindoor, both DGMOs have spoken and said, let's have a complete ceasefire. I'm not surprised the ceasefire is currently holding. But I would say it's a fragile ceasefire. You have these major terror incidents, some action is taken, immediately the ceasefire is going to break down. Will Pakistan now be a little more cautious about what it does with sending terrorists into India? That to some extent will define if the ceasefire holds because you can't isolate it from the political and diplomatic aspects. There's this whole business of new normal—if there's another terrorist attack, we launch another military operation against Pakistan. Do you think another conflict with Pakistan is inevitable? In some ways, it is inevitable for a couple of reasons. India has laid down a new doctrine which says a major terror attack will be decisively responded to. Pakistan nuclear blackmail and nuclear bluff is not going to work. We don't distinguish between terrorists and their handlers, which means Pakistan military is a direct target. We are not distinguishing between terrorists and Pakistan military, which is helping these terrorists. This makes the whole situation more crisis prone. Whether it will lead to major war, all-out conflict, I don't know. But my sense is the risks have increased of conflict between India and Pakistan. The next crisis, in my view, you could see much faster escalation. You could see geographically spread—this time, fortunately, the Indian Navy did not get involved, but they were ready. If the crisis lasts maybe a week, you could well see even the Navy involved. There are risks here to how the situation is moving between India and Pakistan. With the new red lines that have been laid down by India, unless Pakistan really controls terrorist groups—which I'm not sure even if they want to, they can—you could well see a new crisis. When General Rahul Singh made his statements about lessons to be learned, was he warning that politicians can make speeches about a new normal, launching military response to terrorist attacks in Pakistan, but that may not be the wisest option because now you have to consider this reinforced one border, three adversaries fighting you? I wouldn't interpret it that way. In a democracy, decisions are taken, political objectives are laid down by political leaders. If the prime minister lays down some red lines, the military gives professional advice and says, this is how we suggest we should do. But ultimately, the decision to use military force or not is that of the political leader. What has happened with the new red lines, and the CDS also mentioned, means that the military will have to remain in a much higher state of readiness. Not like 1971, where you will get six months to prepare and then go for an all-out war. But a major terrorist attack can happen. In all three instances of 2016, 2019, and 2025, the military had to respond in about 10 days, which means high levels of readiness. The government has said, this is how we want you to do this. I just hope it gives the military everything it needs to be prepared for operations at very short notice—adequate stocking levels, not running around for emergency procurement. And second, the fact that you are going to see a degree of collusion between Pakistan and China, and therefore equip the Indian military with whatever it needs to handle that threat. Is there something we can do to prevent it from happening at all? Communication between the two sides. Before a crisis happens, before it turns into conflict, if there are some crisis management mechanisms, communications happening between say the NSAs on both sides. It's a fact that India is now fed up with this 30 to 35 years of continuous terrorist attacks coming from Pakistan. Patience has run out. Even if tomorrow there's a new government in place, the standards that have been set are not going to change. People are going to expect something to happen. Can we stave off this crisis? It can only happen if we are talking to each other, finding some via media during a crisis to stave off the direct use of military. Also Read | In dealing with Pakistan, India has to choose from a menu of bad options: T.C.A. Raghavan Many military commentators talk about a three front against India—China, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. How real is this assessment militarily? On the military threat from Bangladesh, I would say it's a bit exaggerated. Let's not think it is on the same lines as Pakistan or China where we actually have live frontiers, live borders. What's happened in the past few months is Bangladesh getting closer to China, ties between Bangladesh and Pakistan are improving. But frankly, it's more a diplomatic challenge. I would not take this as a direct military threat. Yes, there is anti-India sentiment, anti-India rhetoric happening. But there is also huge dependency. Trade through land routes via India, they are hugely dependent on that. They're getting energy, electricity from India. Thirty per cent of their cotton comes from India for their textile industry, which is their biggest export market. They understand the limits of how much they can push. I don't really see it translating into a direct military threat. People are talking about radicalisation, and that's something we need to look at. But I wouldn't say a third front has opened up against India. When an elected government is in place, perhaps you will find dealing with greater maturity and responsibility than the current unelected interim government. Diplomatically is where we need to look at how to deal with Bangladesh. The reference when people talk about this third front is that Pakistan or China may use Bangladesh territory to launch sub-conventional attacks—Bangladesh territory may be used for militant outfits or radicalised Islamist outfits. There is a level of radicalisation happening. It's for us to check our borders, make sure physical movement doesn't happen. Some of that has to be dealt with ourselves. Our own policies with regard to dealing with radicalism are also not fully matured. Where do you hear of counter radicalisation drives? Getting extremist elements trying to get them back into the mainstream? Some things could happen, but I will not take that so much as a live threat as compared to Pakistan and China. Even with Pakistan, in Kashmir, policing our own borders better, guarding our frontiers, making sure terrorists do not get to launch attacks inside the country—preventing it rather than being forced to do something after the fact—should be the approach in Kashmir as well, not just on the Bangladesh border. Absolutely. There is a lot of focus on counter infiltration in Jammu and Kashmir. The terrain is also different. Particularly in the Kashmir Valley, in the winters, you'll get 20 feet of snow. Your fence gets completely damaged and has to be repaired every year. Fighting keeps happening on the borders, which also makes counter infiltration difficult. Some of these challenges are not there on the Bangladesh border, but I completely agree. Strengthening of the counter infiltration grid in Jammu and Kashmir is an integral and essential part of our strategy to counter terrorism. Nirupama Subramanian is an independent journalist who has worked earlier at The Hindu and at The Indian Express.