Latest news with #Rajputs
India.com
a day ago
- Politics
- India.com
Why Brij Bhushan Singh's Meeting With CM Yogi Has Sparked Speculations In Uttar Pradesh
In a move that has stirred political circles in Uttar Pradesh, former BJP MP and ex-Wrestling Federation of India chief Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh met Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath in Lucknow. The meeting, though described as a courtesy call by official sources, is being seen as politically significant, especially in the context of the evolving dynamics in eastern Uttar Pradesh (Purvanchal). Brij Bhushan, a powerful figure in UP politics and particularly influential in the Purvanchal belt, has been under scrutiny in recent years following allegations of sexual harassment by several female wrestlers. While legal proceedings and public criticism continue, this meeting with the CM suggests that the BJP might not be ready to sideline him just yet. Political analysts believe that the meeting signals the beginning of a recalibration of power in the Purvanchal region, which has played a decisive role in shaping the state's electoral outcomes. With the 2027 Assembly elections approaching, the BJP appears to be repositioning influential leaders to consolidate its voter base, particularly among Rajputs, OBCs, and other dominant regional castes. Brij Bhushan's grassroots network, dominance in several districts, and ability to mobilize support make him a potentially crucial player in the BJP's strategy. The timing of the meeting, following a period of relative political silence around Singh, has raised eyebrows and invited criticism from the opposition. Despite no official word from the Chief Minister's Office, political analysts view the meeting as more than mere courtesy. It signals Brij Bhushan's continued influence and hints at a potential strategic role for him in the BJP's future plans for Uttar Pradesh.
India Today
a day ago
- Politics
- India Today
Taken At The Flood: Jagdeep Dhankhar's journey through India's political currents
Life moves like a restless river, always flowing and changing course. At times, it lifts us up to new heights; at other times, it draws us back. But, as Shakespeare wrote, there are moments in life—high tides—that, if seized, can carry us to great fortune. The story of Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar, who resigned on Monday, is much like this river, full of ebb and At The FloodIn 1989, India's political landscape was turbulent, with the Congress facing unprecedented challenges from a united opposition. It was a Dickensian ode to the best of times for the non-Congress opposition and the worst for the Congress and then Prime Minister Rajiv young PM, who had caught the nation's fancy with his persona and vision, had suddenly lost his sheen. A penumbra of corruption, opportunism, and communalism had surrounded his early aura. Bofors, a Swedish gun, had become a household name, and the streets echoed with a nasty slogan: 'Gali, gali main shor hai, Rajiv Gandhi chor hai.' Another narrative was unfolding with the unravelling of Rajiv Gandhi—the rise of Hindutva, amplified by BJP's campaign for a Ram Temple in Ayodhya. As BJP leader LK Advani led a 'Rath Yatra' through the heart of India, leaving behind a legacy of Hindutva revivalism and a trail of blood, a strange alliance shaped Indian politics. It presented Jagdeep Dhankhar an opportunity to ride the high tide of Unlikely AllianceThe left is left, and the right is right, and the twain shall never meet. This axiom of politics turned on its head when the BJP, the Janata Dal—led by VP Singh—and the Left joined hands against Rajiv Gandhi in the 1989 elections. The alliance shredded the social tapestry the Congress had woven through clever caste and communal equations. In many places, it brought rival social groups together, creating a solid vote bank against the Congress. The impact of this coalition was felt most in states like Rajasthan, where feudal-era loyalties had created deep schisms between politically vocal castes like Jats and Rajputs. For the first time in Indian history, these arch-rivals united to uproot the 1989The desert town of Jhunjhunu, possibly named after a chieftain called Jhunjha, is the beating heart of Shekhawati, a region in Rajasthan known as the birthplace of some of India's biggest business tycoons. Born in a small village in Jhunjhunu, Dhankhar moved to Jaipur to practice law, where he became president of the High Court Bar Association. But his political destiny awaited him in politics is dominated by three groups—the numerically superior Jats, the politically united Muslims, and the socially powerful Rajputs, who once ruled as chieftains. The politics of Jhunjhunu was historically dominated by the Congress, which created a solid vote bloc of Jats, Muslims, and Dalits. In 1989, two leaders blasted away this bonhomie, giving Dhankhar a rare opportunity in Tau and The ThakuradvertisementAmong the Jats of Rajasthan, especially in the Shekhawati region, Chaudhary Devi Lal emerged as an unexpected star, even though his karma bhoomi was the adjoining state of Haryana. Revered as Tau by followers, Devi Lal shook Rajasthan's political landscape when he announced his candidature from Sikar, against Congress heavyweight and fellow Jat, Balram Lal's decision to contest from Sikar, which abuts Jhunjhunu, drew Jats to the opposition in the entire Shekhawati region. They combined with the Rajputs, led by BJP stalwart Bhairon Singh Shekhawat, and the lure of VP Singh, a Thakur, to form a formidable group that guaranteed opposition victory.A Pivotal Rally: The Turning PointIt was Tau Devi Lal's 75th birthday, an occasion turned into opposition's heft at Delhi's Boat Club. Dhankhar, a young lawyer with political ambition, organised a large gathering from Jhunjhunu to attend the birthday rally.A few days later, while his Sangram Colony house in Jaipur was dipped in the dark because of a power cut, light shone through. Devi Lal and Ajit Singh visited him, offering him the chance to contest from Jhunjhunu. Riding on the anger against PM Gandhi, thrust forward by the combined might of the Jat-Rajput coalition, Dhankhar swept the and FlowThe river of destiny shifted its course in November 1990. VP Singh, carried to power by high hopes and the surge of public will, formed the government. Dhankhar was inducted as a junior minister, ironically, on the recommendation of Bansi Lal, a Congress leader. In November 1989, VP Singh's government fell toppled by collapsing alliances. Chandra Shekhar, whose journey had long flowed against the mainstream, now found himself steering the that moment's confluence, another opportunity emerged when he was called to serve as Minister of State in the government. But, he refused to take oath, objecting to the inclusion of Rajasthan leaders Daulat Ram and Kalyan Singh as senior March 1991, Chandra Shekhar's government, always precarious, lost the support that had kept it standing. Faced with mounting political pressure and growing isolation, he resigned, bringing his brief time in office to an end. With the cabinet dissolved, Dhankhar's role in national politics faded as quickly as it had appeared. The attention shifted, new names emerged, and for Dhankhar, it was a return to relative obscurity, his moment on the central stage quietly passing into Out the LullThe gates of Parliament had closed, but ambition still stirred. Politics, though, seldom forgives or forgets. The Congress, regaining dominance through the 1990s, saw Dhankhar make a pragmatic shift—he joined its ranks, winning a state assembly seat in 1993. For a while, after his assembly win, Dhankhar's career he made a political blunder. In the caste-driven politics of Rajasthan, Dhankhar positioned himself as a Jat leader. Unfortunately for him, the reins of the Congress passed to Ashok Gehlot, who swiftly purged the party of Jat leaders. Denied the chance to contest for the Assembly by Gehlot, Dhankhar joined the NCP, and then the BJP ahead of the 2003 Assembly polls. Vasundhara Raje, his old friend and the new BJP satrap, refused to give Dhankhar a Rajya Sabha ticket, ending his dream of a return to national 15-year ExileHis political journey, once brimming with promise, was derailed by a mix of his own impatience, sudden changes in allegiance, and missteps, as well as the rise of regional leaders who viewed the shrewd lawyer with suspicion. Consequently, after brief spells in nearly every major political party within a decade, he found himself pushed to the sidelines, left to while away his has its own rhythm. At the beginning of the millennium, Dhankhar waited patiently for the tide to turn. Visitors to his farm on the outskirts of Jaipur were treated with the luxury of time and the coffee he blended himself, stirring it for hours with a political wilderness stretched for nearly 15 years. Dhankhar, however, remained more than a distant memory. He remained active in the legal world, earning renown as a sharp, argumentative advocate in the Supreme Court. In these years, he forged quiet but potent links with the RSS, lending his insights and tenacity to the background operations of the Sangh and BJP, even as he was denied a formal Angles of ReturnIn 2019, fortune turned. The BJP, seeking a seasoned and regionally credible leader, tapped Dhankhar as Governor of West Bengal—a surprise move that returned him to the center of political action. His legal acumen and deep understanding of political strategy became assets as he dealt with the fierce, often confrontational politics of Bengal, often sparring with Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. His confrontational style was rewarded by the BJP with his election as Vice President in 2022. But another chapter was Health and Political ConcernsThis March, Dhankhar underwent a procedure for removal of blockages in the heart. But the problem of low blood pressure and fainting spells persisted. This, according to official sources, is the reason for his sudden the real reason is complex. Sources close to Dhankhar cite his continuous neglect by the BJP top brass, indicating a rapid souring of relationship. In his home state, Rajasthan, the Vice President felt slighted by the chief minister, Bhajan Lal, who would often ignore his trips, or requests. Sources close to him say he was being insulted on purpose–a clear message that his stock had fallen within the 20 was the birthday of his wife, Dr Sudesh Dhankhar. A feast was organised for the staff, with jalebis flown in from Jaipur. There was no sign of his impending resignation, though Dhankhar was aware that he had overstayed his welcome. Whispers in political circles suggest tensions with BJP leadership over his outspoken remarks on farmers and the judiciary, though no official confirmation a day later, on the opening day of the Monsoon Session of Parliament, Dhankhar quit. 'He was simmering because the top brass had turned cold and aloof. Things had turned so bad that the party leadership would ignore even his salutations and greetings,' a family source of the SurvivorsDhankhar's journey is less a tale of permanent ascent and more one of resilience—the ability to wait, adapt, and seize opportunity when it arises. His recent resignation is simply the latest bend in a long, unpredictable course. Jagdeep Dhankhar has navigated the floods with remarkable tenacity. Will he catch another high tide, or is this the end of his political journey? Time will reveal its future ebb and flow.- Ends
India Today
6 days ago
- General
- India Today
The brutal legacy of Akbar's Chittorgarh siege referenced by NCERT
The National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) has released a new Class 8 Social Science textbook that offers a revised take on Indian history from the 13th to 17th centuries. The book, part of the series Exploring Society: India and Beyond, calls Akbar's reign a mix of brutality and tolerance, referring to his massacre of 30,000 people at siege of Chittorgarh is a pivotal event in Indian history. It marks the beginning of Akbar's campaign to subdue the Rana of Mewar. Below is a detailed account based on historical sources, primarily the Akbarnama by Abu'l Fazl, of the causes, events, and aftermath of the Sisodia RajputsThe Rajputs, a warrior caste of northern India, are organised into numerous clans claiming descent from ancient Kshatriya lineages, often linked to solar (Suryavanshi), lunar (Chandravanshi), or fire-born (Agnivanshi) dynasties. The Sisodias, a Suryavanshi Rajput clan, ruled Mewar from Chittorgarh and later Udaipur. Renowned for their fierce independence, they resisted Mughal domination longer than most, notably under Rana Udai Singh II and his son Rana Pratap located in present-day Rajasthan, was a formidable hill fortress and the heart of Mewar. Sprawling over 700 acres atop a 180-meter-high hill, the fortress had a history of resistance, having faced sieges by Alauddin Khalji in 1303 and Bahadur Shah of Gujarat in 1535. Its core structure - walls, gates, and key monuments - dates back to the pre-Mughal era, with contributions from the 7th to 16th Siege of ChittorgarhBy 1567, Akbar had consolidated power over much of northern India, including Malwa and parts of Rajputana. Unlike other Rajput rulers, such as those of Amber and Bikaner, who allied with Akbar through diplomacy and marriage, Rana Udai Singh II refused to recognise Mughal overlordship. His support for rebellious Mughal vassals, like Baz Bahadur of Malwa, further provoked the October 1567, Akbar marched from Agra with 40,000 men with the objective of bringing the Rana to his knees. His large army was equipped with cannons, muskets, and siege equipment. The army set up camp at the base of the Chittorgarh hill, choking off the Chittorgarh fort, a stronghold of Rajput pride, 8,000 warriors led by Jaimal Rathore braced for the storm. Mewar's ruler Rana Udai Singh II had retreated into the Aravalli hills, leaving his trusted commander to hold the Sisodia capital against an unstoppable cannons began to roar, hurling iron at the 30-foot-thick walls of the fort. But the fort's height and defences repelled the Mughal army's efforts. Jaimal's men answered from the ramparts, targeting the Mughals with arrows, musket fire, and stones hurled from catapults. Night after night, the Rajputs struck with quick raids on Mughal by the army's failure and the Rajput resistance, Akbar asked his men to creep toward the fort in covered trenches (sabat). The Mughals burrowed beneath the fort, packing gunpowder to rip the foundations apart. But the Rajputs were watching. They dug counter-mines and fought of ChittorgarhWeeks turned into months, but the defenders stood firm. Akbar, sleepless, prowled his camp, watching the army lose patience and hope. But in February 1568, Jaimal Rathore was killed, possibly by a Mughal marksman or during a sortie (though Mughal chronicles say he was shot by Akbar himself). His death was a turning point, as it demoralised the defenders and signaled the fort's imminent defeat inevitable, the Rajput women inside the fort performed jauhar on or around February 23, 1568, to avoid capture. The men donned saffron robes and launched a final sortie against the Mughal February 23-24, 1568, after nearly four months of siege, the Mughals breached the fort's defences through a collapsed wall section. Mughal sources claim that the defenders were almost entirely killed, with estimates of 8,000-10,000 Rajput deaths. Akbar, enraged by the prolonged resistance, ordered a general massacre of the fort's non-combatant population, with estimates of civilian deaths ranging from 20,000 to 30,000. The fort, scarred and silent, stood as a hollow AftermathThe fall of Chittorgarh marked a significant victory for Akbar, weakening Mewar's resistance and sending a message to other Rajput states. The fortress was briefly occupied by Mughal forces but was not permanently garrisoned due to its remote location and the high cost of maintenance. Akbar appointed a governor to oversee the region, but Mewar's resistance continued under Rana Udai Singh's son, Pratap Singh, who later waged a guerrilla campaign against the the Rajputs, the siege became a symbol of sacrifice and defiance. The jauhar and Rajput bravery at Chittorgarh were immortalised in Rajput ballads and chronicles, celebrating the heroism of Jaimal, Patta Sisodia (another commander), and the women who performed jauhar. Rana Pratap's refusal to submit to Akbar further cemented Mewar's reputation as a bastion of Rajput fort still exists and retains significant elements of its pre-1568 structure, such as its gates, towers, and major palaces, reminding visitors of the siege, the massacre, and the unyielding spirit of the Ranas of Mewar.- EndsMust Watch
Time of India
16-07-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
CM seeks detailed report on Harda lathi-charge, Karni Sena warns of consequences in Bihar polls
Bhopal: CM Mohan Yadav sought a detailed investigation report from the district administration of Harda on the alleged police lathi-charge on students inside hostels. The CM, who is on an official foreign tour in Spain, took to 'X' and said, "Taking cognisance of the Harda hostel incident, I have sought a detailed investigation report from the district administration. For our govt, social justice and mutual harmony are the highest priority." He further stated, "No one will be allowed to disrupt social harmony in Madhya Pradesh." Yadav's action comes after Karni Sena National President Mahipal Singh Makrana warned the BJP govt on the police action against Rajput youths. He mentioned that in several past elections, the BJP acknowledged their victory in electoral polls to Rajput voters. "And now, the same BJP govt is disregarding our community. If the BJP continues to behave in this manner with Rajputs, then massive protests will take place before the Bihar assembly elections," Makrana said. State Congress' Thakur leaders, including former Chief Minister Digvijaya Singh and former LOP Ajay Singh, deeply condemned the alleged police excess on students. Two days after the July 13 lathi-charge incident, Rajya Sabha MP Digvijaya Singh reached Harda to meet students who were lathi-charged by the police. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Cách giao dịch ETH/USD mà không cần nắm giữ Ether IC Markets Tìm hiểu thêm Undo Singh said, "The way students, even girl students, were lathi-charged in the hostels… four to five persons were surrounded by the police. Take them to the police station or wherever they are to be taken. But students being beaten up is unacceptable." Former LOP Ajay Singh stated that the use of force is not the solution to every problem. "This worsens the situation instead of improving it. And this is what happened. Now the protest of Karni Sena is gradually spreading to other districts as well. Before the situation becomes more unpleasant, the administration should find a solution through mutual dialogue," Ajay Singh said. The Karni Sena protest of July 13 in Harda started after an office-bearer of the organisation, Ashish Singh Rajput, filed a complaint with the police that he was defrauded of Rs 18 lakh by a person identified as Mohit Verma and two others. A day before the protests, on July 12, the police were taking accused Mohit Verma to court when workers of the Karni Sena Parivar demanded that the accused be handed over to them. When the situation worsened, police arrested Karni Sena district president Sunil Rajput, complainant of the fraud case Ashish Rajput, and two others. These arrests led to the protest in Harda. To disperse the crowd, police resorted to lathi-charge and firing tear-gas shells. Sixty Karni Sena leaders and workers, including the National President of Karni Sena Parivar Jeevan Singh Sherpur, were arrested and later released. Meanwhile, protests by the Karni Sena spread to various parts of the state. The Congress party alleged that police entered hostels and beat up students during the lathi-charge.
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Business Standard
15-07-2025
- Politics
- Business Standard
Bihar elections 2025: What's at stake, who's competing, and why it counts
As Bihar prepares for Assembly elections later this year, the state's political landscape is being readied like a chessboard, with every block, every region, every demographic under strategic scrutiny. The 2025 polls come at a pivotal moment: Nitish Kumar, the most enduring face of Bihar politics in the 21st century, finds himself once again repositioned. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is out to reclaim lost ground. Meanwhile, the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) under Tejashwi Yadav seeks to convert momentum into a mandate, and smaller players, including the CPI(ML), Congress, and regional outfits forming the INDI alliance, are eyeing specific pockets to punch above their weight. What makes Bihar unique is not just the political personalities, but the deeply regionalised and caste-segmented structure of its polity. To understand Bihar, one must understand its geography, its social structure, and its political past. Who are the big players in Bihar Assembly polls 2025? Janata Dal (United) [JD(U)] Historically led by Nitish Kumar, Bihar's longest-serving chief minister, the JD(U) has formed the core of the alliance in Bihar for the last two decades. While its popularity has waned and it has shifted alliances, from NDA to Mahagathbandhan and back, the Nitish brand still resonates strongly, especially among Kurmi voters and selected EBC segments. His repeated realignments, however, have raised questions about where his political loyalties truly lie. Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Long positioned as a junior partner in Bihar's political landscape, the BJP is now aiming to assert its dominance independently post-2020. Its core Hindutva base, upper-caste support (notably Bhumihars, Rajputs), urban communities, and growing overtures to Pasmanda Muslims are all part of its refresh strategy. Riding on the Modi effect and raising the banner of a younger leadership, however, the party still lacks a cross-caste chief ministerial candidate with mass appeal. Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) The largest vote-share earner in the 2020 Assembly, the RJD relies heavily on the combined support of Muslims and Yadavs. Tejashwi Yadav's appeal among the youth and marginalised communities has sharpened the party's focus on job creation. Still, its challenge lies in broadening its base beyond the MY belt, reaching out to Dalits and other backward castes. Indian National Congress A minor but pivotal partner in the Mahagathbandhan, Congress still holds strategic value in alliance arithmetic. Though its traditional influence over upper-caste Muslims and Dalits is diminishing, the party remains strong in specific districts like Kishanganj, Supaul, and Katihar, thanks to organisational depth and local networks. Communist Parties (CPI, CPI(M), CPI(ML)) The CPI(ML) has made a comeback in central Bihar, especially in the Bhojpur and Arrah belt, where it won 12 seats in 2020. With a base among landless Dalits, deprived EBCs, and agrarian communities, it campaigns on labour rights, land reform, and social justice. Often seen as the Left's moral compass, its continued influence reflects persistent regional discontent. Smaller caste-based parties, like the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), can tip close contests. Newer entrants, such as those led by Upendra Kushwaha or the JSP, could disrupt established calculations by pulling in votes across the ideological spectrum. What is the electoral roll revision fiasco and how it may impact the Bihar polls? The Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in Bihar has sparked a fiery political and legal dispute ahead of the 2025 state assembly polls. At the heart of the controversy are rigid documentation requirements by the Election Commission- pushing millions of people, especially those registered after 2003, to show proof of birth and proof of residence, and for anyone born after 1987, parental documents, something many migrants, Dalits, and impoverished people do not have. Critics warn of potential mass exclusion, fearing lakhs may lose their voting rights, particularly among rural and migrant populations. The process's timing, during Bihar's monsoon and migration season, and its rushed execution just months before polls have only added to the concerns. Initial refusal to accept common IDs like Aadhaar or ration cards sparked further backlash until the Supreme Court intervened, ordering the Election Commission to accept them. Also read: Allegations by opposition parties suggest that the process aims to purge voters unlikely to support the ruling NDA, prompting protests, including a statewide shutdown led by national leaders. Legal challenges remain active, with the Supreme Court deferring the final voter list publication to at least July 28, 2025. The EC has acknowledged possible deletions exceeding 350 thousand names, potentially rigging close contests on many seats. In Bihar, where past elections have been quite close, even a small share of voter removal could significantly matter and result in votes moving to one side of the ledger. Depending on the shifts in the voter list, changes in the voters' list could work against the groups that tend to oppose the ruling party. Regional battlegrounds: Where the vote is won Magadh and Bhojpur (Central Bihar) These areas, covering Patna, Arrah, Gaya, are iconic arenas for upper-caste resurgence and Dalit assertion. The CPI(ML) carries considerable weight here, resting on a backdrop of caste-driven political violence. Meanwhile, BJP and JD(U) maintain hold among middle-caste urbanites and bureaucratic networks. Seemanchal (Northeast Bihar) A Muslim-majority belt including Kishanganj, Araria, and Purnia, Seemanchal remains politically volatile. AIMIM's breakthrough in 2020, winning five seats, reinforced the region's distinct identity. However, after defections to RJD, AIMIM largely retained only Amour. Congress and RJD continue to court Muslim voters here through a secular narrative. Mithila (North Bihar) A cultural stronghold anchored by Maithil Brahmins and Bhumihars, Mithilanchal remains a BJP-JD(U) bastion. Yet this region also grapples with floods, out-migration, and unemployment. With over 100 Assembly seats, it remains a decisive electoral zone thanks to its organisational discipline and caste loyalties. Kosi & Anga (East–Southeast Bihar) These swing zones covering Saharsa, Madhepura, Bhagalpur reveal unpredictable caste dynamics. After figures like Sharad Yadav and Pappu Yadav, development and identity politics fight for prominence. The RJD's influence is strong, but the BJP is steadily gaining ground. Saran & Champaran (West–Northwest Bihar) This region embodies traditional RJD and JD(U) dominance via its Yadav population. However, urban hubs such as Motihari and Bettiah have shown increasing support for the BJP. The legacy of Gandhi's Champaran Satyagraha still resonates symbolically. Caste arithmetic: The backbone of Bihar politics Bihar remains firmly defined by caste divisions. Key demographics break down roughly as follows: Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) 36 per cent; Other Backward Classes (OBCs) including Yadavs 14.26 per cent, Kushwaha 4.21 per cent, Kurmi 2.87 per cent, Bania 2.31 per cent; Scheduled Castes 19.65 per cent; Scheduled Tribes 1.68 per cent; Upper Castes including Brahmin 3.65 per cent, Rajput 3.45 per cent, Bhumihar 2.87 per cent, Kayastha 0.60 per cent. Key EBC groups include Mallah 2.6 per cent, Teli 2.81 per cent, Nai 1.59 per cent and Nonia 1.91 per cent. Also read: EC launches new system for faster, accurate voter turnout reporting Electoral alignments: RJD core: Yadavs (around 14-15 per cent) + Muslims (16-17 per cent). BJP base: Upper castes (12-15 per cent). Dalits: split between Mahadalits (JD(U)) and Paswans (LJP). EBCs (~30 per cent+): crucial swing bloc. Kurmis (3-4 per cent): JD(U) remains favoured. Women voters: A quiet yet pivotal majority? Women constituted about 49 per cent of the 7.64 crore electorate in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Nitish Kumar's policies—ranging from panchayat reservation to bicycle incentives and prohibition—were clearly aimed at mobilising this demographic. Women voters in Bihar regularly match or exceed male turnout, making them a significant, though often overlooked, constituency. Their decisions tend to be shaped more by welfare, safety, and economic stability than allegiance to a specific party. Alliances and trust issues: The double-edged sword Coalitional politics in Bihar are notoriously fluid. Nitish Kumar's repeated realignments have fostered suspicion among allies. Although the 2025 race sees the BJP-JD(U) renewing their pact, lingering mistrust casts a shadow. On the other side, the RJD-led Mahagathbandhan too struggles with internal coherence, especially among CPI(ML), Congress, and smaller regional outfits. The LJP's fracture between Chirag Paswan and Pashupati Paras remains unresolved, complicating alliance dynamics further. Key themes for the 2025 Bihar election Jobs and migration: Mounting youth unemployment and rural migration Caste census debate: Renewed identity mobilisation among EBCs and OBCs Centre–state dynamics: BJP–JD(U) coordination under central policy and fund flows Leadership vacuum: Uncertainty over post-Nitish faces in JD(U) and BJP Polarisation vs welfare: Hindutva rhetoric versus historical tilt toward social justice Prohibition politics: Alcohol ban's complex gendered and social impact Law and order: Crime rates, custodial deaths, and political violence under scrutiny Urban first-time voters: Aspirational youth moving beyond legacy loyalties As Bihar's 2025 Assembly polls near, the state's politics remains complex, rooted in historic alliances, caste calculus, regional patterns and emergent gender and class aspirations. From caste coalitions to urban resurgence, from left-wing insurgency to Pasmanda overtures, the battle in Bihar is not just for seats; it's for shaping its future story.
