Latest news with #Rakhine
News18
4 days ago
- Politics
- News18
As Bangladesh Army Chief, BNP Resist 'Rohingya Corridor', Yunus Silent But Flags Fund Cuts
Last Updated: Sources in Bangladesh suggest the Rakhine Corridor idea has not been completely abandoned, and discussions concerning the Rohingya crisis continue Amid strong opposition from political parties, including the BNP, and the military top brass, Bangladesh's interim government, led by chief adviser Muhammad Yunus, has fallen silent on the proposed Rakhine Corridor talks. However, sources in Bangladesh suggest the idea has not been completely abandoned, and discussions concerning the Rohingya crisis continue. The army chief, during a private meeting with senior commanders, reportedly expressed serious reservations about the project's strategic and security implications. Political parties, including senior figures of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, also rejected the idea, citing national security concerns. 'Silent treatment'? However, the Yunus administration appears to be quietly pursuing the plan, seeking international support through global platforms, emphasising humanitarian grounds. A source familiar with the developments stated that a humanitarian passage, not a corridor, is now the subject of consensus among multiple stakeholders, including Myanmar, Bangladesh, and other involved parties. The proposed passage, intended to facilitate aid delivery between Rohingya settlements and camps in Cox's Bazar and designated zones along the Bangladesh-Myanmar border, has faced sharp domestic criticism. Security analysts and several political parties, including senior BNP leaders, have warned that such a passage could create a semi-autonomous zone and further destabilise the region. A senior BNP leader, speaking to News18 from Dhaka, said, 'We cannot allow the Rakhine Corridor cutting across Bangladesh. We want a stable and peaceful country. We have presented our views to the interim government in this regard, and we will oppose any such decision that may put Bangladesh's security and stability at stake." Addressing the media in Dhaka last week, national security adviser Khalilur Rahman said, 'The UN only asked if Bangladesh could assist in sending humanitarian aid near the border, to be delivered to the Rakhine state by UN partners. We said we can consider," as reported by The Daily Star, a widely circulated Bangladeshi newspaper. A meeting between chief adviser Yunus and UN resident coordinator Gwyn Lewis this week has fuelled further speculation. According to an official statement from the Bangladesh government, the discussion focused significantly on the Rohingya crisis and future cooperation frameworks, with Yunus appealing for international cooperation and funds. 'In their meeting, the resident coordinator and the chief adviser addressed the pressing issues surrounding the Rohingya crisis and the ongoing financing challenges," the statement said. They expressed serious concern about significant funding reductions, which are severely impacting essential programmes within the camps. Yunus stated the 'urgent need for sustained solidarity and increased support from the international community to mitigate the funding cuts and reinforce Bangladesh's efforts to aid the vulnerable Rohingya population". While the Yunus administration has avoided public discussion of the proposed corridor following strong opposition, diplomatic sources suggest the concept of a passage has not been dismissed. For now, the Rakhine corridor remains an undeclared and inactive element of Bangladesh's evolving foreign and domestic policy. First Published: June 07, 2025, 07:30 IST
NHK
6 days ago
- General
- NHK
Armed anti-junta groups in Myanmar extend ceasefire to June 30
Armed ethnic minority groups in Myanmar have announced the extension of a temporary ceasefire. They said the truce will be continued until June 30 to prioritize earthquake recovery efforts. The move comes after a similar announcement from the ruling military days ago. Both sides declared a temporary ceasefire days after a major earthquake rocked central Myanmar in March. The military says the quake has left more than 3,700 people dead and over 5,000 injured. Three armed ethnic minority groups including the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, or TNLA, said on Monday that they would extend the ceasefire. The announcement cited ongoing rescue and clearance operations. Heavy rainfall has caused more damage including collapsed structures. It remains unclear whether the truce will hold, as fighting appears to be continuing. Local media outlets report that there were military air and artillery strikes last month in northwestern Sagaing Region and western Rakhine State.
Al Jazeera
24-05-2025
- Politics
- Al Jazeera
Over 400 Rohingya feared drowned in two shipwrecks off Myanmar coast: UN
At least 427 Rohingya, Myanmar's Muslim minority, may have perished at sea in two shipwrecks on May 9 and 10, the United Nations said, in what would be another deadly incident for the persecuted group. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees(UNHCR) said in a statement on Friday that – if confirmed – the two incidents would be the 'deadliest tragedy at sea' involving Rohingya refugees so far this year. 'The UN refugee agency is gravely concerned about reports of two boat tragedies off the coast of Myanmar earlier this month,' UNHCR said in the statement, adding that it was still working to confirm the exact circumstances surrounding the shipwrecks. According to the agency, preliminary information indicated that a vessel carrying 267 people sank on May 9, with only 66 people surviving, and a second ship with 247 Rohingya on board capsized on May 10, with just 21 survivors. The Rohingya on board were either leaving Bangladesh's huge Cox's Bazar refugee camps or fleeing Myanmar's western state of Rakhine, the statement said. Persecuted in Myanmar for decades, thousands of Rohingya risk their lives every year to flee repression and civil war in their country, often going to sea on board makeshift boats. In a post on X, UNHCR High Commissioner Filippo Grandi said news of the double tragedy was 'a reminder of the desperate situation' of the Rohingya 'and of the hardship faced by refugees in Bangladesh as humanitarian aid dwindles'. In 2017, more than a million Rohingya fled to neighbouring Bangladesh from Myanmar's Rakhine State following a brutal crackdown by Myanmar's military. At least 180,000 of those who fled are now facing deportation back to Myanmar while those who stayed behind in Rakhine have endured dire conditions confined to refugee camps. In 2021, the military launched a coup in Myanmar, ousting the elected government led by Aung San Suu Kyi. Since then, Rakhine has been the scene of fierce fighting between the military and the Arakan Army, an ethnic minority rebel group, for control of the state amid a widening civil war in the country. 'The dire humanitarian situation, exacerbated by funding cuts, is having a devastating impact on the lives of Rohingya, with more and more resorting to dangerous journeys to seek safety, protection and a dignified life for themselves and their families,' said Hai Kyung Jun, who leads UNHCR's regional bureau for Asia and the Pacific. In 2024, some 657 Rohingya died in the region's waters, according to UNHCR. Humanitarian organisations have been hit hard by funding cuts from major donors, led by the United States administration of President Donald Trump and other Western countries, as they prioritise defence spending prompted by growing fears of Russia and China. UNHCR is seeking financial support to stabilise the lives of Rohingya refugees in host countries, including Bangladesh, and those displaced inside Myanmar. Its request for $383m for support in 2025 is currently only 30 percent funded, the agency said.
NDTV
19-05-2025
- Politics
- NDTV
Why Bangladesh Army Chief's Russia Tilt May Be Good For Indiaa
While Indian attention has been focused on our western borders since the Pahalgam tragedy of April 22, some major geopolitical shifts have been taking place on India's eastern front. First is the banning of the Awami League party by Bangladesh's interim government. The party, founded by Bangladesh's founder Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, has been ruling the country for much of its existence as a sovereign state since December 1971, till the uprisings in the country last August forced Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to flee to India, where she remains since. The second major geopolitical shift, which has far-reaching ramifications for India, is the Bangladesh interim government's apparent plan to create a "humanitarian corridor', with the US and the UN backing the Rakhine state in Myanmar. The entire state's border with Myanmar is controlled by the rebel Arakan Army. And, since Rohingya refugees have been fleeing the state due to the atrocities committed by the Arakan Army, the corridor, it is alleged, is less a humanitarian undertaking and more of a passage intended to facilitate supplies to the Arakan Army to help it fight Myanmar's junta. Parallel to these have been rumours circulating about a possible "coup" within the army, that is, against the current army chief, General Waqar uz Zaman. Seen in this context, the General's visit to Moscow last month becomes particularly significant, especially to India. On April 7, Zaman paid an official visit to Russia, where he met with the Russian Deputy Defence Minister, General A. Fomin, and the Army Chief General, Oleg Salyukov, along with representatives of defence firms Rostec, Rosoboronexport, and Rosatom, the Russian state nuclear agency overseeing the construction of the Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant, Bangladesh. The Russian Defence Ministry said the sides "discussed prospects for cooperation in the defence sector and expressed mutual determination to further strengthen the existing friendly relations between the armies and peoples of Russia and Bangladesh'. Soon after, Russian ships Admiral Tributs, Admiral Panteleyev, and the tanker Pechenga, from the Russian Pacific Fleet Squadron, docked at Chattogram Port. This was the first time Russian naval ships had visited Bangladesh in 50 years, in a "goodwill" visit, marking a significant milestone in the relationship between the two countries, according to the Russian Embassy in Bangladesh. The visit is significant for its timing, context and subtext too. First is the fact that it comes under the watch of an interim government. Following the tumultuous events of last August, Bangladesh remains under a caretaker government headed by Mohammed Yunus. The Yunus administration is closely aligned with Bangladesh's Islamist lobby. Increasingly, radical outfits and elements have been gaining power and control in the country under Yunus's watch. The trip also comes after two high-profile visits to and from Bangladesh. The first was the visit to Dhaka by a top US Army officer, the Pacific Deputy Commanding General, Lt Gen Joel P. Vowell, who held meetings with Zaman. There has been a lot of speculation regarding the visit, with rumours swirling around for a long time about US interest in Myanmar and the stationing of American bases in the region as part of the West's Indo-Pacific strategy. The Bangladeshi media reported that Vowell and Zaman's discussions revolved around military interoperability, security cooperation, and potential defence procurement from the US. Soon after, Muhammad Yunus left for China on a four-day visit. Yunus owes much of his power and pelf to the US, particularly to the Democratic administration of former President Barack Obama. Now, the deposed Sheikh Hasina had on occasions voiced fear about the US wanting to set up bases in Bangladesh, which she would not have allowed and due to which, she says, the US wanted her ouster. To that end, though closely aligned with India, the Hasina government also tried to hedge itself by opening up Bangladesh to Chinese investments, defence deals and joining the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The current Trump administration in the US is not too fond of Yunus, their dislike dating back to 2016, when the latter had made a huge donation to the Clinton Foundation at a time when Hillary Clinton was running for president against Trump. He had also made unsavoury remarks when Trump won. Well into his new term in office, Trump has not demonstrated any particular interest in Dhaka, while calling it out for attacks against minorities. Given the uncertainty surrounding the current US administration's approach to the interim government, Yunus has been courting China. In Beijing, Yunus secured a pledge for $2.1 billion in Chinese investments, loans and grants for Bangladesh. Numerous Chinese companies pledged $1 billion to the Chinese Industrial Economic Zone in Chattogram. China also promised $400 million in loans to upgrade the deep-sea Mongla port and accelerate talks on a potential free-trade agreement. On the same trip, Yunus also roiled India by inviting China to invest in Bangladesh, positioning the country as the 'only guardian of the ocean for all this region' and the gateway to 'landlocked' India's Northeast. In response to that posturing earlier this month, India cancelled a transhipment agreement that had allowed Bangladesh's exports to transit through Indian ports. This is not all. As much as 70% of Bangladesh's defence procurements come from China. Meanwhile, Bangladesh has also seen an abysmal descent into radicalism and extremism. Minorities are being targeted, and what had seemed like just a fringe movement till some time ago - the demand to establish a Sharia state in Bangladesh - is increasingly taking centre-stage. Along with the main Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, sundry affiliated groups have also sprung up, often armed. Women, in particular, are at the receiving end of the tensions. At the time of writing this piece, Islamist groups in Bangladesh were issuing threats and warnings to the interim government against implementing the proposals of a women's reforms commission. Bangladesh's institutions lie broken, and the police is a spent force. Only the army is intact, anti-radical, and is often left facing off with the Islamists. Zaman has several times hinted at the failing law and order in the country. Numerous army meetings were followed by the deployment last month of military personnel and security forces across the country, especially in Dhaka, sparking rumours about an imminent coup. In fact, rumours also swirled about Zaman facing a coup from Islamist sections in the army itself. In a video that has now gone viral, Zaman was found saying, "Later you will say I did not warn you, so I am warning you. If you cannot forget your differences and work together, if you keep mudslinging at each other, fighting each other and killing each other, the country's and this community's freedom will go in vain." Bangladesh's interim government has opened up doors for greater engagement with Pakistan, including contacts between the militaries of the twocountries and the ISI. Given the Islamist tilt that the Pakistani army has taken under its current chief, General Asim Munir, who earlier headed the ISI, it is quite possible that Zaman may be pitted against more Islamist elements within the Bangladesh army. This would be welcomed by both Yunus and his backers. Against this backdrop, Zaman's Moscow visit fulfilled three objectives. One, it threw a gauntlet to Yusuf, challenging the interim government, and signalling that the army was in charge and could take over if necessary. The second goal was to balance China's presence, especially in Bangladesh's defence sector; as much as 70% of Bangladesh's military procurement has been from China. The third thing the visit did was demonstrate that Bangladesh does not wish to align itself with any block and wants to retain its strategic autonomy, while diversifying the country's military alliances and strengthening defence ties with Russia. In this context, and especially in the wake of the Pulwama attacks and Operation Sindoor, the entry of Russia in this equation can be beneficial. Both India and Russia have a long history of cooperation in Bangladesh. Indeed, the Liberation of Bangladesh in 1971 owed its success partly to Russian support in the UN Security Council, and militarily too. The Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant, being built by Russia in Bangladesh - according to reports, it's the country's most expensive infrastructural project - has some Indian component too. When sanctions on Russian oil were imposed in the wake of the Ukraine war in 2022, Dhaka used Indian ports to offload Russian oil. The two nations can once again cooperate together with General Zaman to keep Islamists at bay, ensuring Dhaka's multipolar approach in its external relations. Against Russia's boycott by the West, developing relations with Bangladesh converges neatly with Moscow's pivot to the global south, including Asian countries. The army is the only institution battling the rising tide of Islamism in Bangladesh, and India should support it. The Yunus-led government has already enabled Pakistan's entry into Bangladesh, strengthened ties with Turkey, and has now asked Azerbaijan, another country inimical to India, to open its embassy there. A Russian presence in Bangladesh, instead of resurrecting Cold War alignments, might just enable multipolarity in the Bay of Bengal region, balancing out the presence of extra-regional actors here.
Asia Times
31-03-2025
- Politics
- Asia Times
Why Myanmar's earthquake could topple its military regime
Myanmar's historically catastrophic earthquake amid an ongoing civil war has placed the military regime led by coup-maker Senior General Min Aung Hlaing in a perilous and precarious position. Will the natural disaster, which hit the military enclave capital of Naypyidaw, Sagaing and Mandalay especially hard, lead to concomitant regime collapse? Rebel groups have declared a ceasefire in quake-hit areas to allow aid to reach victims. As of Sunday (March 30), the military government said 2,928 bodies had been recovered, 3,408 had been injured and 139 were still missing. It's anybody's guess if these figures are understated to play down politically the impact of Friday's tremblor, which reached 7.7 on the Richter scale. Despite the announced ceasefire and the junta's plea for international aid and assistance, which is now starting to trickle in from various nations, the regime reportedly sustained its aerial bombardments and shellings over the weekend, including an artillery attack on a hospital in Ponnagyun in an area held by Arakan Army rebels near the Rakhine state capital of Sittwe. Those attacks amid an unprecedented disaster should be seen as a sign of weakness, not strength, however. Historically, when civil strife is compounded with natural calamities—earthquakes, floods, cyclones, and landslides—the junta's vulnerabilities have been further exposed. Indeed, natural disasters have played pivotal roles in shaping political transitions, particularly in fragile states with illegitimate or deeply contested governance structures. In Myanmar's case, environmental catastrophes have repeatedly exacerbated the structural weaknesses of various military regimes, rendering them even more susceptible to insurgencies, international scrutiny and domestic discontent. And when the post-quake landscape emerges, rebels could quickly drop their partial ceasefire amid an unprecedented opportunity to move on a weakened regime with the military capital Naypyidaw and the main city of Yangon in their sights. The concept of the 'Mandate of Heaven,' deeply rooted in Confucian and Buddhist traditions, dictates that a ruler's legitimacy is tied to their ability to govern effectively and ensure the well-being of their people. In premodern China, dynastic rulers were believed to have lost their mandate when they failed to respond adequately to natural disasters, leading to their eventual downfall. Myanmar's military, despite its secular and nationalist posture, cannot escape a similar perception among the nation's deeply superstitious population. Worldwide, natural disasters often expose the incompetence of authoritarian regimes. That's especially been the case in Myanmar. In 2008, Cyclone Nargis devastated the nation, killing over 130,000 people. The then-ruling junta's refusal to allow foreign humanitarian aid, fearing international scrutiny and even a possible US invasion, turned a natural disaster into a man-made tragedy. The parallels today are eerily similar. The junta's poor handling of previous relief efforts following floods, landslides and storms does not augur well for the victims and impacted survivors of Friday's devastating earthquake. Unlike in 2008, however, today's Myanmar is far more fragmented, with the military's grip on power significantly weaker. Authoritarian regimes thrive on opacity, and Myanmar's junta is no exception. Over the decades, the military has controlled vast swathes of the economy through military-owned conglomerates such as Myanma Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) and the Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC). The flood of international humanitarian assistance in the wake of natural disasters, however, increases external probity and oversight. The diversion of aid funds and resources into the hands of corrupt military officers and their business associates, as happened in the past, risks further eroding the regime's already strained credibility. Myanmar experts like Bertil Lintner and David Steinberg have long argued that various military regimes' survival has depended on their ability to control the economy while suppressing dissent. However, natural disasters act as natural disruptors, forcing the military to either engage with international relief agencies or risk alienating what little domestic support it retains. So far, the United States, European Union, China, Russia, India, South Korea and the UN have pledged to send humanitarian aid since the earthquake. Transparency is an anathema to autocratic regimes, and as scrutiny increases, so does the risk of exposure. If humanitarian aid becomes a political tool that bypasses military channels, the junta's control over key resources may weaken further. The roads leading to Mandalay and Naypyidaw, Myanmar's political and administrative nerve centers, have been severely affected by recent flooding and now the earthquake. This infrastructural breakdown is a strategic boon for armed resistance groups, particularly the Three Brotherhood Alliance—comprising the Arakan Army (AA), the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), and the Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA). These groups have already demonstrated their ability to carry out well-coordinated offensives against Myanmar's military, seen in their recent thumping battlefield victories and historic seizures of territory previously under regime control. According to security expert Anthony Davis, guerrilla warfare thrives in environments where the mobility and supply lines of conventional armies are compromised. The destruction of key roads will force the military to rely more on air power but with limited fuel supplies and mounting logistical challenges, air superiority may not be sustainable. Meanwhile, the resistance forces, deeply embedded within local populations and adaptable to rough terrain, have no doubt gained a new upper hand in many quake-hit areas. The history of insurgencies in Southeast Asia demonstrates that when state forces are cut off from their supply lines, their ability to project power often disasterously diminishes. During the Vietnam War, the Ho Chi Minh Trail served as a critical artery for the Viet Cong, allowing them to outmaneuver and eventually outlast a far superior military force. Similarly, Myanmar's ethnic armed groups are adept at utilizing rugged terrain to their advantage, and recent natural disasters have strengthened their strategic positioning. Autocratic regimes often maintain a façade of stability, even when cracks appear within. Myanmar's junta has tried to project an image of control through military parades, diplomatic engagements and economic partnerships with countries like China and Russia. However, the influx of foreign humanitarian assistance—often mediated through independent organizations—threatens this illusion. Humanitarian missions operate on principles of neutrality, but their presence invariably increases international oversight. Scholars such as Mary Callahan argue that the influx of foreign aid workers and organizations often leads to greater external exposure of human rights violations. In Myanmar, a new infusion of humanitarian aid and the presence of foreign aid workers could manifest in increased documentation of military abuses, from forced labor to war crimes. Additionally, aid that bypasses military channels and reaches affected populations through local organizations—many of which have ties to or sympathy for the armed resistance—could further undermine the junta's authority and battlefield position. Moreover, with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) increasingly divided over how to address the Myanmar crisis, external actors like the United Nations and the European Union may take a more direct role in providing assistance. (The closure of USAID will diminish America's influence, though some US aid is on the cards.) If foreign aid distribution is controlled by non-state actors, the military will struggle to maintain its hold over crucial resources, further weakening its leverage over many already disenfranchised local populations. The overlapping crises of civil war and Friday's earthquake disaster are pushing Myanmar's junta into an increasingly untenable position. As regime leader Min Aung Hlaing grapples with maintaining control, his previous inability to respond effectively and equitably to disasters augurs ill for Myanmar's post-quake response. As foreign aid flows into the country, the military's grip on key resources will weaken while at the same time exposing the regime's deep structural flaws. Corruption, deprivation and infrastructural devastation could create a perfect storm, accelerating the junta's decline and potential collapse. And while the timeline of the junta's possible fall remains uncertain, the trajectory is clear: Myanmar's military dictatorship is running short on time and credibility amid widespread desperation and suffering while its armed and unarmed adversaries are growing stronger by the day. Phar Kim Beng, PhD, is professor of ASEAN studies at Islamic International University Malaysia (IIUM) and senior research fellow, Asia-Europe Institute, University of Malaya
