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Washington Post
a day ago
- Politics
- Washington Post
2026 races loom at Georgia Republican convention as Trump loyalty dominates
DALTON, Ga. — Steve Bannon took the stage Friday night at the Georgia Republican Convention to say it's too early to be talking about 2026. 'Don't even think about the midterms,' the Republican strategist told activists. 'Not right now. '26, we'll think about it later. It's backing President Trump right now.' But it didn't work. There was plenty of praise for Donald Trump. And while the party took care of other business like electing officers and adopting a platform, the 2026 races for governor and Senate were already on the minds of many on Friday and Saturday in the northwest Georgia city of Dalton. 'Everybody campaigns as quick as they can,' U.S. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene told The Associated Press Saturday. Lots of other people showed up sounding like candidates. Greene, after passing on a U.S. Senate bid against Democratic incumbent Jon Ossoff, laid out a slate of state-level issues on Saturday that will likely fuel speculation that she might run for governor. Echoing Trump's signature slogan, Greene told the convention to 'Make Georgia great again, for Georgia.' She called for abolishing the state income tax, infusing 'classical' principles into Georgia's public schools, reopening mental hospitals to take mentally ill people off the streets, and changing Georgia's economic incentive policy to de-emphasize tax breaks for foreign companies and television and moviemakers. 'Now these are state-level issues, but I want you to be talking about them,' Greene said. In her AP interview before the speech, Greene said running for governor is an 'option,' but also said she has a 'wonderful blessing' of serving her northwest Georgia district and exercising influence in Washington. 'Pretty much every single primary poll shows that I am the top leader easily, and that gives me the ability to think about it. But it's a choice. It's my own, that I will talk about with my family.' More likely to run for governor is Lt. Gov. Burt Jones, who is expected to announce a bid later this summer. 'I promise you, I'm going to be involved in this upcoming election cycle,' Jones told delegates Friday. Like Greene, Jones is among the Georgia Republicans closest to Trump, and emphasized that 'the circle is small' of prominent Republicans who stood by the president after the 2020 election. Jones also took a veiled shot at state Attorney General Chris Carr, who declared his bid for governor in December and showed up Friday to work the crowd, but did not deliver a speech to the convention. 'Always remember who showed up for you,' Jones said. 'And always remember who delivers on their promises.' Carr told the AP that he didn't speak because he was instead attending a campaign event at a restaurant in Dalton on Friday, emphasizing the importance of building personal relationships. Although Trump targeted him for defeat in the 2022 primary, Carr said he's confident that Republicans will support him, calling himself a 'proud Kemp Republican,' and saying he would focus on bread-and-butter issues. 'This state's been built on agriculture, manufacturing, trade, the military, public safety,' Carr said. 'These are the issues that Georgians care about.' The easiest applause line all weekend was pledging to help beat Ossoff. 'Jon Ossoff should not be in office at all,' said U.S. Rep. Buddy Carter, who is spending heavily on television advertising to support his Senate run. 'Folks, President Trump needs backup, he needs backup in the Senate,' said state Insurance Commissioner John King, who is also running for the Senate. 'He's going to need a four-year majority to get the job done. And that starts right here in the state of Georgia.' Former University of Tennessee football coach Derek Dooley, who expressed interest Friday in running for Senate, did not address delegates. But one other potential candidate, U.S. Rep. Mike Collins, did. Collins told delegates that in 2026 it was a priority to defeat Ossoff and replace him with a 'solid conservative.' It's not clear, though, if Collins himself will run. 'We're going to see how this thing plays out,' Collins told the AP. 'I'm not burning to be a senator, but we've got to take this seat back.'
Associated Press
a day ago
- Politics
- Associated Press
2026 races loom at Georgia Republican convention as Trump loyalty dominates
DALTON, Ga. (AP) — Steve Bannon took the stage Friday night at the Georgia Republican Convention to say it's too early to be talking about 2026. 'Don't even think about the midterms,' the Republican strategist told activists. 'Not right now. '26, we'll think about it later. It's backing President Trump right now.' But it didn't work. There was plenty of praise for Donald Trump. And while the party took care of other business like electing officers and adopting a platform, the 2026 races for governor and Senate were already on the minds of many on Friday and Saturday in the northwest Georgia city of Dalton. 'Everybody campaigns as quick as they can,' U.S. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene told The Associated Press Saturday. Lots of other people showed up sounding like candidates. Greene, after passing on a U.S. Senate bid against Democratic incumbent Jon Ossoff, laid out a slate of state-level issues on Saturday that will likely fuel speculation that she might run for governor. Echoing Trump's signature slogan, Greene told the convention to 'Make Georgia great again, for Georgia.' She called for abolishing the state income tax, infusing 'classical' principles into Georgia's public schools, reopening mental hospitals to take mentally ill people off the streets, and changing Georgia's economic incentive policy to de-emphasize tax breaks for foreign companies and television and moviemakers. 'Now these are state-level issues, but I want you to be talking about them,' Greene said. In her AP interview before the speech, Greene said running for governor is an 'option,' but also said she has a 'wonderful blessing' of serving her northwest Georgia district and exercising influence in Washington. 'Pretty much every single primary poll shows that I am the top leader easily, and that gives me the ability to think about it. But it's a choice. It's my own, that I will talk about with my family.' More likely to run for governor is Lt. Gov. Burt Jones, who is expected to announce a bid later this summer. 'I promise you, I'm going to be involved in this upcoming election cycle,' Jones told delegates Friday. Like Greene, Jones is among the Georgia Republicans closest to Trump, and emphasized that 'the circle is small' of prominent Republicans who stood by the president after the 2020 election. Jones also took a veiled shot at state Attorney General Chris Carr, who declared his bid for governor in December and showed up Friday to work the crowd, but did not deliver a speech to the convention. 'Always remember who showed up for you,' Jones said. 'And always remember who delivers on their promises.' Carr told the AP that he didn't speak because he was instead attending a campaign event at a restaurant in Dalton on Friday, emphasizing the importance of building personal relationships. Although Trump targeted him for defeat in the 2022 primary, Carr said he's confident that Republicans will support him, calling himself a 'proud Kemp Republican,' and saying he would focus on bread-and-butter issues. 'This state's been built on agriculture, manufacturing, trade, the military, public safety,' Carr said. 'These are the issues that Georgians care about.' The easiest applause line all weekend was pledging to help beat Ossoff. 'Jon Ossoff should not be in office at all,' said U.S. Rep. Buddy Carter, who is spending heavily on television advertising to support his Senate run. 'Folks, President Trump needs backup, he needs backup in the Senate,' said state Insurance Commissioner John King, who is also running for the Senate. 'He's going to need a four-year majority to get the job done. And that starts right here in the state of Georgia.' Former University of Tennessee football coach Derek Dooley, who expressed interest Friday in running for Senate, did not address delegates. But one other potential candidate, U.S. Rep. Mike Collins, did. Collins told delegates that in 2026 it was a priority to defeat Ossoff and replace him with a 'solid conservative.' It's not clear, though, if Collins himself will run. 'We're going to see how this thing plays out,' Collins told the AP. 'I'm not burning to be a senator, but we've got to take this seat back.'
Chicago Tribune
18-05-2025
- Politics
- Chicago Tribune
Michael Peregrine: Chicago helped give rise to Abraham Lincoln's presidency 165 years ago
The intersection of Lake Street and Wacker Drive is well known for several reasons. For the confluence of the Chicago River branches. For the hazards of the tricky pedestrian crossings. For the cold wind that often roars down Lake Street from the west. But history remembers it for this reason: It's the site of the 'Wigwam' assembly hall, where Abraham Lincoln accepted the Republican presidential nomination on May 18, 1860. Bet you didn't know that. But maybe you should. For in a city well known for holding political conventions, perhaps none stands more consequential than the 1860 Republican Convention. It was consequential for Chicago, in that it provided the young, burgeoning city with perhaps its first real national recognition. And it was consequential for the nation, as the long-simmering sectional crisis over slavery was reaching a boiling point that would be the focus of the upcoming presidential campaign. Chicago's primary attraction as convention city was Illinois' status as a 'border state' and the city's growing reputation as a trade center. Because the city lacked a suitable venue for the convention, the Wigwam was constructed as a temporary meeting facility. Built entirely of wood, it was located at what is now 191 N. Wacker and had a capacity of 10,000 attendees. The Wigwam was erected on the site of the Sauganash Hotel, which had held many of Chicago's earliest town meetings until it was destroyed by fire in 1851. The convention was to be a tumultuous affair, with tension over the slavery controversy permeating the proceedings. The national discourse was gripped not only by the legality (and morality) of slavery in the Southern states, but more pointedly by the question of whether the federal government was empowered to abolish slavery in the new 'Western territories' of the still-young country. Lincoln had previously expressed support for such power in his famous 1858 'House Divided' speech. Nevertheless, by the time of the convention, Lincoln was not widely known. Rather, the able New York Sen. William P. Seward was perceived as the favorite, despite electability concerns amongst the delegates over his strong opposition to slavery. Yet Lincoln proved to be a shrewd strategist, presenting himself as an acceptable and more moderate alternative to a divided convention and capturing the nomination on the third ballot. But with Lincoln's nomination came the enormous recognition that the next president would be called to confront slavery's threat to national solidarity. He faced a deeply torn political climate, with the rise of abolitionism in the North and unequivocal support for states' rights in the South. This was, truly, 'soul of the nation' stuff. A proposed compromise, which would have banned slavery north of a geographic line while allowing it south of the line, failed. The electorate was on edge, with fears that a civil war was inevitable. And, of course, it was right. This was the unique landscape that Lincoln confronted when he accepted his party's nomination in Chicago on that day in May 1860. The country, only 75 years old, was bitterly torn apart by competing views on whether the practice of slavery was a legal right or a mortal sin. Some politicians have pursued the presidency with the knowledge that the potential for war lay on the nation's horizon — but that was with an external enemy. Lincoln pursued the presidency knowing that the potential for a true war between the states was on the nation's doorstep. And he assumed the presidency with an absolute conviction to preserve the national union and to peacefully resolve the slavery divide. 'We are not enemies, but friends,' he said. And the seeds of what was to come — the appointment of the 'team of rivals,' the Emancipation Proclamation, the Gettysburg Address, the 13th Amendment and the successful prosecution of the war — were planted in Chicago. For subsumed within Lincoln's willingness to accept the Chicago nomination was knowledge — perhaps without a doubt — of what actions by states were to come and what actions were morally right for the government to pursue. 'You have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to 'preserve, protect, and defend it,'' Lincoln said in his first inaugural address. Lincoln was assassinated April 14, 1865, and the Wigwam burned to the ground on Nov. 13, 1869. A small plaque commemorating the hall's existence is next to the tall office building that rose from its ashes. Think of all this the next time you're standing at the southeast corner of Lake and Wacker. As you wait for the light to turn green, close your eyes for a moment and let your mind drift. You're standing on space where Lincoln may well have stood, 165 years ago. And think about what he meant to the country then, and what he still means to the country today. Michael Peregrine is a Chicago lawyer and grateful graduate of Oak Park High.
Chicago Tribune
18-05-2025
- Sport
- Chicago Tribune
Today in Chicago History: Cubs pitcher Kerry Wood retires after striking out one batter at Wrigley Field
Here's a look back at what happened in the Chicago area on May 18, according to the Tribune's archives. Is an important event missing from this date? Email us. Weather records (from the National Weather Service, Chicago) Vintage Chicago Tribune: How Chicago became the go-to city for political conventions1860: With a critical push from the Tribune, Abraham Lincoln was nominated for president at the Republican Convention at the Wigwam building (at what is now Wacker Drive and Lake Street) in Chicago. 1971: Montreal Canadiens 3, Chicago Blackhawks 2. After taking a series lead in the Stanley Cup Final, the Hawks were unable to keep pouring it on rookie goaltender Ken Dryden. During Game 7 in Chicago, the Hawks took a 2-0 lead late into the second period, when Bobby Hull sailed a shot off the crossbar that could have put the game out of reach. The dinging of the pipe seemed to awaken the Canadiens, who stormed back to even the score before Henri Richard scored his second goal of the night — and the eventual Cup-winner — 2:34 into the third. Neither the fans at Chicago Stadium nor the Hawks they were watching could recover from the momentum swing. 1994: New York Knicks 87, Chicago Bulls 86. The infamous Hue Hollins game. Hubert Davis sank two free throws with 2.1 seconds left after Hollins whistled Scottie Pippen for a questionable foul. The Game 5 victory helped the Knicks keep home-court advantage in a second-round series they eventually won in seven games, ending the Bulls' first championship run at three titles after an impressive season following Michael Jordan's first retirement. 2012: Chicago Cubs pitcher Kerry Wood left the pitching mound at Wrigley Field for the final time — tipping his hat to fans who chanted, 'Kerry! Kerry!' and embracing his son Justin before he headed into the dugout and retirement. Wood, who threw a 20-strikeout game in just his fifth Major League start in 1998, had 446 career appearances — 341 of those were with the Cubs. Wood faced just one batter — Dayan Viciedo of the Chicago White Sox. Wood struck him out in the eighth inning. Subscribe to the free Vintage Chicago Tribune newsletter, join our Chicagoland history Facebook group, stay current with Today in Chicago History and follow us on Instagram for more from Chicago's past.
The Independent
07-03-2025
- Politics
- The Independent
I understand young men are angry, but demonising women is a spectacular own goal
International Women's Day is becoming a daring affair. This year, companies that celebrate it risk incurring the wrath of the US president and those who surround him. With many claiming that women's rights have gone too far, masculinity is being reasserted across the world – but the truth is, the work to make women equal to men is far from finished. The revival of masculinity started as a political move. In 2021, Senator Josh Hawley dedicated his entire speech at the Republican Convention to the idea that values like honesty, courage, and nobility are masculine values – and that we should educate boys in them. Considering that these are also values held by many women, his argument came as a shock. But Hawley and other Trump supporters struck gold with their demonisation of the feminine. Quickly, this became part of their appeal to disaffected young men who had previously not voted for them or had not voted at all. The idea of masculinity being under threat has now spread everywhere, fuelled by YouTube, podcasts, social media, and the 'bros' – not just the tech bros, but also their more extreme outriders in the financial and venture capital (VC) world. The promotion of masculine 'qualities' has become endemic, but in truth, the bros and the young men who follow them often have little in common. Sometimes, their interests are even diametrically opposed. For example, many of the technological advances that the tech bros are financing and pushing for, such as driverless cars, will result in even fewer jobs for working-class young men. Yet they are united in one important way: a sense of victimhood – the feeling that society has treated them unfairly and that they are not being valued enough. It is difficult to understand how men who have everything could possibly feel such self-pity. However, it is easier to see why many young working-class men feel like victims. They are struggling in countries where basic manufacturing jobs are disappearing. They feel undervalued after a decade of so-called woke politics, which has too often pigeonholed them en masse as 'perpetrators' and labelled them 'people of privilege' – even when they have none. The most frustrating aspect of this kind of rhetoric is that it has provoked a strong masculine counterreaction to a movement that did not truly help women in the first place. Because so much progressive 'woke' politics became distracted by narratives and language – focusing on what we call things rather than how things actually are – women are paying a huge price for the appearance of progress rather than progress itself. The numbers do not lie. Women still lack sufficient access to positions of power, whether in politics or business: look at the governments of most countries and the executive teams of major companies, and you will see mostly men. They are united in one important way: a sense of victimhood – the feeling that society has treated them unfairly and that they are not being valued enough. Women continue to pay a career penalty for motherhood that men do not pay for fatherhood. Women are still underrepresented in many sectors – crucially in the high-paying fields of financial services and technology. Women persistently remain below 20 per cent in the top tiers of almost any profession. Women continue to see their basic human rights violated in many countries, without the international community taking meaningful action. And in every single country in the world – from El Salvador to Norway – women still dedicate more time to children, the home, and other caring responsibilities than men. This inequality affects everything else. Yet, almost without exception, governments pretend that this problem has nothing to do with them or the productivity of their countries. In an effort to help the next generation, I launched the charity Inspiring Girls 10 years ago. We have worked with girls and young women across the world. We now operate in 40 countries, and wherever we go, we continue to see girls losing their self-confidence during adolescence. They drop subjects and sports because they believe they are 'not for girls', and they struggle to envision a future where they can make choices freely, without the weight of gender stereotypes. So, if young working-class boys and men are struggling too, let's help them. Let's push governments to create training programmes, mentoring schemes, and reshape education to focus on the skills needed for the future. And it is not only governments that should step in – men, particularly those with means, should mirror the work we are doing with girls to ensure that all boys have access to positive role models and support. But helping these young men cannot justify reversing progress on equality for women and girls. Supporting young men should not come at the expense of the rights of women and girls – especially when so much remains to be achieved.
