Latest news with #RighttoInformation
India Today
5 hours ago
- Business
- India Today
Only 1.35% central government staff opt for Unified Pension Scheme. Here's why
A Right to Information (RTI) response obtained by India Today has revealed that the migration rate from the National Pension System (NPS) to the recently introduced Unified Pension Scheme (UPS) among Central Government employees remains exceptionally of July 20, 2025, only 30,989 employees have chosen UPS out of approximately 23 lakh (2.3 million) employees enrolled in NPS, marking a participation rate of just 1.35%.advertisementThis data—provided by the Pension Fund Regulatory and Development Authority (PFRDA) to India Today—offers critical insight into the cautious response of government employees to this flagship pension initiative. Separately, in a written reply to the Lok Sabha on July 28, the Finance Ministry informed that as of July 20, a total of 31,555 employees had opted for the THE TEPID RESPONSE?Despite high expectations from policymakers and repeated emphasis on UPS's assured benefits, just 1.35% of NPS-covered employees have chosen to switch. The remaining eligible staff seem either content with NPS's flexibility and tax perks or are skeptical of the new hybrid the deadline for opting into UPS was June 30, 2025. However, in light of subdued participation, the government quietly extended the window by three months, pushing it to September 30, 2025. Employees who do not opt in by this extended deadline will remain with NPS, with no further chance of asked why Central government employees are not embracing the new scheme, S. B. Yadav, Secretary General of the Confederation of Central Government Employees & Workers, told India Today:'Employees comparatively prefer OPS; they are inclined towards that only. They want a non-contributory, defined, statutory pension plan.'His remarks reflect a longstanding sentiment among government workers who see defined-benefit systems like the Old Pension Scheme (OPS) as more secure and predictable, especially in uncertain economic AK Bhagi, President of the Delhi University Teachers' Association (DUTA) and a member of the RSS-affiliated National Democratic Teachers' Front (NDTF), said the exclusion of autonomous institutions like Delhi University from the UPS framework has further eroded trust: 'The Government of India has not extended the option of the University Pension Scheme (UPS) to University of Delhi employees, citing its status as an autonomous body.""Nor has it provided the option to switch to the Old Pension Scheme (OPS) in the event of an employee's demise—a benefit available to Central Government employees. DUTA demands that all Government of India notifications related to pension be implemented for DU employees as well. We have consistently raised the demand for OPS to be extended to employees of both government and autonomous institutions," he added. OPS vs NPS vs UPSadvertisementThe OPS, discontinued for new entrants in 2004, promised a fixed pension equalling 50% of an employee's last drawn salary. It required no employee contribution and was fully government-funded. However, the mounting pension bill led to its replacement by the NPS, a market-linked, defined-contribution scheme under which employees contribute 10% of their salary while the government adds 14%.The UPS attempts to merge the two models. It retains employee contributions but guarantees a pension equivalent to 50% of the average basic pay drawn in the final 12 months of service. A floor of 10,000 per month is set for those with at least ten years of service. The scheme also includes inflation-indexing to preserve real these assurances, the transition to UPS has found few CLARIFICATIONIn response to India Today's queries, the PFRDA clarified that it does not maintain state-wise, month-wise, or department-wise data on UPS adoption. It also confirmed that it does not separately track opt-in numbers for officers from the All-India Services, such as IAS, IPS, and IFS cadres. This lack of granular transparency makes it difficult to assess how specific departments or senior officials are responding to the just two months remaining before the final deadline lapses, the fate of the Unified Pension Scheme hangs in the balance. While it was designed to bridge the gap between fiscal responsibility and employee demands for security, the initial numbers suggest it has yet to earn the trust of the very constituency it was meant to reassure. Whether the scheme can gain momentum or joins a long list of policy reforms that failed to scale remains to be seen.- Ends
NDTV
9 hours ago
- NDTV
3.27 Crore Passengers Couldn't Travel Due To Unconfirmed Railway Tickets
Bhopal: In a revelation that underscores the deepening crisis in India's rail travel infrastructure, more than 3.27 crore passengers were unable to undertake their journeys in the financial year 2024-25, despite booking train tickets. Their tickets remained unconfirmed even at the time of final chart preparation. The startling figure has come to light through a Right to Information (RTI) query filed by activist Chandrashekhar Gaur from Neemuch, Madhya Pradesh. It reflects a worrying trend the number of such passengers has been consistently rising over the last five years, highlighting the growing mismatch between the demand for train travel and the availability of confirmed seats. The data shows that in 2023-24, around 2.96 crore passengers couldn't travel for the same reason. In 2022-23, this number stood at 2.72 crore, and in 2021-22, at 1.65 crore. The steady year-on-year increase suggests that despite efforts at modernization and expansion, Indian Railways is struggling to keep up with the country's soaring demand for rail travel. In an attempt to curb irregularities in the ticket booking process, the Indian Railway Catering and Tourism Corporation (IRCTC) has reportedly deactivated over 2.5 crore user IDs that were found to be suspicious or fake. These steps are aimed at ensuring transparency and preventing misuse of the ticketing system. Furthermore, the Railways has introduced a new rule that allows passengers to know the status of their waitlisted tickets 24 hours before the train's departure, replacing the earlier practice of preparing reservation charts just four hours before departure. While these measures offer some relief, the overarching issue of confirmed ticket availability remains unresolved for millions of hopeful travellers across the country.
The Wire
13 hours ago
- General
- The Wire
Crucial DGCA Unit Meant to Audit Aircraft Safety Is Half-Empty and Neglected
Mumbai: A crucial unit at the frontline of India's air safety apparatus, meant to keep a check on aircraft fitness, lies half-empty and neglected. India's Directorate of Airworthiness (DAW), a unit within the Director General of Civil Aviation (DGCA), is meant to conduct surprise technical checks on aircraft and ensure that private airline operators are not compromising on passenger safety. The job is crucial: within the DGCA, the DAW is meant to certify whether aircraft are 'air-worthy', which, as per the International Civil Aviation Organisation, means to check whether it is safe to fly. India's DGCA, in its manual, admits that the DAW is meant to investigate defects in aircraft and 'suggest corrective actions to arrest trends', to 'investigate major problems or defects', and to perform 'periodic and unannounced surveillance' checks on private airline operators to check if they are following safety norms. It is also meant to monitor the maintenance processes that airlines adopt, and verify that they aren't cutting corners. Yet, the DGCA has admitted, in a response to an Right to Information (RTI) query filed by this correspondent, that of the 310 total posts in the directorate, 133, i.e. 43% of them, are lying empty. But even more worrying are the vacancies in the posts of airworthiness officers (AWO), the backbone of the DAW and the first line of oversight into aircraft safety and maintenance. Of the 121 posts created for such officers, only 47 have been filled by the DGCA. The remaining 74 lie empty, meaning a whopping 61% vacancy rate. According to the DGCA's RTI response, despite such a high rate of vacancies, the pace of recruitment has been unhurried and sluggish. Since 2022, the DGCA has been able to appoint only 20 airworthiness officers, rather than fill up all the vacant posts. Also read: Half the Positions at DGCA Vacant, Says Civil Aviation Ministry Air-safety experts and insiders in the DGCA said such vacancies render the DAW toothless and powerless to be able to effectively monitor private airlines and their aircraft fleet. 'The airworthiness directorate is at the heart of air safety,' said Rajendra Prasad, a former director of the DAW who retired in June 2023. With such crippling shortages of manpower, Prasad said it was 'not possible at all for the DAW to function' and carry out its responsibilities. 'This situation benefits everyone: from those in the DGCA who don't want to work, as well as the private airline operators who can then cut corners in aircraft maintenance and safety without anyone watching,' Prasad said. This is a part of a dangerous pattern of negligence the DGCA suffers from: The Wire had, on June 19 this year, reported how the Modi government has cut the budget allocated to Ministry of Civil Aviation (MoCA) – under which DGCA falls –from Rs 3,113 crore in 2023-24 to Rs 2,357 crore in 2024-25, despite the country's aviation sector only growing. Even worse, the ministry's capital outlay has been slashed by 91% since the 2023-24 budget and it now stands at just Rs 70 crore this year from Rs 755 crore two years ago. The Wire 's RTI query had asked the DGCA about the budget allotted to the airworthiness directorate. However, it said the information 'did not pertain to this office', and forwarded the query to another section for a response on July 10. Yet, 19 days on, there has been no further response from the DGCA. The Wire has sent emails to both, the DGCA chief Faiz Ahmed Kidwai as well as the Press Information Bureau additional director general in-charge of the MoCA, Sanjay Roy, but they chose not to respond. A dangerous shortag The DAW's work – to perform both periodic, scheduled checks on airlines and surprise, unannounced checks, as well as track the maintenance systems that airlines employ to see whether they conform to standards – is crucial for India's aviation industry. The DAW, among all the 13 different wings within the DGCA meant to conduct surveillance inspections, carries out the highest number of such inspections. In 2024, according to the DGCA's surveillance plan, the DAW was to conduct 1,246 surveillance inspections, and in 2025, it is meant to conduct 1,596 such inspections. However, with 43% of the posts empty, many doubt the quality of these inspections. A former airworthiness consultant, appointed by the DGCA, said that such inspections were often conducted hastily. 'We have a fixed target of inspections given to us each year which we must meet,' he said. 'If we don't have enough manpower, we do what anyone would in that scenario: rush through inspections, wrap them up as quickly [as possible] and move on to the next task at hand.' Prasad, the retired DAW director, agreed, saying the 'quality' of inspections as well as those staffing the DAW had been dipping. Also read: The DGCA Has Played Fast and Loose With Pilots' Wellbeing A former Indian pilot in a commercial airline, who also served in the DGCA, said they often witnessed the poor quality of auditors in their job with the airline. 'Often, DAW auditors would come and not be able to inspect and survey the important parts of the aircraft and its maintenance. Instead, they would just focus on smaller issues that were just not as important,' the pilot said, recounting an episode where a DAW auditor pointed out how the crew seat's seat belt was worn out but refused to thoroughly check the aircraft for any major defects or flaws. 'The auditor was happy that he was able to point this out one, albeit minor, flaw and the airline was happy that there wasn't anything major the auditor could find. It was a win-win,' the pilot said. Proof of negligence The result of such shoddy work has been increasingly visible in India's civil aviation space. Between January 2019 and July 24, India's domestic sector saw 2,353 technical faults in flights operated by Indian carriers, according to MoCA in the Rajya Sabha in July 2024, in response to a question raised by MP Sanjay Singh. In the last week alone, the country saw at least four instances of aircraft developing technical snags, leading to cancellations or delays – an Air India flight with 182 passengers developed a mid-air snag and was forced to return to Calicut two hours after take-off, an Air India flight wasn't able to take off from the Hindon airport in Ghaziabad due to a technical glitch, a Goa-Indore IndiGo flight developed a technical snag just before it landed, whereas another Ahmedabad-Diu IndiGo flight was forced to abort take-off after it detected a technical snag just before it was about to fly. In 2024, the country had 23 instances where domestic airline operators flouted air safety norms, the MoCA told Parliament in February this year. Twelve of these 23 instances came from Air India and its subsidiaries, including a serious incident when Air India paired non-qualified crew to operate a Mumbai-Riyadh flight last year. Insiders argue that many of them could have been prevented, if the country's air safety apparatus was strong enough. The pilot who was previously with the DGCA said that audits and inspections carried out by the DAW were essential because they 'were not reactive, they were predictive processes'. 'Such audits and inspections could help prevent major tragedies and accidents. The crux of a good safety system is how proactive it is in preventing accidents, not in how they react to incidents,' the former official added.
Hans India
13 hours ago
- Politics
- Hans India
Justice Shah is right: Don't threaten investigative journalism with data laws
Any democracy thrives on an informed citizenry. The freedom of speech and expression, enshrined in Article 19(1)(a), is not just the right to speak, but also to seek, receive, and disseminate information. Judicial observations in support of Article 19 and RTI: The Supreme Court in Indian Express Newspapers v. Union of India (1985) and Secretary, Ministry of I&B v. Cricket Association of Bengal (1995) emphasized that freedom of the press and citizens' right to information are essential to democracy. Section 44(3) of the DPDP Act, by making it easier to deny access to information, indirectly curtails this fundamental right. This has deep implications not only for journalists but also for whistle-blowers, civil society watchdogs, researchers and citizens participating in public life. Several courts have reiterated the primacy of the RTI Act in ensuring good governance: In the Central Public Information Officer, Supreme Court of India v. Subhash Chandra Agarwal (2019), the Supreme Court held that even the office of the Chief Justice of India is not beyond the scope of the RTI Act, showing the judiciary's support for transparency. In Girish Ramchandra Deshpande v. Central Information Commissioner (2013), the Supreme Court laid down that personal information can be denied under RTI only if it does not serve any public interest—a standard that may now be diluted. AP Shah writes to Govt: Recently, in a letter addressed to the attorney-general, minister of law and justice, and the minister for electronics and information technology, former Chief Justice of Delhi High Court, A.P. Shah said Section 44(3) of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023, should be immediately repealed. Shah was the chairman of the group of experts on privacy in 2011-2012 and served as the former Chief Justice of the Delhi High Court from May 2008 to February 2010. Harmonising privacy and transparency: The conflict privacy and the right to know is not a matter of choosing one over the other. Both are fundamental rights. The real challenge lies in harmonizing them, rather than letting one eclipse the other. For a democracy like India, where public trust in institutions is fragile, the RTI Act is not just a tool but a lifeline for participatory governance. Section 44(3), in its current form, threatens to break that lifeline. The government must reconsider the amendment. It should restore the public interest test, clearly define personal data and ensure that the Right to Information remains strong and enforceable, even in a privacy-conscious digital age. Only then can India truly uphold the values enshrined in its Constitution—transparency, accountability, freedom and dignity. The country stands at the constitutional crossroads, where the Right to Privacy and the Right to Information (RTI)—both integral to a democratic society—are increasingly in conflict. Although this is not a new development, the fact is that it has gained sharp focus after the enactment of the Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act, 2023, especially with its controversial Section 44(3). This provision amends Section 8(1)(j) of the RTI Act, 2005, tipping the delicate balance in favour of privacy, at the cost of transparency and citizen empowerment. Not a shield for opacity: Justice A.P. Shah's letter rightly points out that privacy cannot become a shield for opacity, especially in a country where misuse of power is rampant and the demand for accountability is growing. Similarly, citizens must not be made powerless in the face of expanding state control. While the objective of protecting personal data in the digital age is legitimate and constitutionally backed by the Supreme Court's landmark Puttaswamy judgment (2017), legal experts, retired judges, and civil society groups are sounding the alarm. Justice A P Shah, who was the chairperson of the Expert Committee on Privacy (2011-12) has gone on record urging the government to repeal Section 44(3). This author, in earlier articles, consistently cautioned against the dilution of RTI provisions and examined the advantages and disadvantages of this legal development, as well as the impact of the tension between privacy and information access on India's democratic landscape. Pros of Section 44(3)-A case for privacy: 1. Strengthens Data Protection Section 44(3) of the DPDP Act must be seen in the context of a growing global concern for individual privacy. In the Justice K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India (2017) case, the Supreme Court declared that privacy is a fundamental right under Article 21 of the Constitution. The judgment stressed that in a digitally networked world, individuals need constitutional safeguards against the misuse of their personal data. By amending the RTI Act to restrict access to what is deemed 'personal information,' the DPDP Act aligns Indian law with global data protection norms like the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) of the European Union. 2. Prevents misuse of personal information The amendment seeks to protect public servants and private individuals from the unnecessary exposure of personal details—such as health records, income data, or family information—that may not have any bearing on their public roles. Misuse of such data can lead to identity theft, harassment or reputational damage. 3. Ensures data sovereignty India is increasingly moving toward a data-sovereign digital framework, where data is not just seen as private but as a national asset. By ensuring that sensitive data does not fall into unauthorized hands, the DPDP Act contributes to this vision. Cons of Section 44(3)-Blow to transparency and accountability: 1. Weakens RTI and citizen empowerment The RTI Act, passed in 2005, has been one of the most transformative laws in India's democratic history. It has empowered ordinary citizens to ask questions of the government and access information that holds public authorities accountable. Over the years, it has been instrumental in exposing scams, corruption, inefficiencies, and arbitrariness. Section 8(1)(j) of the original RTI Act allowed information to be withheld only if it was unrelated to public activity or interest, unless a larger public interest justified its disclosure. However, the amended provision under the DPDP Act omits the balancing test of public interest and allows a blanket denial of personal data. This could include even data on civil servants' performance, misuse of office, or conflict of interest, effectively shielding public functionaries from scrutiny. 2. Threat to investigative journalism Journalists often rely on RTI to gather information on government functioning, irregularities, and decisions affecting the public. Limiting access to information under the cover of 'personal data' will impair the media's ability to investigate, report, and question those in power. This directly undermines Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution, which guarantees freedom of speech and expression, including the right to know. In S.P. Gupta v. Union of India (1981), the Supreme Court clearly stated that the right to know is derived from the right to free speech, reinforcing the idea that information is the currency of democracy. 3. Vague and overbroad definitions The DPDP Act does not clearly define the boundaries of what constitutes 'personal data' that must be protected, leaving the door open to arbitrary interpretation. For instance, details like travel expenditure of a minister, foreign trips of officials, or performance appraisals can now be termed personal, despite being directly tied to public office. As this author earlier articles pointed out, such legislative ambiguity makes it easier for bureaucrats to stonewall legitimate RTI queries and undermines the very culture of openness that the Act sought to instill. 4. Undermines the public interest doctrine One of the core safeguards in the original RTI Act was the public interest override, where information otherwise exempt could be disclosed if it served a larger public cause. The amendment to Section 8(1)(j) effectively removes this test, thereby shifting the balance of power back to government authorities, weakening public oversight. (The writer is a Former CIC and Advisor, School of Law, Mahindra University, Hyderabad)
Time of India
21 hours ago
- Health
- Time of India
Little progress on govt push for integrated MBBS-Ayurveda degree
Representative image (AI) A dual degree of MBBS and BAMS (bachelor of ayurvedic medicine and surgery) through an integrated course at the Jawaharlal Institute of Postgraduate Medical Education and Research ( JIPMER ) was announced with much fanfare, but information obtained through Right to Information shows that it is far from becoming a reality. While the health ministry has been pushing the issue, statutory bodies regulating the different systems of medicines, which were supposed to meet regularly to design modules to 'promote medical pluralism', have met just two times. JIPMER had not responded to the health ministry's reminders on the issue till July 10. In response to RTI queries, the NMC in its response on June 25 stated: 'The third joint meeting of NMC, NCISM (National Commission for Indian System of Medicine) and NCH (National Commission for Homeopathy) was earlier proposed to be held on September 23, 2024. However, due to non-availability communicated by NCISM the same could not be held and the matter regarding convening the meeting in 2025 has not yet been decided. ' The union government had announced in May that the new integrated course combining MBBS (Bachelor of Medicine, Bachelor of Surgery) and BAMS would be started in JIPMER. File notings on the 'proposal regarding setting up of an institution for providing Integral Medical Education leading to dual degrees MBBS and BAMS' shows that the proposal came from the Auroville Foundation in January last year. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Learn More - How Donating Sperm May Boost Your Income SpellRock Undo Gujarat cadre IAS officer Jayanti S Ravi, who was serving as principal secretary in Gujarat's Health and Family and Welfare Department was appointed as Secretary, Auroville Foundation in Tamil Nadu, on deputation in June 2021. In January 2024, she wrote to the union health ministry that the Foundation, which comes under the HRD ministry, 'had undertaken an effort to integrate both the systems of medicine (Ayurveda and Modern) to have a holistic approach to health care'. It was further stated that in collaboration with ayurvedic universities and JIPMER 'a draft curricula was prepared for the proposed integral medical education to grant dual degree of MBBS and BAMS' and that the curricula was 'being fine-tuned for detailed integrating methodology of the two streams of science'. However, in response to RTI queries on the issue, JIPMER stated that the requested information of records or communications were not available and hence could not be provided. File notings provided by the health ministry showed that despite reminders from the ministry on February 13, 2024, December 31, 2024 and May 10, 2025, till July 11, there was no response from JIPMER on the issue. Separate laws for setting up the three commissions to regulate modern medicine, ayurveda and homeopathy have one clause in common, which states that there will be joint sittings of the three commissions at least once a year 'to enhance the interface between homoeopathy, Indian system of medicine and modern system of medicine'. It further states: 'The joint sitting may, by an affirmative vote of all members present and voting, decide on approving specific educational and medical modules or programmes that could be introduced in the undergraduate and postgraduate courses across medical systems, and promote medical pluralism. ' 'Integration and joint curricula cannot be dictated by the government or pushed by any foundation. There are statutory bodies regulating the three systems of medicines. It is for the commissions to design curricula and approve an integrated course, if at all,' pointed out Dr KV Babu, an ophthalmologist and RTI activist who has been tracking the integration issue over the years.
