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Mail & Guardian
5 days ago
- Politics
- Mail & Guardian
A lens, pen and a cause
Three newly published books landed on my desk — each chronicling the lives of fellow travellers from South Africa's epic struggle era and beyond. These richly textured works spotlight a Robben Island commissar and confidant of Nelson Mandela; a streetwise photographer who worked outside the confines of the mainstream media and a bold Indian woman news broadcaster-turned-author documenting life across the country's colour lines. All are South Africans of Indian descent, who shaped, and were shaped by, the political and cultural evolution of Durban and our nation. Spanning over 650 pages, Shades of Dif ference: Mac Maharaj and the Struggle for South Africa (Penguin Random House), by Padraig O'Malley, offers blockbuster insights into the life of Sathyandranath Ragunanan 'Mac' Maharaj. Once a garbage collector in white-run Newcastle, Maharaj became a central figure in the liberation movement — famously smuggling Nelson Mandela's essays off Robben Island, written on sheets of toilet paper, which would become the manuscript for The Long Walk to Freedom, later adapted into a film by Anant Singh. O'Malley, an Irish academic and seasoned negotiator who played a role in the Northern Ireland peace process, brings his deep understanding of resistance politics to the Maharaj story. The book features a rare and heartfelt 20-page foreword by Mandela himself: 'Writing the foreword to Shades of Dif ference holds a special place of its own. Mac is a longtime friend and confidant … He put the struggle for South Africa's freedom above everything else in his life. 'Mac became a legend for the torture he endured … I respect Mac and I love him. I call him Ngquphephe, after the one-eyed hero in Xhosa folktales. O'Malley does my Ngquphephe proud.' Mandela reminisces about how Maharaj smuggled essays off the prison island — later published as Reflections in Prison, edited by Maharaj — and praises his underground work during Operation Vula. Maharaj's clandestine leadership helped maintain the ANC's readiness in case the transition to democracy faltered. He was later rewarded with a cabinet post as South Africa's first democratic transport minister under Mandela's presidency. O'Malley first approached Maharaj in the early 2000s and what followed was a painstaking, years-long collaboration. The result is a comprehensive, sometimes controversial, portrait of a freedom fighter of Indian origin who walked the tightrope between loyalty and leadership in exile, in prison and in government. For readers, activists and post-Mandela politicians alike, this biography is a compelling education in resistance, resilience and political sacrifice. Through the lens of struggle In Available Light: Omar Badsha and the Struggle for Change in South Africa (NIHSS), author and Yale historian Daniel Magaziner documents the life and art of Durban-born freelance photographer Omar Badsha — one of the unsung visual chroniclers of South Africa's liberation journey. For over five decades, Badsha, often operating solo from his base on Douglas Road in the Grey Street area, captured the pulse of political resistance across Durban and beyond — from mass rallies at Curries Fountain to arrests, funerals, faith gatherings and township uprisings. Armed only with his camera, rolls of film and a keen political instinct, he built an extraordinary archive — often developed in his own darkroom, plastered with posters of Albert Luthuli and Steve Biko. The book's title, Available Light, reflects both his technical mastery and artistry and the metaphorical illumination he brought to apartheid's darkest corners. Magaziner skillfully reconstructs Badsha's life through 316 pages and an array of powerful photographs, including family portraits and frontline images from the struggle. His acclaimed works — The Law and the Prophets and The Art of Life in South Africa — positioned him well to present Badsha not only as a shutterbug but also as a political artist. This is a tribute to a man whose lens gave voice to the voiceless — and whose images remain vital testimony in an age of fading memory. From the newsroom to the village Vanessa Govender's latest book, The Village Indian (Jacana Media), offers a spicy, satirical and deeply personal account of her life in a rural setting as a city-bred Indian woman married to a reserved white man. It's her third literary offering after Beaten But Not Broken, a raw memoir of abuse, and the children's book The Selfish Shongololo. In this 299-page collection of anecdotes, observations and family escapades, Govender narrates her transition from a newsroom firebrand to a barefoot villager dealing with cockerels, stray dogs, deadly snakes, curious neighbours and the quiet prejudices that still bubble beneath South Africa's post-apartheid surface. Peppered with Durban-style humour and Indian lingo, the book reads as a diary of survival, reinvention and self-discovery — with a generous glass of red wine in hand, as the cover photo suggests. Govender's storytelling blends the absurd with the poignant, showcasing the realities of mixed-race marriage in a village still grappling with social transformation. Her Indian identity, media past and cultural flair animate every page. Her work, while not overtly political, is in itself a subtle act of resistance — a woman's right to define her space and script her own story. Final word: Revisiting the legacy Each of these authors — Maharaj, Badsha and Govender — traversed Durban's contested streets and storied communities. Their books offer us mirrors to our past, maps of our memory and markers of how far we've come, individually and collectively, in also contributing to the struggle. In revisiting their journeys, we are reminded that the story of South Africa is never singular. It is a chorus of voices, a kaleidoscope of experiences and a history still being written — page by page. Marlan Padayachee is a veteran correspondent from the transition from apartheid to democracy and is a freelance journalist, photographer and researcher.
Mail & Guardian
05-08-2025
- Politics
- Mail & Guardian
Let's draw lessons from people's power on 40th anniversary of State of Emergency
The formation of the United Democratic Front was 'the most important and truly organisational expression of popular resistance in South Africa in the 1980s'. Photo: Eli Weinberg/Robben Island Mayibuye Archive This year is the 40th anniversary of the first State of Emergency by the apartheid regime. In recalling this ignoble anniversary, I choose to focus on the challenge the apartheid regime sought to address with that unprecedented suppression tool: people's power. I posit that one of the outcomes of the National Dialogue ought to be the reinvigoration of the spirit and praxis of people's power. And, if some of the impulses behind the call for a national dialogue are the lack of a coherent national vision, dearth of participatory democracy and the trust deficit between the populace and the state, what lessons could this moment of the national dialogue draw from the people's power moment? In the mid-1980s, a desperate and panicking apartheid regime declared a State of Emergency to squash unprecedented nationwide uprisings. The 1980s was the most revolutionary period in the history of 20th century anti-apartheid politics in South Africa. These uprisings were revolutionary in the sense that conquered people did not seek to transform the colonial polity so that they could be included in it. Assimilation and integrationist politics were replaced with what participants called the politics and practices of 'ungovernability' and 'people's power'. Ungovernability and people's power discourses and praxes were understood as means towards the deconstruction of colonial-apartheid and the construction of a new polity based on botho/ubuntu, participatory democracy and social democracy. Understood in this way, this period was a period of refusal of the state of permanent emergency that settler colonisation had sentenced black people to. Between the late 1960s and the early 1980s, when the apartheid state had banned the two major anti-apartheid political parties, the ANC and the Pan Africanist Congress, there was no effective national political organisation that mounted a frontal challenge against the apartheid regime. A popular national movement came to the forefront with the formation of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in 1983. UDF affiliates were the ones that instigated unprecedented nationwide uprisings. It was in this context that a scared and desperate regime declared a series of formal states of emergency, starting on 20 July 1985. As the president put it then, a State of Emergency was necessary because 'the ordinary laws of the land … are inadequate to enable the government' to squash the popular revolts. The UDF was a loose coalition of civic associations, student organisations, youth congresses, women's groups, trade unions, church societies, sports clubs and a multitude of other organisations. The UDF's inaugural conference in August 1983 is said to have brought together 565 organisations with a collective membership of 1.65 million. The UDF was initially formed to mount collective resistance against two sets of reform measures. First, UDF protested the 1983 constitution that sought to open the whites-only parliament to coloured people and Indians while most of the population (black South Africans) were to remain without franchise and representation. Second, and perhaps more immediately, uprisings were sparked by the introduction of Bills that sought to devolve more local governance powers to municipal councils. These latter set of reforms enabled these loathed councils to raise rent and other tariffs. Impoverished working class communities responded by mounting often violent protests. These uprisings were led by youth groups and civic organisations. Ideologically, the UDF was ambiguous. The main objective that brought these organisations together was they had a common enemy: the apartheid system of exploitation and domination. The opposition that emerged under the banner of the UDF was therefore shaped more by pragmatic efforts than by ideology. The journey towards the UDF becoming, what distinguished academic Michael Neocosmos referred to as, 'the most important and truly organisational expression of popular resistance in South Africa in the 1980s' was a long and uneven one. The high point was the mid-1980s moment when insurgents elaborated the concept of 'people's power' to make sense of their insurrection. Insurrection first erupted in the townships of the Vaal triangle where working class communities refused to tolerate undemocratic local governance and lack of access to basic services and goods. Their direct action included tactics such as road blockades, battles with police and the burning of government offices. These struggles were, therefore, as much about material issues as they were about issues of governance. So, while rendering local areas 'ungovernable', it became necessary to establish 'alternative structures'. Civic organisations, thus, not only took part in reactive struggles, they presented themselves as alternative loci of representation and governance. Civic organisations and mass organisations, through street committees, street or people's courts, defence committees, student representative councils and other local structures came to be seen as 'organs of people's power'. A clear interpenetration of civic and political issues was evident in their work. People's power went beyond rendering state control impossible and illegitimate; it was fundamentally about participatory democracy and active citizenship. Writing in 1991, Blade Nzimande and Mpume Sikhosana record that these 'organs of people's power' possessed the essence of participatory democracy because they had the following characteristics: 'a democratic project, fundamental transformation of society, accountability, and working class leadership'. The high moment of township insurrection and people's power was short-lived. On 12 June 1986, the then prime minister, PW Botha, extended the July 1985 State of Emergency to the whole country and gave the securocrats free rein to implement their own version of total counter-revolutionary strategy. By the end of that year several thousand activists were arrested and indefinitely detained. Many were assassinated. Using emergency regulations, the state introduced a sustained crackdown on community organisations and their activities. In 1986 alone, more 20,000 activists were detained; some remained in custody until 1989. These crackdowns were followed by a number of political and criminal trials, as well as the banning of meetings and sympathetic newspapers. In February 1990, the then state president, FW de Klerk, announced the unbanning of the ANC and other liberation organisations. A debate ensued among followers of the Mass Democratic Movement: what should the role of the UDF be in the context of an unbanned ANC? The prevailing argument was that the UDF should disband. It thus came to be that on 14 February 991, the UDF's national executive committee held its final meeting. This short account sought to present the key characteristics of people's power. But 'ungovernability' and 'people's power' should not be romanticised. At their worst, they were characterised by chaos, mob justice exercised by some of the people's courts, brutal enforcement of consumer boycotts and infiltration by com-tsotsis. At their best, 'organs of people's power' reflected the practical manifestation of 'direct democracy'. This was a democracy that made the slogan 'The People Shall Govern' a reality. The acting publicity secretary of the UDF, Murphy Morobe, put it crisply: 'When we say that the people shall govern, we mean at all levels and in all spheres, and we demand that there be real, effective control on a daily basis.' The significance of people's power goes beyond the fact that it enables people to take control over their lives. 'People's power' inaugurated a distinctly popular-democratic political project in South Africa. In theory and in practice, people's power introduced, albeit unevenly, a new mode of politics based on accountable, mass-based democratic leadership. Raymond Suttner aptly names this mode of practicing politics 'prefigurative democracy': 'Democracy was not understood as being inaugurated on a particular day, after which all the practices and ideals that were cherished would come into effect … Means and ends became fused; the democratic means were part of democratic ends.' Was the disbanding of the UDF (notwithstanding the formation of the South African National Civic Organisation later) not one of the mistakes of the transition period? These days, when the dialectic that should exist between representative democracy and participatory democracy is overly in favour of the former; when ward committees have been colonised and hollowed out by branch party politicians; when civil society organisations are facing a shrinking civic space and an unprecedented funding crisis; when community conviviality networks have been replaced by millenarian and charismatic faith-based organisations and crushed by extortion rings, we would do well to look back at this era of people's power. If we don't, the national dialogue risks becoming a platform for frank dialogue and vision-setting, but with no meaningful reinvigoration of participatory democracy and active citizenship. Tshepo Madlingozi is a commissioner at the South African Human Rights Commission. He writes in his personal capacity.
News24
01-08-2025
- News24
Law is coming for criminals posing as fishers
Individuals posing as small-scale fishers are in fact involved in criminal poaching networks. This is especially true in places like Robben Island and Hout Bay, the author says. EML Photography via Getty Images Be among those who shape the future with knowledge. Uncover exclusive stories that captivate your mind and heart with our FREE 14-day subscription trial. Dive into a world of inspiration, learning, and empowerment. You can only trial once. Start your FREE trial now Show Comments ()
Zawya
18-07-2025
- Politics
- Zawya
Nelson Mandela: Legacy of a Sporting Struggle, Spirit of a Global Call to Action
This pan-African tribute charts the journey of Madiba, freedom fighter, reconciler, and visionary, whose belief in the power of sport helped shape the very foundations of the modern Sport for Development and Peace (SDP) movement. From the resistance and unity forged on Robben Island, to the global spectacle of the 1995 Rugby World Cup and 2010 FIFA World Cup, Mandela showed how sport could be used not only to heal a divided nation, but to uplift a continent. 'Sport has the power to change the world... to inspire... to unite people in a way that little else does.' – Nelson Mandela In the year that marks over 30 years since the Youth Charter's founding in 1993, the same year Mandela laid the political groundwork for a new democratic South Africa, the organisation is issuing a renewed call to Africa's youth, sports leaders, and governments: turn the values of Mandela into a continental system of action. From Symbol to System: Africa's Call to Action The Youth Charter's Community Campus model, rooted in Mandela's spirit of Ubuntu and youth empowerment, provides a blueprint for sustainable development across the continent. Already piloted in South Africa, the UK, and internationally, this model uses sport, art, and digital innovation to deliver on the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), empowering young people to be agents of peace, climate action, and inclusive economic growth. 'Africa's youth are not problems to be managed, but leaders to be empowered,' said Geoff Thompson, Youth Charter Founder and Chair. The tribute warns, however, that the Sport for Development movement must return to its ethical and political roots or risk becoming a siloed sector of self-interest. The Africa '30' Report, part of the Youth Charter's Global Call to Action, urges African nations to lead by example in making sport a driver of policy, investment, and social change. Mandela's Legacy is Africa's Responsibility As trees planted in Mandela's honour grow at the Queen Elizabeth Olympic Park, their roots symbolise the seeds of peace, resilience, and leadership sown in Africa. Now, the Youth Charter calls on African governments, ministries of youth and sport, national sports federations, and regional institutions, from the African Union to ECOWAS, SADC, and CAF, to scale up investment in youth and community-led development through sport. Download the Full Tribute Essay The full tribute essay, 'Nelson Mandela: Legacy of a Sporting Struggle, Spirit of a Global Call to Action,' is available upon request and will be shared through national and continental media outlets, schools, universities, and youth organisations across Africa. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Youth Charter. Youth Charter @ Social Media: LinkedIn: @ YouthCharter Facebook: @ YouthCharter Instagram: @ youthchartersdp YouTube: @ YouthCharter X: @ YOUTHCHARTER Youth Charter #Hashtags: #International Olympic Committee #Olympism #Fight4theStreets #YoungLivesLost #Call2Action #LegacyOpportunity4All #SportDevelopmentPeace #Empowerthenextgeneration #CommonwealthSecretariat #UNSustainableDevelopmentGoals About Youth Charter: The Youth Charter is a UK registered charity and UN accredited non-governmental organisation. Launched in 1993 as part of the Manchester 2000 Olympic Bid and the 2002 Commonwealth Games, the Youth Charter has Campaigned and Promoted the role and value of sport, art, culture and digital technology in the lives of disaffected young people from disadvantaged communities nationally and internationally. The Youth Charter has a proven track record in the creation and delivery of social and human development programmes with the overall aim of providing young people with an opportunity to develop in life. Specifically, The Youth Charter Tackles educational non-attainment, health inequality, anti-social behaviour and the negative effects of crime, drugs, gang related activity and racism by applying the ethics of sporting and artistic excellence. These can then be translated to provide social and economic benefits of citizenship, rights responsibilities, with improved education, health, social order, environment and college, university, employment and enterprise.
Russia Today
16-07-2025
- Entertainment
- Russia Today
Nelson Mandela ‘never lost spirit'
Nelson Mandela, South Africa's first president and a global icon for his anti-apartheid efforts, 'never lost spirit' during his fight for freedom, his granddaughter Ndileka Mandela has said as part of a new RT Africa's film. Visiting Robben Island for the first time in 40 years, she joined an RT crew to retrace the steps of her grandfather's imprisonment. Speaking of the cruelty and inhumane conditions under apartheid, Ndileka Mandela recalled the attempts to crush not only her grandfather's body, but also his soul. 'I had never imagined ... how the apartheid system searched to break the humanity, searched to break the spirit,' she said. RT Africa's upcoming film, 'Mandela: man behind the legend', is set to premiere on July 18, Mandela Day. It offers a look into the life of the South African liberation icon. Told through a tapestry of interviews with people who lived and worked close to Mandela, the film intertwines memory and history, politics and legacy. 'He remained a rural boy at heart through and through,' Ndileka Mandela said. Xoliswa Ndoyiya, Nelson Mandela's former personal chef, describes feeling more like a daughter than an employee, saying: 'The legacy for me is the values that I took from him. Loving people, sharing with people, caring for people, and most of all to respect people.' 'Mandela: man behind the legend' leads viewers to Robben Island, once a symbol of brutal repression where Mandela spent 18 years behind bars, but now a place of memory. Through intimate stories and reflections, the film reveals the enduring strength behind Mandela's message and how his values continue to shape generations far beyond South Africa. The apartheid era in South Africa, which lasted from 1948 to 1994, was a system of racial segregation implemented by the all-white government. It enforced policies that discriminated against non-white South Africans. Nelson Mandela became a leading figure in the resistance, organizing campaigns against the regime. After being imprisoned for 27 years on charges of sabotage, he was released and eventually elected president. Mandela, who passed away in 2013, became the first democratically elected president of South Africa and the first black person to hold the position.
