Latest news with #RobertHolden
The Guardian
27-05-2025
- The Guardian
‘Every time I took a shower I thought, ‘Is he watching me?' – the terrifying rise of secret cameras
The first time Heidi Marney took a bath in her new, temporary home, she felt she was being watched. 'I had this overwhelming sense that there were eyes on me,' she says. She remembers scanning the room. 'It was a big, double bath and above, on the wall, there was a TV with a device hanging down with a flashing red light.' Marney sent a photo of it to a friend who assured her that it was a dongle and said he had one too so that he could get Sky in every room. 'Logic told me that, if someone was filming me, there'd be a camera in my bedroom,' Marney continues, 'so I went to my room and looked everywhere – the wardrobe, the lights; I was meticulous. There was nothing, so I told myself I was being ridiculous. My landlord was the kindest human you could ever meet. He would never do that.' She pauses for a second then sighs. 'I'll never ever ignore my instincts again.' This happened in December 2019, when Marney had moved into Robert Holden's rural home, a former farmhouse in Sowerby Bridge, West Yorkshire. Marney had known Holden for a decade – he was her half-sister's uncle, so she had long viewed him as a family member. Holden was also well known in the area, a councillor who had won awards for his services to the community. 'He coordinated flood relief, he fed elderly people on Christmas Day, he mowed little old ladies' lawns,' says Marney. And now that she was at a low point, temporarily homeless after leaving a difficult relationship, Holden had offered Marney and her 16-month-old daughter a room in his spacious house while she got back on her feet. (It was something he had done many times for many others, taking vulnerable people into his home.) Aside from that first, fleeting discomfort, the arrangement seemed to proceed well. 'He'd make me a cup of tea of an evening and I opened up to him about my struggles,' says Marney. 'He was intelligent and compassionate. I couldn't praise him enough.' She stayed for 11 months and towards the end, as Marney began to think about moving on and dating again, she felt Holden's behaviour change. 'He didn't like it. He was acting like a weird, jealous boyfriend,' she says. When she discovered that he was tracking her through the Find My app, she called her aunt, a police officer, who advised Marney to check the home for cameras. 'I sent her a video of the bathroom and she screen-shotted a sensor attached to the wall and asked: 'What on earth is that? Why is there a sensor in the bathroom?'' Marney took a kitchen knife and, balancing on a stool and two paint pots, reached up and prised the sensor apart. Inside, she saw the words 'camera' and 'microphone'. 'I just completely and utterly froze,' says Marney. 'It was like holding your breath. What on earth happens now?' When she Googled the device's serial number, she saw that the 'sensor' was a camera, specially designed to avoid alerting the subject that they were being filmed. It had gone out of production two years previously, so had clearly been there a while. In fact, it later emerged that Holden had been filming women through hidden cameras for almost 15 years, creating an extensive digital library neatly organised under their names. Last September, he was jailed for six years and two months. Holden's voyeurism conviction is one of the few to make national headlines – but local news reports offer an alarming insight into the possible scale of this behaviour. Just this month, a doctor was jailed for filming guests at his Glasgow Airbnb for more than three years, through cameras in bedrooms and bathrooms disguised as air fresheners (one pointed at the loo, the other at the shower) and a smoke alarm. Other UK cases include photographer David Glover, who filmed more than 100 women using covert cameras in his studio changing rooms; Adam Devaney, who used a camera disguised as a pen to film colleagues in the toilet of his North Yorkshire workplace, and Adam Dennis and Robert Morgan, who used hidden cameras to film more than 5,000 people in swimming pool changing rooms and toilets in London and Surrey, then shared and traded the images online. January to December of last year saw a 24% rise in reported cases of voyeurism and exhibitionism (crime statistics unhelpfully combine the two) in the UK. This is partly why the government is attempting to tighten legislation around hidden cameras, which are easily available in specialist spy stores, as well as on sites such as Amazon and eBay, and often made to look like clocks, adapters, photo frames, humidifiers, even disposable coffee cups. At present, UK law defines voyeurism as nonconsensually observing or recording someone during a private activity for sexual gratification or to cause distress. Under proposals in the Crime and Policing bill, it would become a criminal offence to install equipment intended to take intimate images without someone's consent. Motive wouldn't be a factor – and even if no images were taken, installing a camera for this purpose would become a crime. For Marney though, this isn't nearly enough. 'How are those cameras even legal?' she asks. 'The potential for abuse is so huge and obvious. It's far more common than people would think.' Dr Vicky Lister, a research fellow in the School of Psychology at the University of Kent, confirms that the cases we hear about represent the tip of an iceberg. Many that come to light have gone undetected for years – and few result in prosecution. In 2020, out of more than 10,000 reported cases, fewer than 600 reached court. As part of her PhD, Lister interviewed men in UK prisons for voyeurism offences (there are no women serving time for this crime). Many had used covert cameras, including one disguised as a shampoo bottle in a public shower. 'It's scary, isn't it?' she says. 'As soon as you start digging, you start to realise. The men I interviewed were saying: 'Everyone's probably been a victim at some point.'' Research on prevalence of voyeuristic behaviour is patchy. 'A population study in Sweden suggests a lifetime prevalence of voyeurism of 11.5%,' says Lister, 'but smaller non-population studies across lots of different countries, including the UK, generally estimate higher Even [such estimates] are likely to be an underrepresentation, as there'll be people who won't admit it to a researcher.' There's every reason to believe that the technology now available to facilitate this will lead more to do it. One study in Canada found that 79% of participants would engage in voyeuristic behaviours if there was assurance they would not be caught. Lister is hoping that her next research focus will be voyeurism as a 'gateway crime'. Does it lead to physical sexual assault? Some studies of rapists and sexual murderers have revealed a history of voyeurism – up to 45% – but that doesn't necessarily mean one has caused the other. 'We do know that voyeurism is addictive and compulsive,' says Lister, 'so people who've done it once will generally keep doing it until they're caught. Unfortunately, there's a stark lack of literature on this whole topic. I think it's because it's 'noncontact' and seen as a victimless crime – until you're the victim.' For Fiona*, learning that someone filmed her while she was in her bedroom, having sex with her girlfriend, has had a lasting impact. In December 2023, she was contacted by police in Aberdeen who informed her that they had uncovered indecent images of her, taken by an electrician, James Denholm. He had used hidden cameras to film women (some of them his customers) in their bedrooms, bathrooms and pub toilets for over a decade. 'By the time it came to light, I hadn't lived in the flat where the images were taken for five years and I wasn't dating the same person any more,' she says. 'It was so long ago and I have absolutely no idea if he did some work for us or where the cameras were or how it happened. I know that he lived a five-minute walk from our house. 'It's so grotesque and inhuman,' she continues. 'It makes me feel so angry, so embarrassed and mortified and so, so exposed. It has really made me distrust men I don't know. I'd feel very uncomfortable letting anyone come and carry out work inside my home. I'd need to watch them constantly. My blinds are closed 100% of the time. I never open them now.' Fiona also checks for cameras in public toilets. 'I avoid using them if I can but if I am in one, I will check everywhere – plug sockets, mirrors, cracks in tiles. It has made me so paranoid and anxious.' Marney experienced similar emotions. 'Knowing that he had been watching me felt awful – I felt shameful, I felt disgusting,' she says. 'I remember staying at my new partner's after this had all happened and taking a shower,' she says. 'He had all these fancy water gadgets on the ceiling. My brain was saying, 'Are they cameras? Is he watching me?' I just fell to the floor, crying my eyes out.' Although UK laws around voyeurism – and the proposed changes to the Crime and Policing bill – focus on the taking of intimate images, this doesn't cover all the harms caused by hidden cameras. They can also be weapons of control. Emma Pickering, the head of technology-facilitated abuse and economic empowerment at the domestic abuse charity Refuge, says that many women they support have been spied on by current or former partners. 'Most cases we see involve hidden devices – listening, tracking, filming or sometimes all three,' she says. 'It's really difficult to help someone conduct sweeps of their home as [cameras] are designed to blend into a domestic setting. They look like everyday items. We'll be asking if all the plug adapters work and if the remote control is really connected to the TV.' One survivor uncovered 80 spycams in her home. An abusive partner can use the footage in various ways, says Pickering. 'In one case, he was gathering intimate images and putting them online, profiting financially. Others use it to monitor everything someone is doing, who they are seeing, how they're spending their time. With that information, they can gaslight and control and stay one step ahead.' This is what happened to Linda*, who was in an eight-year relationship with an abusive man. 'At first, he was charming and attentive but the control started subtly,' she says. 'First, he convinced me to delete my social media because it was 'bad for my mental health'. Eventually, I stopped going out with my friends as it caused so many arguments, it was easier not to.' Isolated, home alone, she would sit down to watch TV and have a cup of tea and he would text to ask, 'Enjoying your cup of tea?' If she went to answer the doorbell, he would message, 'Who was at the door?' 'I was so confused,' says Linda. 'It was like living in a television show – like it wasn't actually my life. I tried sitting down at different times in case he was just guessing my routine but he always knew. He seemed to know my every move.' Linda uncovered the two tiny wireless cameras by accident while deep-cleaning. One was on the mantelpiece, the other in a light fitting. 'I just felt sick and disbelief,' she says. 'Why? In our home?' When she confronted her partner, he insisted that they weren't cameras, then they quickly disappeared. 'A couple of months later, I found them hidden in a different place,' she says. Although Linda escaped the relationship when it escalated into physical abuse, her former partner continued to stalk her, threaten her online and drive past her place of work. He also left some of her clothes on her doorstep – since Linda had escaped in a hurry – and it was only later that she found the same tiny camera sewn into the lining of her returned coat. It's very hard to secure convictions for these cases. 'There are usually no consequences for the perpetrators,' says Pickering. 'Someone can claim that the cameras were in the house as a security measure, and that their partner consented to them being there. The threshold to removing evidence stored on a perpetrator's phone or hard drive is very high and there's also a huge backlog. Even when [material] is seized by police, there has usually been plenty of time to remove any incriminating evidence.' Attempts by Refuge to engage with manufacturers and suppliers of surveillance technology have not enjoyed much success. 'It's completely lawless,' says Pickering. 'We need to be looking at why these things are available when they are causing so much harm.' Linda agrees. 'They are marketed as harmless gadgets, but in reality they're used by stalkers and abusers,' she says. 'There's no regulation, no safeguarding. Why do they need to be hidden? Why can anyone buy them? I don't ever feel safe now. I'm hypervigilant, it's with me the whole time. The government should listen to women like us. It's not that we're paranoid – it's just that we know what's possible.' * Fiona and Linda's names have been changed. In the UK, call the national domestic abuse helpline on 0808 2000 247, or visit Women's Aid. In the US, the domestic violence hotline is 1-800-799-SAFE (7233). In Australia, the national family violence counselling service is on 1800 737 732. Other international helplines may be found via In the UK, the National Stalking Helpline is on 0808 802 0300 or email via its inquiry form. In the US, resources are available at
Yahoo
10-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Feds must probe NYC Public Advocate Jumaane Williams for possible mortgage fraud in light of ‘serious' red flags surrounding Brooklyn home: pol
The feds and the city must probe whether NYC Public Advocate Jumaane Williams committed mortgage fraud and broke other laws in light of 'serious' red flags surrounding his troubled ownership of a Brooklyn property that ended in foreclosure, a fellow Democrat demanded this week. Councilman Robert Holden (D-Queens) fired off letters Monday to Federal Housing Finance Director William Pulte and NYC Department of Investigation Commissioner Jocelyn Strauber in the wake of The Post's exclusive last week revealing how the socialist pol lost a two-family home in Canarsie to Bank of America after he stopped paying the mortgage and racked up nearly $1 million in debt over 15 years. Holden in both letters said public records suggest Williams misrepresented his financial situation for years by collecting rent from multiple tenants living on the property while simultaneously being delinquent on a federally backed mortgage. 'If Mr. Williams misrepresented his financial position, rental income, or occupancy status in mortgage applications or ongoing certifications, he may have violated federal statutes governing mortgage fraud and bank fraud,' Holden wrote Pulte. 'This matter is particularly troubling given Mr. Williams' prominent role in publicly criticizing landlords through the City's 'Worst Landlords Watchlist' while allegedly engaging in similar misconduct himself. The apparent hypocrisy, combined with the scale of financial mismanagement and possible deception, undermines public confidence in elected leadership.' Williams – who earns $184,000 annually and collected thousands of dollars a year renting the home to multiple tenants – stopped making his $1,344 monthly mortgage payments in 2010, according to records. Holden in his letter to Strauber questioned whether Williams broke New York law by 'knowingly making false statements' in his annual financial disclosure filings. Williams, who served as a Brooklyn councilman from 2010 to March 2019 before being elected public advocate, didn't list earning rental income in many of his past yearly filings dating back over a decade — despite court records showing tenants living on his property. But he did list earning anywhere from $5,000 to $55,000 in rent in both 2022 and 2023, according to his most recent disclosure statements. Williams was slapped with a foreclosure action in 2014 by Bank of America over a $389,600 mortgage he took out on the house in 2006 to finance a vegan sandwich shop in Park Slope that went belly up two years later. Williams has long blamed his financial woes on the terms of his loan and tenants who didn't pay rent. The house was listed for sale through a foreclosure auction last month, but it reverted back to Bank of America ownership after not a single bidder offered a price exceeding the debt owed, which is now up to $944,582, according to The DOI and the Federal Housing Finance Agency declined comment. Williams' spokesman Kevin Fagan shot down the claims, saying Holden 'has every right to request wasting time and money investigating a decade-old non-story on a false premise — though it would have been more efficient if he'd simply looked at the public records and seen that the public advocate has accurately reported any rent collected and filed required disclosures.'
Yahoo
14-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
New Yorkers revolt against ‘toxic' new neighborhood battery storage facilities as backlash grows to green energy law
It's the new not-in-my-backyard rage – and the latest blow to New York's green energy agenda. New Yorkers are lining up in opposition to dozens of new lithium-ion battery storage facilities planned across the Big Apple and beyond, over fears they could spark toxic infernos in residential neighborhoods. Queens Councilman Robert Holden said he doesn't want his neighborhood to turn into a potential 'mini-Chernobyl' — a reference to the nuclear power plant disaster in Ukraine on April 26, 1986 that released a mass amount of radioactive material and forced the evacuation of more than 100,000 residents. 'Why are we putting our children in a dangerous situation?' lifelong Middle Village and stay-at-home mom, Graceann Faulkner, 50, told The Post at one recent protest of a proposed NineDot Energy battery warehouse. The site, which is now vacant at 64-30 69th Place, stands next to a daycare and preschool (Books & Rattles, Inc.), the Juniper Valley Animal Hospital and also lies across the street from PS 128. Faulkner said she would pull her fifth grade daughter, Christina, out of PS 128, if plans for the battery storage facility power ahead. NineDot Energy spokesperson Karen Alter, when contacted by The Post, said the Brooklyn-based firm had not made a 'final decision on moving forward.' In a copy of emails with community officials obtained by The Post, NineDot rep Sam Brill defended the safety of such battery sites, including a NineDot battery facility in the Bronx, that for years has 'safely operated' 40 feet from a public school. 'FDNY wouldn't let us build these if they weren't safe,' Brill said. The standoff is an increasingly common sight in the five boroughs with locals complaining potential blazes would be difficult to put out, as battery storage explosions in California have shown. California's Public Utilities Commission recently tightened up safety rules for these facilities following fires that spewed toxic smoke. The batteries store energy, primarily from emerging solar and wind power, to help New York meet targets under the much-criticized Climate Act of 2019 approved by then-Gov Andrew Cuomo — now a mayoral candidate. Under the plan, New York must reduce greenhouse gas emissions 40% by 2030 and have 100% zero-emission electricity by 2040. Rules require New York to generate 9,000 megawatts of offshore wind energy by 2035, 6,000 megawatts of solar energy by 2025 and build 3,000 megawatts of energy storage by 2030. 'Energy storage will help achieve the aggressive Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act goal of getting 70% of New York's electricity from renewable sources by 2030,' NYS Energy and Research and Development Authority [NYSERDA] said. But the targets are unachievable, even clean energy advocates admit. The Public Service Commission — mostly staffed by commissioners appointed by Gov. Kathy Hochul — has authority to locate battery energy storage facilities with a capacity of at least 80 megawatts. But officials in New York City and other localities have the authority to approve or reject battery storage facilities with lower capacity under 80MW — which represents most projects, according to the PSC. There are 74 existing battery storage facilities in the city — 18 each in Brooklyn and Manhattan, 16 in Queens, and 11 in The Bronx and Staten Island, according to the NYSERDA website. Statewide, there are 6,304 such projects. Republican mayoral candidate Curtis Sliwa said the rage against the battery storage warehouses is a sleeping giant issue that could propel him to victory in the race for City Hall, likening it to opposition to borough-based jails and migrant shelters. 'They're putting them up in residential rage from residents … is palpable,' Sliwa said during a Post editorial board interview. Whether the facilities could sway the mayoral race, plans for new warehouses is riling locals. 'They just found a cheap available land, but our lives are not cheap…..our own children are not cheap,' Brooklyn Assemblyman Michael Novakhov said after he spearheaded an April 6 rally against the installation of a lithium-ion station at 2481 McDonald Ave. in Gravesend. There's also stiff opposition to numerous battery storage sites in Staten Island. One such facility is located on Nelson Avenue between a gas station and a home, said island Borough President Vito Fossella, who is eying a lawsuit to block the projects. 'Battery storage facilities should not be located next to people's homes or gas stations,' Fossella said. He said the pressure to comply with the Climate Act is putting health and safety at risk. 'It's clearly a rush job,' Fossella said. 'We're not crying wolf. This is a hazard waiting to happen.' State officials insisted the battery storage sites are safe. The city's energy storage regulations crafted by the FDNY and Buildings Department 'are widely regarded as among the strongest in the country' and have been adopted for statewide projects by the governor's Inter-Agency Fire Safety Working Group, a NYSERDA spokesperson said. The working group has issued recommendations that 'prioritize the safety of all New Yorkers and reaffirm New York's commitment to the safe deployment of energy storage—positioning New York as a national leader in battery energy storage safety,' the NYSERDA rep added.
CBS News
06-02-2025
- Business
- CBS News
MTA chair tells New York lawmakers the agency needs billions and it's up to them to figure out how to get it
NEW YORK - The MTA says it needs more than $68 billion to fund its capital plan for subway improvements. The head of the agency told lawmakers Thursday it's up to them to figure out how to raise the money. The MTA's aging 120-year-old subway system is in dire need of a fix. "We need to make sure that the structures, the tunnels, the elevated structures don't fall down, fall apart. We need to make sure that the power system which blew up recently a couple times in Brooklyn and Columbus Circle are not left to rot for another generation. That we have new cars that are not 40, 50, 60 years old," Lieber said. Lieber spoke with CBS News New York after he went hat in hand to Albany asking lawmakers to fund the agency's new $68.4 billion five year capital plan. "The most cost-efficient transit organization in the United States" During his testimony, he touted the MTA's growing ridership. "Ridership has grown dramatically in the last two years. The subways are regularly carrying more than four million people a day – more than the entire U.S. aviation system," Lieber said. He told lawmakers he only needs about $33 billion to fill the gap, insisting it's a good investment. "MTA's budget is actually 3% lower now than it was in 2019. That's right – 3% lower even with a ton of extra subway and rail service, not to mention a new 714,000 square foot terminal at Grand Central Madison and hundreds more elevators to maintain. How many other agencies can say the same? Delivering much more, at a lower cost," Lieber said. "The MTA is actually the most efficient transit organization in the United States, based on the cost per rider and subsidy per rider. We are the best deal." New York City Councilmember Robert Holden took issue with that. "Claiming the MTA is the best-managed transit system in the country? Give me a break. He knows it's false, I know it, and you know it," Holden wrote on social media. "We owe it to New Yorkers" Lieber was undeterred. During the hearings, he suggested several ways the legislature could come up with the money, including new taxes or a revenue stream. Lieber thinks the legislature should look at the MTA as another department of state government and find the money within the state's $250 billion budget. "Marcia. I think the key is that, you know, state government, all branches of state government, have to stop talking about the MTA capital program like it's a surprise, and that they don't have to fund it. Just like they fund education and Medicaid, we owe it to New Yorkers," Lieber said. It's not clear from the hearing whether the lawmakers bought Lieber's argument. In the past, they have created new taxes like mobility taxes on businesses to pay for transit upgrades. Several state senators and assemblymen think some new revenue stream may be necessary, Kramer reported. Congestion pricing, however, may make them think twice. Although the early results show some decrease in congestion, the program is wildly unpopular in the suburbs and outer boroughs, and since next year is an election year for the governor and all the members of the senate and assembly, they may may think twice before they agree to a new tax.
