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India Today
11-05-2025
- Politics
- India Today
Caste survey: Dharmendra Pradhan assures fair play, says OBC Muslims will be supported just like others
The Narendra Modi government's decision to include a caste survey in the forthcoming Census has BJP critics terming it a U-turn and the Congress claiming that its pressure forced the ruling party's hand. Union education minister Dharmendra Pradhan disagrees and underlines that for the BJP and the Modi dispensation, affirmative action has never been about vote-bank discusses why the BJP changed its stand on the caste survey, the intricacies of the exercise, and why the survey must focus on 'backwardness' rather than 'religion'. Excerpts from an exclusive interview with Anilesh S. Mahajan:advertisementQ. The caste survey will now be part of the census. Some see it as the BJP's U-turn on the issue.A. For us, social justice is not a political issue but social responsibility. Affirmative action isn't about vote-bank politics. It's about accountability and justice. We gave constitutional backing to the OBC Commission in 2018. Earlier, the 27 per cent OBC quota was only partially implemented. Prime Minister Modi brought in a law in 2019, ensuring a 100-point institutional roster to be followed till the quota is filled. This isn't vote-bank politics; it's our commitment. Q. Critics argue the caste survey may play a divisive role.A. Social harmony requires systemic reform. You can't undo centuries of deprivation in just 78 years of independence. A caste survey will help understand the exact composition of society, which in turn enables better What is the BJP's view on the Rohini Commission report and sub-categorisation within OBCs?A. There are some models in the states. In Bihar, the Nitish Kumar-led NDA (National Democratic Alliance) government has done the sub-categorisation. Some southern states have also done it. The concept of 'creamy layer' is there as well. But first, we should have the basic database—the Rohini Commission is part of that process. Sub-categorisation will help identify the most backward within the OBCs, ensuring better-targeted support.Q. How will the BJP address concerns about OBC Muslims or Pasmanda Muslims?A. The Constitution recognises backwardness, not religion. OBC Muslims will be identified and supported just like others.Q. Some states did caste surveys, but Muslims were treated as a separate bloc for reservations. Is that problematic?A. Surveys must focus on backwardness, not religion. Some states have tried clubbing Muslims separately, which the Supreme Court has objected to. The idea is not to fragment society but to identify and support the truly deprived—regardless of religion.Q. What's your view on state-level caste surveys, such as in Karnataka?A. Many caste surveys were flawed and driven by political motives. Karnataka is an example where even the state doesn't know what to do with the Even the Sangh Parivar has concerns that caste surveys may threaten Hindu unity or promote identity politics.A. Our society is built on five pillars—language, caste, religion, geography and economic status. Acknowledging these realities doesn't weaken unity. We aspire for a society with samajik samrasta (social harmony). Even among savarnas, PM Modi ensured that the EWS (economically weaker sections) get the benefits of reservation. Our initiatives are aimed at removing poverty, not reshaping cultural identities.Q. The BJP's core support base has traditionally been upper castes, but now you have growing support from Dalits and OBCs. What changed?A. For decades, the BJP and its earlier avatar Jana Sangh worked in communities through roti-beti relations. Even in the 1990s, we had leaders such as Kalyan Singh, Uma Bharti and Shivraj Singh Chouhan who became pillars of the party. Our organisational strength and clarity of purpose have helped gain trust across all sections.Q. The Congress and Rahul Gandhi claim their relentless campaign compelled the Modi government to back down and agree on doing a caste survey.A. The Congress has always used backward communities as vote-banks, not empowered them. Just compare our track-record with theirs. No one takes Rahul Gandhi's rhetoric to India Today MagazineTune InMust Watch
The Print
05-05-2025
- Politics
- The Print
Blow to Yogi, Fadnavis, Gadkari—caste census will change criteria for PM Modi's successor
They might be committed to social justice, but they were not a votary of this census. It's not in keeping with Prime Minister Modi's four-caste postulation—the poor, youth, women and farmers. He has also previously described the census as a reflection of 'urban naxal mindset' and ' paap ' or sin. That the BJP decided to go slow with its expansive politico-social engineering agenda was evident from the way it was trying to wriggle out of its promised sub-categorisation of the other backward classes (OBCs). The government gave 13 extensions to the Rohini Commission, which was originally supposed to submit its report in 12 weeks. It ended up taking almost six years, finally submitting its report to the President in August 2023. It has been gathering dust in the Rashtrapati Bhawan since then, with no word coming from the government. But, before I come to that, let me touch briefly on the reasons cited by the Narendra Modi-led government's spin masters to justify the U-turn on caste census. The government told the Parliament and the Supreme Court in 2021 about its decision not to hold a caste census. What they say on the record today is, therefore, plain sophistry. The Bharatiya Janata Party has dug itself into a hole with the caste census announcement. Or, let's say, it was so frustrated with Rahul Gandhi's inability to put up a decent fight that it has decided to create a real Opposition against itself. Caste census has the potential to grievously damage Brand Modi and disqualify some of his putative successors from the race. If things get worse, it may result in a sort of Samudrmanthan or churning that would produce only Halahal , not amrit —poison, not nectar—and leave devas and asuras of Indian politics in a quandary. What the BJP's and the government's spin doctors say off the record is equally fantastic—as if convinced of our credulity bordering on stupidity. One of them is that the party wanted to snatch Rahul Gandhi's main poll plank. Really! What made the BJP so nervous about it, suddenly? A series of poll victories in one state after another? Obviously not. There is no electoral evidence to suggest that Gandhi's caste census demand was getting any public traction. Another reason cited by the spin doctors is the Bihar Assembly election. It's fallacious, too. Such a big decision is not taken in view of just one Assembly election—that, too, in a state where the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) is handsomely placed by all accounts. Besides, in Bihar, politics has been centred on caste quota for so long—starting way back with Karpoori Thakur government's layered reservation system in 1978 and continuing to date. The Nitish Kumar government has followed up its caste survey by increasing quota to 65 per cent, which is stuck in the Supreme Court. The Centre's caste census announcement can't really be an emotive issue in Bihar. That brings us to the Opposition parties' stance that the caste census is a 'diversionary' tactic. Seen together with their jibes at the government for its 'inaction' after the Pahalgam terror attack, Opposition leaders seem to be drooling at the prospect of the Modi government not avenging the killing of Hindu tourists. They are jumping the gun way too soon. There is no way that PM Modi won't respond. He knows better than anyone else that inaction would mean the liquidation of Brand Modi. He is in no hurry. The Bihar election is six months away. Essentially, we don't know what made Modi-Shah take the U-turn on caste census. What we know is that this gambit can potentially have complex and unpredictable consequences that the ruling party might not have accounted for. I can count three, at least. Also read: How ministers are making holes in PM Modi's Teflon coating A slippery slope First, the OBCs, the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes swung toward Modi as aspirational classes, not as caste or tribal blocs. They actually came as the four castes PM Modi mentioned- the poor, the youth, the women and the farmers. In fact, he could have added a fifth one—the middle class. He showed them all dreams of a better life, a better future for their children in a better India. As beneficiaries of his government's welfare schemes and programmes and as stakeholders in his vision for India, they formed a class of their own. They would have voted for Modi even if he was a Thakur, a Brahmin or a Bhumihar. The BJP's caste census gambit has come as a rude reminder—that Modi, like the old traditional politicians, also sees them as mere caste groups and wants to play the same identity politics as others have all these years and decades. Caste census blows away the fundamentals of Brand Modi. Second, caste is a very touchy issue involving all sorts of pride and prejudice, which, more often than not, don't square with sense and sensibility. The census will tell caste groups where they stand numerically̦, and so politically, economically, educationally, and socially. How will they react when the official figures are out? It's like opening Pandora's Box. And however much the BJP wishes, Brand Modi will not be able to absorb the blow. Those who find themselves at the bottom in the caste census may rise up and demand immediate redressal. The government would find itself on a slippery slope. Trust Rahul Gandhi & Co to up the ante and push for the removal of the 50 per cent reservation cap. With the officially acknowledged have-nots up in arms, the Modi government would have to agree, wishing that the judiciary would come to its rescue. But, what after the quota ceiling? It won't be enough to address the grievances of those whose long-lingering sense of being dispossessed in the current setup would be officially certified. Well, probably reservation in the private sector! Then what? Budgetary allocation for individual castes and sub-castes? Redistribution of wealth? Well, the Modi government will surely be on a slippery slope after the census is out. The third consequence of the caste census is, however, something the current BJP leadership might certainly have factored in—that is, a change in the eligibility criteria for PM Modi's successor. Just think of the likely scenario. Toward the end of PM Modi's third term, when the caste census would have triggered a huge political maelstrom, with different backward castes demanding a share in the socio-political and economic power structure, who would be in the reckoning for an OBC PM's successor? Not a Brahmin or a Thakur, for sure. That would make things so difficult for Yogi Adityanath, a Thakur, and two other putative contenders who are Brahmins— Devendra Fadnavis and Nitin Gadkari. Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma, though not seen as a strong contender as yet, is also a Brahmin. The caste census and its likely fallout would change the eligibility criteria for the front runners in the succession race. An upper caste leader would struggle to keep their place in the race, for sure. That would leave two other top contenders in the list—union home minister Amit Shah, a Bania, and union minister and former Madhya Pradesh chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan, an OBC leader. Chouhan has a great CV as an OBC leader with a mass base in Madhya Pradesh and a good following outside his state, too. Shah is not an OBC leader, but a Bania can always be an acceptable face in an OBC versus upper castes political milieu. What goes in Shah's favour is his hold over the BJP organisation and the fact that all CMs, MPs and legislators in states owe it to him. He has handpicked them all. That's a huge advantage in politically volatile times. It's inexplicable why the BJP should decide to be a disruptor by bringing the caste census when it's so comfortably placed as the dominant party in India. If Opposition leaders like Rahul Gandhi play such disruptive politics, it's understandable. They are desperate to break the BJP's dominance of the political landscape. But why the BJP? It's difficult to answer when one looks at the large picture. But, in the context of PM Modi's succession race, it doesn't look so mindless and thoughtless, after all. DK Singh is Political Editor at ThePrint. He tweets @dksingh73. Views are personal. (Edited by Theres Sudeep)
Time of India
04-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
After Modi government's caste census announcement: NDA allies pitch for OBC & SC sub-categorisation to ensure 'social justice'
Following the announcement of the caste census , several BJP allies from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar have pitched for sub-categorisation of OBCs and SCs and want the Centre to focus on it. #Pahalgam Terrorist Attack India much better equipped to target cross-border terror since Balakot India conducts maiden flight-trials of stratospheric airship platform Pakistan shuts ports for Indian ships after New Delhi bans imports from Islamabad Last week, the Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led government announced that castes would be enumerated in the forthcoming census -- a decision welcomed by all BJP allies as they were demanding this for a long time. A few of these allies have also demanded making the Rohini Commission report public. The Rohini Commission, constituted in 2017, had the mandate to suggest sub-categorisation of OBCs to ensure equitable distribution of reservation benefits to them. The four-member commission, headed by Justice G Rohini, a retired Chief Justice of the Delhi High Court, submitted its report in 2023, which is yet to be made public. BJP's ally from Bihar, Upendra Khushwaha, said: "With the caste census decision now, the Opposition is issue less and they are trying to take credit of it. So now the government should look into the sub-categorisation among OBCs and Bihar, there are 'Ati Pichda' and 'Maha Dalits'. Reservation for them was implemented in 1977 in the state services, the same should be implemented at the Central level. And for this, the Rohini Commission report should be made public." by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Don't Miss The Top Packaging Trends Of 2024, Enhnace Your Brand With The Latest Insights Packaging Machines | Search Ads Search Now Undo Echoing similar sentiments, NISHAD party's Sanjay Nishad, an expert on castes and their categorisation, suggested that there are some errors in categorisation of castes that also needs to be corrected."There are some castes which are under OBCs are originally SCs -- that needs to be corrected. Similarly, for equitable distribution of reservation benefits, sub-categorisation among OBCs and SCs is needed. Separate categories should be formed for those who have been availing reservation benefits and those who are yet to get benefits," Nishad told ET. After the announcement of the caste census, SBSP leader and minister in BJP-led Uttar Pradesh government Om Prakash Rajbhar met Union home minister Amit Shah regarding sub-categorisation of OBCs in Uttar Pradesh. Sources suggested that there are some allies, including Apna Dal (S) and LJP, which might not be very welcoming to this idea of quota within quota. The Centre is yet to take call on this. The BJP has implemented quota within quota in several states, including Haryana and Karnataka, during its tenure. Live Events In Uttar Pradesh also, the BJP, during its first tenure, formed a committee under retired Justice Raghavendra Kumar which submitted its report in 2018. The panel suggested three sub-categories in OBCs -- backwards, more backwards and most backwards. Similarly, among SCs -- Dalits, Ati-Dalits and Maha Dalits. The panel also divided castes from OBCs and SCs into three categories.
New Indian Express
03-05-2025
- Business
- New Indian Express
Caste census casts questions on job creation
All economics, it is said, is about politics. And all politics is grounded in economics—effectively about public policies to enable access to opportunities. This week, the Modi government announced the enumeration of caste in the forthcoming census. Typically, public discourse is riveted on the whataboutery of when who was for it and who was against. Beyond the claims and counterclaims, the inclusion of caste in the census underlines the omnipotence of caste in India's political matrix. It also underlines the chasm between the need for sustainable incomes and India's status rising in a decade from the 11th to the fifth largest economy in the world. The measure of aggregate progress in the past decade hides the stratification across India. The political geography of India's economy illustrates this divergence. India's per capita income is Rs 2.15 lakh. Karnataka tops the list with Rs 3.80 lakh and Bihar trails with Rs 66,828; within Bihar, the district of Sheohar has a per capita income of Rs 19,561. As Nobel laureate Angus Deaton observed, 'averages are no consolation for those left behind'. It is not surprising that the move to enumerate caste originated from Bihar, or that the initiative is timed for the forthcoming polls. Bihar is home to around 12 crore of India's 142-crore population, and at Rs 10.97 lakh crore, accounts for barely 3 percent of India's GDP of Rs 331.03 lakh crore. The distance between Karnataka and Bihar, or between Bengaluru and Sheohar, is about empowerment and employment. The political class has presented the caste census as a panacea for an inclusive reservation system. Quota warriors cite the Rohini Commission's findings to point out that '97 percent of the reserved jobs and seats have gone to 25 percent of OBC sub-castes'. Arguably, the formula of reservation must be backed by data. The caste census will at best a template for inclusion, not expansion in job creation. The momentum of public opinion backing the move clearly casts questions on job creation. Take the IT services sector, which is one of the largest white collar employers. The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Education, in its March 2025 report, cited data to note that 'there is an unusual decline in placements in IITs and IIITs between 2021-22 and 2023-24'. A TeamLease peport in October estimated that only 10 percent of engineering graduates would secure jobs this year. Indeed, another survey, published in March 2025, revealed that 83 percent of engineering graduates have no jobs.
