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BBC News
10-02-2025
- Politics
- BBC News
Di rebel leader wey im career surround di kasala for Rwanda and DR Congo
Di Democratic Republic of Congo dey inside serious trouble as fighters from di M23 rebel group don dey enta through di kontri east and dey battle di national army and dem dey capture key places as dem dey go. In just two weeks, tori be say thousands of pipo don dey killed and di fighting don turn war of words between DR Congo and dia neighbour, Rwanda. So how DR Congo, wey be di biggest kontri for sub-Saharan Africa, carry demselves reach dis level? You fit understand di start of dis kasala if you torchlight di tori of one man, M23 leader Sultani Makenga wey don dey accused of plenti war crimes allegations. To look into Makenga life na to look into decades of war, some foreign intervention and di lure of DR Congo rich mineral resources. Im life start on Christmas day of 1973 wen dem born for di lush Congolese town for Masisi. E bin dey raised by Tutsi parents, and at di age of 17 e comot school to join one Tutsi rebel group for Rwanda. Di group wey dem call di Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) bin dey ask for more Tutsi representation for Rwanda goment wey dat time bin dey full of politicians from di Hutu majority. Dem bin also want di hundreds and thousands of Tutsi refugees wey ethnic kasala bin pursue comot di kontri make dem come back house. For four years, Makenga and di RPF bin fight di Hutu filled army for Rwanda. Di fight-fight join wit di 1994 genocide wen Hutu extremists bin kill 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus. Wen e bin look dis time for one rare interview for 2013, Makenga say: "My life na war, my education na war and my language na war... but I respect peace." Di RPF seize more and more lands small-small bifor dem match enta di Rwanda capital of Kigali so dem go overthrow di extremist Hutu goment, and many of dem run enta wetin today be DR Congo. Wit RPF for power, Makenga come join di official Rwandan army and rise to di rank of sergeant and deputy platoon commander. One of Makenga fellow RPF fighters tell di RIft Valley Institute wey be non-profit research organisation say, "e bin dey very good wit setting up ambushes". Im progress for di Rwandan army sha take style hang. Di fact say e bin get only basic education and fit speak broken French and English bin dey stand as "challenge to im military career", according to di Rift Valley Institute. Dem also tok say, till today, Makenga dey very reserved and dey find am hard to tok for public. For 1997, e bin dey part of di Rwandan-backed forces wey las-las take ova power for DR Congo and comot long-serving ruler Mobutu Sese Seko. To replace am, dem put veteran Congolese rebel leader Laurent Kabila. But Makenga bin start to dey clash wit im ogas dem. Rwandan authorities bin arrest am afta im refuse orders to go back to Rwanda, according to one UN Security Council report. So, dem imprison am for many years for di island of Iwawa. Meanwhile, di relationship between Kabila and Rwanda new leaders start to scata. Rwanda bin wan crush di Hutu militiamen wey bin dey responsible for di genocide but dem run across di border for 1994. Rwanda bin fear say dem go come back and scata di kontri stability wey dem don struggle to win. But Kabila bin fail to stop di militants from organising and e also comot di Rwandan troops by force. Bicos of dat, Rwanda invade DR Congo for 1998. Wen Makenga bin dey released from prison, dem appoint am as commander for di front line wit one Rwanda backed rebel group. Ova di years, e gain di reputation from being very strategic and skilled wit commanding large group of sojas to battle. Afta Rwanda troops cross enta DR Congo, discrimination against di Tutsi community start to increase again. Kabila bin allege say di Tutsis support di invasion while oda officials bin ginger di public to attack members of di ethnic group. Makenga wey still dey DR Congo bin accuse di Congolese leader say im betray Tutsi fighters say: "Kabila na politician, and I no be politician. I be soja and di language wey I sabi na gun." Plenti neighbour kontris bin dey dragged to di kasala as one ogbonge UN military force bin dey deployed to try keep order. More dan five million pipo, na im dey believed say bin die for di war and afta. Most of dem bin die from starvation or disease. Di fight-fight bin officially end for 2003 but Makenga continue to dey work for armed groups to di Congolese goment. In di spirit of reconciliation, Tutsi rebels like Makenga bin las-las join di Congolese goment armed forces for wetin dem call "mixage". But di political stands for DR Congo dey always shift, and na so Makenga defect from di army to join di M23 rebellion wey bin dey on di rise. Di M23 bin don dey very active for DR Congo east say dem dey fight for Tutsi rights and goment no gree honour peace deal wey dem sign for 2009. Makenga bin dey elevated to di rank of M23 general and den soon reach di top position. For November 2012, e lead di rebels for ogbonge fight-fight, from wia dem capture di city of Goma, wey be major eastern city wey get ova one million pipo. DR Congo and di UN bin accuse di Rwanda Tutsi full goment say dem back di M23. Kigali don deny dis allegation many times. But recently di official statement don shift, as goment tok-tok pipo say to fight near di border na security threat. By 2012, Makenga and odas for M23 dey face serious war crimes accuse. Di US don impose sanctions on am say e dey responsible for "di recruitment of child sojas and campaigns of violence against civilians". Makenga say di accuse say M23 dey use pikin as sojas dey "baseless". Di US also say e don commit and dey responsible for tins like killing and maiming, sexual kasala and kidnapping. Apart from asset freezes, Makenga bin also dey face bitter division for inside di M23. One side back am as dia leader while di oda bin support im rival, Gen Bosco Ntaganda. Di Enough Project wey be non-profit group wey dey work for DR Congo say di two sides bin enta full war for 2013 wey kill three sojas and eight civilians. Makenga side bin wine and Ntaganda run enta Rwanda wia e surrender to di US embassy. Gen Ntaganda wey dem bin nickname "Terminator" bicos of im brutality, bin dey sentenced to 30 years in prison for war crimes by di International Criminal Court (ICC). But months afta di Makenga win, anoda bigger threat bin come. Di UNbin deploy one 3,000 force wit di mission to support di Congolese military to fit take back Goma and ginger di M23 to withdraw. Di rebel group bin dey expelled from di kontri and Makenga bin run enta Uganda, anoda kontr wey dem accuse say dey support M23, wey dem too don deny. Uganda don receive extradition request from DR Congo for Makenga but dem no act on am. Eight years later, plenti armed groups still dey scata di mineral-rich east of DR Congo but at least authorities dey free from dia most notorious militants. Until 2021. Makenga and im rebels carry weapons again anf take ova territory for di North Kivu province. Several ceasefires between di M23 and di Congolese authorities don fail. Even sef last year one udge sentence Makenga to death in im absence. For M23 latest advance, wey tori be say na thousands of Rwandan troops dey support di rebels, pipo neva too see Makenga in public. Instead na im tok-tok pesin and Corneille Nangaa wey be oga of alliance of rebel groups wey include M23 na im dey run public speeches and statements. But Makenga still be key player, and e be like say na behind di scene strategy e dey focus on. E don tok say im fighting na for im three pikin, "so dat one day dem go get bata future for dis kontri". E tok say, "make una no look me as pesin wey no want peace o. I get heart and family and pipo wey I care about". But millions of ordinary pipo dey pay di price for dis kasala and if Congolese forces catch am, Makenga dey look death sentence. Yet e no dey shake am. E say, "I dey willing to sacrifice evritin".
Yahoo
07-02-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Opinion - From Rwanda to Ukraine, despots are fanning flames of tragedy
When I joined the United Nations-backed International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda as a judicial legal advisor in 2007, I was filled with hope for justice and a safer future. We aimed to hold accountable those behind the 1994 Rwandan genocide. But my confidence waned as we only pursued Hutu-led former government members, undermining impartiality. Rwandan officials prevented investigations into the Rwandan Patriotic Front, led by commander and future President Paul Kagame, despite their significant atrocities against civilians. Nearly two decades later, I grapple with the realization that, rather than break the cycle of violence, we may have inadvertently contributed to the rise of a new tyranny. President Kagame, once celebrated as a liberator who ended the 1994 genocide, has evolved into a figure who wields power with an iron grip, suppressing dissent and leveraging the genocide narrative to cement his rule. His government's recent actions in the Democratic Republic of Congo, supporting the M23 rebel militia in its capture of the eastern city of Goma, mirrors a dangerous global pattern of regional destabilization under the guise of national security. While the seizure of Goma — pulsing with millions of souls and rich in minerals critical to global industries — risks spiraling into a full-scale cross-border war, Kagame's regime seeks to stifle and annihilate any form of political dissent at home. Victoire Ingabire's ordeal is emblematic of this. On returning to Rwanda in 2010, after 16 years in exile, with hopes of cultivating a genuine democracy, Ingabire called for inclusive remembrance of all victims of Rwanda's violent history, regardless of ethnicity. This drew the ire of a government that tolerates no challenge to its version of history. Ingabire's subsequent arrest, trial, convictions on spurious charges of terrorism and genocide denial, and her unjust 15-year prison sentence, have been widely criticized as politically motivated. Her latest attempt to run for president in Rwanda in July 2024 was thwarted when the Rwandan High Court upheld a legal ban preventing her from running due to her previous convictions. Although she was pardoned in 2018, the court ruled that she remained ineligible to run because the limitations imposed by her pardon had not yet expired. Now, the threat of rearrest (or worse) looms large as Ingabire's pardon period ends in August 2025. In recent speeches, Kagame has ominously warned democracy advocates like Ingabire that 'their days are numbered,' explicitly stating that 'those who must be corrected, we correct them.' This rhetoric, suggesting imminent actions against Ingabire, is part of a pattern: Kagame has previously insinuated that she 'will not end up well' and that the government 'would find an appropriate solution' for her. In my view, this is evidence of how selective justice at the tribunal has had long-lasting implications. It emboldened Kagame's government and entrenched a narrative whereby any criticism of the Rwandan Patriotic Front is tantamount to genocide denial. The most obvious parallel in modern geopolitics is the case of Russia's assault on Ukraine, backed by twisted narratives based on revisionist history — indeed, the Economist headline was 'Rwanda does a Putin in Congo.' Both Putin and Kagame seem motivated by various manifestations of greed and hubris. This highlights a troubling global trend: leaders who exploit past traumas and conflicts as tools for maintaining power. The despots' actions not only destabilize their regions but also threaten to ignite broader conflicts, leveraging historical grievances and security narratives to suppress internal dissent and justify aggressive expansions. The international community's response, often muted by geopolitical considerations, fails to adequately address the resulting atrocities. The world must confront this head-on: There is a pattern of nations whose difficult histories have resulted in authoritarian governments peddling grievance. Only by acknowledging and addressing these complexities can we hope to support paths forward anchored in justice, respect for human rights, and true governance under the rule of law. The international community must recalibrate its approach and prioritize the restoration of genuine democracy in Rwanda to ensure stability in the Great Lakes region. As for Putin, of course, saving Russia from the grip of his cabal is one of several Holy Grails in geopolitics that lie ahead. Sheila Paylan is a human rights lawyer and senior legal consultant with the United Nations. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
07-02-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
From Rwanda to Ukraine, despots are fanning flames of tragedy
When I joined the United Nations-backed International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda as a judicial legal advisor in 2007, I was filled with hope for justice and a safer future. We aimed to hold accountable those behind the 1994 Rwandan genocide. But my confidence waned as we only pursued Hutu-led former government members, undermining impartiality. Rwandan officials prevented investigations into the Rwandan Patriotic Front, led by commander and future President Paul Kagame, despite their significant atrocities against civilians. Nearly two decades later, I grapple with the realization that, rather than break the cycle of violence, we may have inadvertently contributed to the rise of a new tyranny. President Kagame, once celebrated as a liberator who ended the 1994 genocide, has evolved into a figure who wields power with an iron grip, suppressing dissent and leveraging the genocide narrative to cement his rule. His government's recent actions in the Democratic Republic of Congo, supporting the M23 rebel militia in its capture of the eastern city of Goma, mirrors a dangerous global pattern of regional destabilization under the guise of national security. While the seizure of Goma — pulsing with millions of souls and rich in minerals critical to global industries — risks spiraling into a full-scale cross-border war, Kagame's regime seeks to stifle and annihilate any form of political dissent at home. Victoire Ingabire's ordeal is emblematic of this. On returning to Rwanda in 2010, after 16 years in exile, with hopes of cultivating a genuine democracy, Ingabire called for inclusive remembrance of all victims of Rwanda's violent history, regardless of ethnicity. This drew the ire of a government that tolerates no challenge to its version of history. Ingabire's subsequent arrest, trial, convictions on spurious charges of terrorism and genocide denial, and her unjust 15-year prison sentence, have been widely criticized as politically motivated. Her latest attempt to run for president in Rwanda in July 2024 was thwarted when the Rwandan High Court upheld a legal ban preventing her from running due to her previous convictions. Although she was pardoned in 2018, the court ruled that she remained ineligible to run because the limitations imposed by her pardon had not yet expired. Now, the threat of rearrest (or worse) looms large as Ingabire's pardon period ends in August 2025. In recent speeches, Kagame has ominously warned democracy advocates like Ingabire that 'their days are numbered,' explicitly stating that 'those who must be corrected, we correct them.' This rhetoric, suggesting imminent actions against Ingabire, is part of a pattern: Kagame has previously insinuated that she 'will not end up well' and that the government 'would find an appropriate solution' for her. In my view, this is evidence of how selective justice at the tribunal has had long-lasting implications. It emboldened Kagame's government and entrenched a narrative whereby any criticism of the Rwandan Patriotic Front is tantamount to genocide denial. The most obvious parallel in modern geopolitics is the case of Russia's assault on Ukraine, backed by twisted narratives based on revisionist history — indeed, the Economist headline was ' Rwanda does a Putin in Congo.' Both Putin and Kagame seem motivated by various manifestations of greed and hubris. This highlights a troubling global trend: leaders who exploit past traumas and conflicts as tools for maintaining power. The despots' actions not only destabilize their regions but also threaten to ignite broader conflicts, leveraging historical grievances and security narratives to suppress internal dissent and justify aggressive expansions. The international community's response, often muted by geopolitical considerations, fails to adequately address the resulting atrocities. The world must confront this head-on: There is a pattern of nations whose difficult histories have resulted in authoritarian governments peddling grievance. Only by acknowledging and addressing these complexities can we hope to support paths forward anchored in justice, respect for human rights, and true governance under the rule of law. The international community must recalibrate its approach and prioritize the restoration of genuine democracy in Rwanda to ensure stability in the Great Lakes region. As for Putin, of course, saving Russia from the grip of his cabal is one of several Holy Grails in geopolitics that lie ahead.
