Latest news with #SADC
Ya Biladi
2 days ago
- Politics
- Ya Biladi
Africa : Polisario allies in SADC press agenda on other members
On July 24 and 25, Tanzania became the focal point for a significant meeting of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) foreign ministers. At the close of this summit, the ministers expressed clear support for the Polisario. They «welcomed the recent signing of a memorandum of understanding between the SADC and SADR, recognizing its alignment with the UN-led process for the self-determination of Western Sahara», as stated in a press release. To revisit earlier developments, on April 2, SADC Secretary-General Elias M. Magosi and the Polisario's representative in Botswana, Bah El Mad Abdellah, inked a memorandum of understanding. This agreement aims to «implement the decisions adopted by the SADC heads of state and government in August 2019, as well as the Declaration on the SADC Solidarity Conference with the SADR held in March 2019 in Pretoria, South Africa». Nonetheless, this agreement faced immediate condemnation from Malawi, the Union of the Comoros, Zambia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Eswatini. These countries, members of the regional bloc, are actively seeking to distance themselves from South African influence. On the issue of the Sahara, they all acknowledge Moroccan sovereignty and have established consulates in Laayoune or Dakhla.
IOL News
4 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Public service in Southern Africa: A New era of collaboration and accountability
South Africa Minister of Foreign Affairs Ronald Lamola (C) is seen during the joint meeting of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the East African Community Ministers on the Democratic Republic of Congo conflict held in Harare, on March 17 2025. In Windhoek, delegates from ten Southern African Development Community (SADC) member states gathered for the SADC Public Service Commissions (PSCs) Forum, marking a pivotal moment for statecraft in the region. This forum, with participation from nations such as South Africa, Angola, Zimbabwe, and Mauritius, underscores a pressing dedication to redefine the core of public administration across Southern Africa. The consensus is clear: the existing bureaucratic framework, characterised by inefficiency, patronage, and stagnation, must evolve into a contemporary, ethical, and development-oriented public service.A New Vision for Public ServantsProfessor Somadoda Fikeni, Chairperson of South Africa's Public Service Commission, has articulated a bold and much-needed vision for a "new type of public servant." This reimagining calls for public servants to be more than mere functionaries; they must be active drivers of social transformation, characterised by their ethical conduct, technical proficiency, social consciousness, and development-oriented approach. This visionary perspective is long overdue. Challenges Undermining Governance Uneven public service delivery persists across the SADC region, marked by corruption, politicisation, a lack of accountability, and insufficient investment in human capital. Transparency International's 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index reveals that seven of the ten forum-participating countries score below 50 out of 100, signifying severe systemic governance challenges. For instance, public trust in Zimbabwe's government services remains critically low due to widespread mismanagement, particularly in vital sectors like health and education. Conversely, Mauritius, with a score of 53, exemplifies how ethical governance and a commitment to public service excellence can foster stability and sustainable advocacy for a revitalised public service is not mere theoretical discourse; it directly addresses systemic issues that have historically impeded progress. The Southern African region experiences some of the world's most severe rates of unemployment and inequality. South Africa, the continent's leading industrialised nation, for instance, reported a striking youth unemployment rate of 46,1% in Q1 2025, according to Stats SA. In such a climate, an efficient public service is not merely advantageous but is fundamental to economic revitalisation, equitable development, and maintaining democratic integrity. The Case for Regional Cooperation The upcoming forum in Windhoek offers a crucial opportunity to transcend the historical siloing of SADC states in civil service reform, fostering greater cross-border collaboration and policy harmonisation. Regional cooperation is pivotal for accelerating policy learning and consolidating limited institutional capacity. For example, Botswana's significant progress in digitising public services, notably its Integrated Public Service Portal, led to a 30% reduction in administrative delays in 2023. This success provides a scalable framework for nations such as Malawi and Lesotho, where digital integration in governance is still in its nascent strategies are essential for addressing cross-border challenges like migration, climate change, and transnational corruption. For example, Zambia and Zimbabwe frequently encounter coordination issues in the management of shared water resources and infrastructure projects within the Zambezi basin. Such inefficiencies could be resolved through a regional public service framework that prioritizes joint training, shared data platforms, and interoperable regulations. Building Capacity for the Future Fikeni's focus on a 'moral compass' is particularly relevant in a region plagued by widespread ethical failures within its civil service. However, ethics alone will not suffice. Tomorrow's public servant must also possess technical expertise and strategic foresight. As AI, climate resilience, and digital transformation reshape governance, traditional bureaucratic models are becoming achieve the African Union's Agenda 2063 and realise the vision of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), a digitally literate, policy-agile, and globally competitive public workforce is essential. The current skills gap is a critical concern: as of 2024, only 19% of public servants in SADC countries have received formal training in data analysis or e-governance, according to the African Capacity Building Foundation. Addressing this deficit is not merely an option; it is fundamental to Africa's prevent the Windhoek forum from being merely a ceremonial summit, its outcomes must incorporate concrete mechanisms. Firstly, a regional public service observatory should be created to monitor reforms, assess service delivery benchmarks, and release annual progress reports. Secondly, a common code of ethics, consistent with the African Charter on the Values and Principles of Public Service and Administration, ought to be implemented across SADC states. Thirdly, it is crucial to invest in regional public administration schools, emphasising ethical leadership, data governance, and policy Africa, with its rich resources and experience in complex governance reforms, can play a pivotal role. However, distributed leadership is key, with smaller states such as Mauritius and Botswana contributing their best practices and institutional models. The SADC PSCs forum arrives at a critical moment. Southern Africa faces increasing socio-economic challenges, making a capable, ethical, and forward-thinking public service an urgent and essential requirement. It is time for the region to prioritise investment in its governance personnel, rather than solely focusing on policy implementation. This is the only path to achieving a genuinely developmental state that serves its citizens instead of ruling over them. The discussions in Windhoek should not conclude the dialogue, but rather initiate a broader movement.
IOL News
4 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Leaders should save Africa to preserve Kwame Krumah's legacy
Sandile Gumede Image: File 'Do you like Kwame Krumah?' This is a question that was asked by George Apple-by-Smith to Makhaya Maseko in Bessie Head's book called 'When Rain Clouds Gather'. In this fictional situation, the policer in question was asking Maseko this question so that he could decide whether to grant him a political asylum after escaping from South Africa to Botswana, at the height of political chaos, with apartheid forces pouncing on those who fought injustices. Maseko, who understood the tricky question as an activist and a journalist, simply answered: 'No'. However, this is no book review, but it is meant to emphasise the role that the likes of Kwame Krumah played in the liberation of the African continent. Krumah and others like Julius Nyerere, Idi Amin and Patrice Lumumba to mention a few, played a crucial role in mobilisation of African leaders in efforts to unite the continent for its prosperity. In pushing the Pan Africanism agenda an Organisation of African Unity was conceived, which expedited the project of winning back Africa from the colonial masters – at least this is what they thought. I am not oblivious of the fact that these leaders were fallible – of which it is a nature of a human being. But they did a lot of groundwork, and had great vision which could have helped the continent from being too dependent on handouts from Asia and the west. The continent currently needs courageous leadership, who will be brother's keepers, not people who keep quiet, yet human rights are violated, or corruption happens unabated. African countries are rich in mineral resources, but these hardly benefit the majority of citizens except providing labour for European or Chinese companies. Instead, there are coups in our continent. We fight each other; not because we are trying to rescue the lives and livelihood of the people simply because the next leader feels that it is his time to benefit. There are leaders like Paul Biya who has been in power since 1982, but not much is being done to change the lives of Cameroonians. This results in compatriots emigrating to the very same France that had oppressed them. In Zimbabwe we have a similar challenge; the lives of ordinary Zimbabweans mean nothing. They end up emigrating to Britain and neighbouring countries. One of the biggest challenges is that every now and then these African leaders would meet in AU summits or SADC meetings cheering each other; dining expensive cuisine forgetting to address the core issues faced by their people. The reality is that Zimbabwean issues become our issues as people flee the country for various reasons. Even the situation for South Africa is getting worse; with infrastructure dilapidating and scarce job opportunities there is growth in South Africans emigrating to Asia and Gulf states to teach English and other subjects. Whatever that Yoweri Museveni does in Uganda, it affects neighbouring countries like Tanzania and Kenya in that East region. Issues in DR Congo, also affect Rwandans and other neighbouring countries; therefore, the entire continent is interdependent. And this requires bold leadership from all walks of life whereby they can be honest with each other. That is what the AU summit should be about – not just talk shop and to be a boys' club with no clear vision for the continent. If we are reclaiming mines owned by foreigners in our countries, that should be the African agenda not just General Ibrahim Traore or Dr. Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah's pet projects as this will result in their countries being alienated by the west, whereas if this is done in unison it will be difficult to sanction the entire continent. This cannot be achieved by leaders who are there for themselves instead of the people. This cannot be done by leaders who are afraid of calling their counterparts into order. They should use the AU and other regional economic bodies to develop Africa, not buying properties in foreign countries or travelling abroad for shopping sprees or medical attention. This should be done by all those who claim to hold leaders like Kwame Krumah in high regard, not those who pay lip service. Sandile Gumede is sociopolitical writer and PhD candidate at the University of Witwatersrand in the Media Studies Department. SUNDAY TRIBUNE
Daily Maverick
4 days ago
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
Imprisoned activist MPs in Eswatini highlight a growing crisis of civic freedoms across Africa
Mduduzi Mabuza and Mthandeni Dube's ongoing imprisonment is more than a national tragedy. It is a warning about a dangerous continent-wide trend of unchecked state repression. This month marks four years since Eswatini's pro-democracy activists and former members of parliament, Mduduzi Bacede Mabuza and Mthandeni Dube, were arrested — and one year since they were sentenced under the country's notorious Suppression of Terrorism Act for calling for democratic reform. During the June 2021 pro-democracy protests in Eswatini, Mabuza and Dube exercised their constitutional mandate by raising alarm over the unrest, calling for national dialogue and participating in the demonstrations. Rather than heeding calls for dialogue put forward by a number of people, including civil society actors, elders and leaders across the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) region, King Mswati ultimately rejected dialogue in favour of brute force. In response to their activism, the Eswatini authorities subjected Mabuza and Dube to irregular trials and harsh sentences, sending a chilling message to others in the pro-democracy movement. Four years later, they remain behind bars, a harsh reflection of how easily democratic ideals are betrayed when the world looks away. To push for their release, Civicus added Mabuza and Dube to its flagship Stand As My Witness campaign. Inspired by the global movement to free Nelson Mandela, Stand As My Witness mobilises people around the world to draw attention to jailed human rights defenders and demand their release. Like Mandela, Mabuza and Dube have been imprisoned for daring to speak out against injustice. But Mabuza and Dube's ongoing imprisonment is more than a national tragedy. It is a warning about a dangerous continent-wide trend of unchecked state repression. Across Africa, from Eswatini to Algeria, Senegal to Tanzania, speaking truth to power is increasingly treated as a criminal offence. More and more, opposition leaders like Mabuza and Dube, as well as whistle-blowers and civil society voices, are under threat. A continental crisis East Africa may be the epicentre of this crisis. Last month, Kenyan blogger Albert Ojwang died in police custody after being arrested for allegedly defaming a senior police official. Likewise, Rose Njeri, a young software developer, was arrested and charged under cybercrime laws for building a tool that enabled citizens to submit objections to a controversial finance Bill. In neighbouring Uganda, 11 environmental activists were arrested on 23 April for peacefully marching to deliver a letter to KCB Bank, which supports the controversial East African Crude Oil Pipeline. Meanwhile, Tanzanian opposition leader Tundu Lissu remains in detention following his April 2025 arrest for agitating for democratic reform. He faces spurious charges of treason, an offence that carries the death penalty in Tanzania. In West Africa, Senegalese pro-democracy organiser Alioune Sané of the Y'en a Marre movement was arrested in late 2023 and released only early this year. In North Africa, Egyptian human rights lawyer Hoda Abdel Moneim — who is part of the Stand As My Witness campaign — languishes behind bars. So does Tunisian humanitarian worker Mustapha Jemmali, who authorities detained on spurious financial charges, widely seen as retaliation for his refugee advocacy. Concern is not enough These arrests form a broader trend of shrinking civic space in Africa. The Civicus Monitor, which tracks civic freedoms globally, reports that more than 90% of Africans now live in countries where civic space is restricted, repressed or closed. The global response? Far too often: diplomatic silence, performative concern, or reactive statements after the damage is done. Media coverage is frequently short-lived and quickly forgotten. But concern alone is no longer sufficient, not when elected members of parliament are behind bars for doing their jobs, and not when ordinary people are arrested for taking to the streets to voice dissent. If repression is becoming the norm, then our solidarity must rise to meet this moment. It must move beyond symbolic declarations to coordinated and sustained action. Fortunately, we know that international pressure and solidarity work. The Stand As My Witness campaign, as part of sustained global advocacy, has helped contribute to the release of 31 people globally so far, like Algerian human rights defenders Zakaria Hannache and Kamira Nait Said, Burundian journalist Floriane Irangabiye, and Zimbabwean union leader Obert Masaraure. Knowing that international advocacy can lead to someone's release is why we keep pushing, and why we encourage others to join us. Together, we can make a difference for Mabuza and Dube in Eswatini. Time to act on Eswatini Securing Mabuza and Dube's freedom requires serious global action. Eswatini is due to undergo its next Universal Periodic Review at the UN in 2026, so global voices should begin raising the alarm now to shape that process and demand the immediate and unconditional release of Mabuza and Dube. African institutions, particularly the African Union and the regional blocs, must rise to the occasion. They need to act decisively when member states violate democratic norms. Multilateral pressure cannot be reserved for coups alone — the slow suffocation of dissent warrants equal urgency. To that end, SADC leaders should encourage King Mswati to return to dialogue. Donor countries and diplomatic partners must also centre civic space in bilateral relations. 'Quiet diplomacy' has too often been a cover for inaction. Governments that imprison critics while accepting development aid must be held to higher standards. Recent responses to Uganda's Anti-Homosexuality Act offer a glimpse of what stronger accountability can look like. The United States removed Uganda from the African Growth and Opportunity Act (Agoa), imposed visa bans on officials and redirected millions in development assistance. The World Bank suspended new funding to the country. This kind of accountability must become the norm, not the exception, especially when dissidents and elected officials are jailed with impunity. Protect civil society Further, donors must support and protect local civil society. These organisations are often the only line of defence for activists, journalists and political prisoners. They provide legal aid, they document abuses and raise awareness, yet many are underfunded, under threat, and increasingly operating in fear. Finally, people around the world must raise their voices and push their leaders to act for Mabuza and Dube. People power works, but only if we use it. After all, international pressure to release Nelson Mandela did not come from nowhere. It was the result of sustained advocacy around the world at the grassroots level. Mabuza and Dube need the same. Indeed, Mandela's legacy is not only about freedom once won, it is about defending that freedom wherever it is at risk. Today, that risk is acute. Mandela once said: 'To deny people their human rights is to challenge their very humanity.' By that measure, Mabuza and Dube's ongoing detention is not just a local injustice, it is a mirror of our continent's broader retreat from democratic values. Their story challenges all of us: to speak louder, act sooner, and stand in true solidarity with those behind bars for defending rights we too often take for granted. It is a test of conscience, one we are dismally failing. We still have time to choose differently. To stand as their witness. And to prove that solidarity is more than sentiment, it is action. DM Kgalalelo Gaebee is a communications and advocacy professional working on human rights and civic space across Africa and globally. Dr Paul Mulindwa is Civicus's advocacy and campaigns officer – Africa lead, bringing more than two decades of experience in peacebuilding, governance and humanitarian programmes across Africa. He has a PhD in Governance and International Relations from the University of Johannesburg.
Zawya
6 days ago
- General
- Zawya
Strengthening vulnerability analysis to tackle food insecurity in Southern Africa
Food insecurity in Southern Africa is worsening, driven by erratic weather patterns, pest outbreaks, and economic shocks. An estimated 46.3 million people across seven countries -Botswana, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Eswatini, Lesotho, Madagascar, South Africa and Tanzania— are projected to fate acute food insecurity during the 20205/26 consumption period. As shocks intensify, timely and harmonized vulnerability assessments remain critical to inform early action, response planning, and policy development. To this end, representatives from 11 Southern African Development Community (SADC) Member States, joined by regional and international partners including the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), World Food Programme (WFP), Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET), and the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) Regional Support Unit, gathered virtually from 14 to 16 July 2025 for the Annual Dissemination Forum of the SADC Regional Vulnerability Assessment and Analysis (RVAA) Programme. The event was followed by the 29th Steering Committee meeting on 17 July 2025. Despite data collection and budgetary challenges, seven Member States successfully completed their national assessments and presented findings at the forum. These findings contributed to the finalization of the 2025 Regional Synthesis Report on the State of Food and Nutrition Security in SADC, validated by the Regional Vulnerability Assessment Committee (RVAC). The report highlights a concerning uptick in food insecurity, particularly in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Mozambique and low-income urban areas, underscoring the compounded impact of the 2024 El Niño-induced drought, ongoing conflict, and high food prices. At the same time, the region experienced normal to above-normal rainfall in many areas during the 2024/25 season, supporting a modest recovery in cereal production and grazing conditions, particularly in countries like Tanzania, Lesotho and Eswatini. FAO's technical support and way forward As a long-standing partner of the RVAA system, FAO continues to support Member States in enhancing the quality and use of vulnerability assessments. This includes contributing technical expertise to the Regional Vulnerability Assessment Committee, promoting alignment with IPC frameworks, and strengthening links between data and early action. Looking ahead, FAO will continue engaging with SADC Member States and partners to improve the quality and coverage of vulnerability assessments across the region. This includes supporting harmonization of tools and methodologies, promoting digital data collection systems, and fostering cross-country learning and peer-to-peer exchange. FAO is committed to working alongside the SADC Secretariat to strengthen the institutional sustainability of the RVAA programme and integrate early warning into broader disaster risk management systems. The outcomes of the 29th Steering Committee meeting reaffirm the urgency of accelerating investment in regional food security analysis. The Committee called for renewed efforts to mobilize resources for the upcoming landscape analysis of existing national frameworks, which will inform the development of a harmonized vulnerability assessment framework for the SADC region by 2026. FAO will remain a key technical partner in this process, offering expertise to ensure that the proposed framework is scalable, inclusive, and responsive to the complex drivers of vulnerability facing Southern Africa today. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO): Regional Office for Africa.
