Latest news with #SAVAK
New Indian Express
5 days ago
- Politics
- New Indian Express
'Iran's Grand Strategy': Understanding the Islamic Republic
Iran is an oddity – a non-Arab Muslim nation, global leader of the Shite sect, and the strategically located Eastern boundary of the Middle East. It is one of the world's oldest continuous civilizations dating back to the 5thmillennium BC which reached its zenith in the Persian or Achaemenid Empire, once the largest in the ancient world, covering much of Iran, Egypt, Turkey, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Central Asia. Iran's modern history is complicated. The rule of the authoritarian Reza Shah was ended in 1941by an allied invasion to secure Iranian oil fields and a major route for Lend-Lease aid to the Soviet Union. In 1943, the Allied Tehran Declaration guaranteed Iran's post-war independence and sought to create a constitutional monarchy under young Shah Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi. Political instability followed. In 1951 Prime Minister Mohammed Mosaddeq's popular nationalization of the British-owned oil industry triggered the Abadan Crisis culminating in a joint US and UK orchestrated coup in 1953, managed by the CIA's Kermit Roosevelt. Mosaddeq, who was arrested and tried for treason, was replaced by the Shah who returned from a brief exile. Under the Shah, Iran evolved into an autocracy aligning itself with American and the West. The SAVAK, the notorious Iranian secret police, relied on arbitrary arrests, torture and killings to maintain the Shah's reign in the face of increasing opposition, led by the clergy, headed by the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini who had been exiled in 1964. The 1978 Revolution overthrew the absolute monarchy replacing it with the current Islamic Republic. Vali Nasr's Iran's Grand Strategy examines the evolution of Iran since the 1979 revolution. It follows books such as Michael Axworthy's 2014 Revolutionary Iran: A History of the Islamic Republic and Laura Secor's 2016 Children of Paradise: The Struggle for the Soul of Iran. Axworthy's meticulous history revealed the Republic's surprising modernity. It showed the country's highly educated workforce and technological capabilities, despite sanctions, in weapons manufacture, including its nuclear program, and for political manipulation and surveillance. Secor's coverage of religious thinkers, politicians, activists and writers provided an affecting picture of Iranians. It showed the competing forces of Westoxication, a term coined by Jalal Al-e-Ahmad signifying self-loathing worship of the West, and national pride in the values of the Revolution. The books revealed the Iranian clerics' unexpected wide reading including Marx, the Frankfurt School and French de-constructivists. The late Ayatollah Khomeini once defended his repressive rule in terms of Greek political philosophy: 'As Aristotle and Plato argued some men are born to govern, others to be governed, a few are aware, and the rest are sheep'. Nasr argues that Iranian geopolitics is less driven by ideology than assumed. Instead, policy is shaped by the 1980-88 war between Iran and Iraq, which killed hundreds of thousands, displaced millions and nearly destroyed the economy consuming two-thirds of the country's income. Khomeini likened his acceptance of the ceasefire with Iraq to being forced to drink poison. The war confirmed the regime's mistrust of America, which supported Iraq in the war. It reinforced the fear of US-led regime change replacing the Islamic Republic with the Shah's descendants or other system. Vali Nasr downplays the role of Western powers in Prime Minister Mossadegh's overthrow. Other historians have argued that most Iranians saw the Shah as a Western puppet and resented the contribution of the US and the UK in returning the Shah to power after the coup. Iranian concern about a repetition of 1953 was one factor behind the takeover of the US embassy in Tehran in November 1979 which has colored the relationship between the two countries since. These pressures underlie Iran's calculated and pragmatic 'grand strategy of resistance'. Khomeini and his successor Ali Khamenei understood Iran's weakness especially its lack of conventional military capabilities which was difficult to overcome due to a weak economy and international isolation. Rather than exporting revolution, Iran sought to oppose American hegemony and, optimistically, outlast and exhaust the US and its allies in order to preserve the Republic. The strategy relied on rallying Iranians with a mixture of nationalist and revolutionary ideas alongside a careful military strategy, mainly devised by the Iranian Revolutionary Guards. The latter involved forward defense and creating Iran's 'Axis of Resistance'. It involved sponsoring state and non-state actors in the Middle East, such as Hamas in Palestine, Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Syrian Alawite regime, the Houthis in Yemen as well as engaging opportunistically with other often short-lived groups. The idea was that these elements, aligned with Iran but simultaneously pursuing their own domestic aims, would distract and occupy its enemies and assist with its defense if needed. In parallel, Iran began building up its military capacity including drones, missiles and cyber warfare. The controversial nuclear program was designed to secure deterrence and strategic leverage through ambiguity. Institutions like the military and defense scientists became crucial to Iran. The strategy was flexible. Iran's agreement to the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action allowed it to maintain its missile program and preserve strategic gains with the ultimately failed objective of obtaining relief from Western economic pressures. They pursued diplomatic initiatives such as the reconciliation with Saudi Arabia in 2023 and growing links with Russia and China. The approach faced rising pressure after President Trump unilaterally withdrew from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action and increased sanctions. Israel with the support of the US and Gulf states assassinated key military officers (most notably General Qasem Soleimani in 2020), scientists and influential figures as well as launching cyber-attacks on its nuclear facilities. Iran's Grand Strategy covers events up to November 2024 and ends before the 2025 Iran war.[1] Israel attacked Iran on 13 June 2025 marking a significant escalation. Subsequently, the US joined the hostilities using its B2 stealth aircraft to bomb Iranian nuclear facilities. Iran suffered civilian casualties as well as the death of key Iranian military leaders and nuclear scientists. Nuclear facilities were damaged although the extent is unclear. The fate of Iran's highly enriched uranium is unknown. The subsequent ceasefire, imposed by the US, is predicated on the 'obliteration' of Iran's nuclear capabilities and remains fragile. Israel and the US have not renounced a resumption of attacks. The attacks confirmed Iranian perceptions. There were suspicions that the US used sham negotiations and manipulated a crucial report by the IAEA, the UN nuclear oversight body, to provide cover for the attacks. It highlighted Western hypocrisy on nuclear weapons given Israel's well-known atomic arsenal. It reinforced the view that American policy sought to maintain the Jewish state's military advantage and, at a minimum, cripple Iran. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has made no secret of his desire for regime change in Tehran. US willingness to deploy its military assets on the side of Israel in support of its territorial and hegemonic ambitions was noted. Iran's future approach remains uncertain. The Republic and its proxies are weakened. Even before the 2025 attacks, the Gaza war had already degraded Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis. Bashar al-Assad's Syrian regime fell in December Iranian leadership has limited options but the basic tenets of its strategy, which are linked to the survival of the Republic, are unlikely to change. Iran, which retains nuclear expertise despite the targeted killings of its scientists, has not indicated abandonment of its programs. Given the continuing threats it faces and the knowledge that the US and Israel would not have dared attack if it possessed nuclear armaments, it might now be tempted to weaponize. It is likely to move its program underground. Iran has stopped cooperation with the IAEA and may withdraw from the Non-Proliferation Treaty. The '12-day war' illustrated that the Jewish state is vulnerable to Iranian missiles and needed extensive US support and intervention. Tel-Aviv cannot, as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu admitted, sustain a war of attrition. Iran may seek patiently to rebuild its capabilities and proxies. It might seek to garner support, both political and military, from China, Russia and its Gulf neighbours who increasingly mistrust the US and Israel. The risk is that the US and Israel back Iran into a corner. Military strategist Sun-Tzu cautioned against pushing an opponent to the point of no return: "When you surround an army, leave an outlet free. Do not press a desperate foe too hard." The West arrogantly ignores that a desperate enemy is a dangerous one. Suffering and martyrdom based around the persecution of believers is a key theme of Shiite Islam shaping its theology and political visions. In the war with Iraq, Iran sent children to walk across minefields to clear paths for their soldiers. Nasr's makes the point that the West's understanding of Iran is inadequate and outdated. Sun-Tzu stressed the need for knowledge: 'If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles. If you know yourself but not the enemy, for every victory gained you will also suffer a defeat. If you know neither the enemy nor yourself, you will succumb in every battle.' As US and its allies' interventions from Vietnam onwards have demonstrated, there is an inability to see the world other than from a Western perspective and a tendency to underestimate under-equipped, weak and determined opponents. The confrontation with Iran began seven decades ago and is not over. Iran remains a complex challenge which unless a negotiated modus vivendi can be reached will cause a major conflagration. [1]For an update on the developments see Vali Nasr's article for Foreign Affairs This piece draws on material first published at The New Indian Express and Satyajit Das is a former banker. He is the author of numerous works on derivatives and several general title: Traders, Guns & Money: Knowns and Unknowns in the Dazzling World of Derivatives (2006 and 2010), Extreme Money: The Masters of the Universe and the Cult of Risk (2011), A Banquet of Consequences RELOADED, and Fortune's Fool: Australia's Choices (2022)
Yahoo
6 days ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
The Ayatollah's assassination: Mossad's missed chance to stop Iran's Islamic revolution
INTEL AFFAIRS: The Mossad's fateful refusal to eliminate Ayatollah Khomeini is a misjudgment with reprecrussions still felt today. In mid-January 1979, as shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi fled Iran, Mossad station chief Eliezer Tsafrir navigated Tehran's collapsing SAVAK headquarters – the shah's feared secret police. Sandbags and machine guns lined the windows, as revolutionaries already patrolled streets with Kalashnikovs; a distraught general clung to Tsafrir, begging, 'Take me with you!' Interim prime minister Shapour Bakhtiar had summoned Tsafrir to pass on a blunt request to Israel: assassinate Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini at his exile residence near Paris. As several former Mossad officers testified further on camera in Duki Dror's 2018 documentary The Mossad: Imperfect Spies, this plea triggered a crisis meeting in Tel Aviv. On January 28, Mossad director Yitzhak Hofi gathered senior officers, including Iran chief analyst Yossi Alpher. The dilemma echoed a critical precedent: just months earlier, Saddam Hussein had offered the shah a chance to eliminate Khomeini during his Iraqi exile – an offer rejected due to miscalculated risks, over fear of regional backlash. Now, Israel faced a similar choice. Hofi opened the meeting by opposing the operation on moral principle. 'He rejected assassinating foreign political leaders,' Alpher wrote in his 2015 memoir, Periphery: Israel's Search for Middle East Allies. A veteran Mossad division chief – stationed for years in Iran – argued Khomeini posed no threat: 'Let him return to Tehran. He'll never last. The army and the SAVAK will deal with him and the clergy who are demonstrating in the streets. He represents Iran's past, not its future.' Alpher then acknowledged critical intelligence gaps: 'We simply don't know enough about what Khomeini stands for to justify the risk.' Despite 1,500 Israelis working in Iran and deep security ties, the Mossad lacked expertise on opposition forces. A Caesarea secret senior operative stated that eliminating Khomeini near Paris 'was not a complicated matter from an organizational standpoint,' as reported by Ronen Bergman in Rise and Kill First: The Secret History of Israel's Targeted Assassinations (2018). However, diplomatic concerns dominated: Failure could shatter relations with France, trigger global Muslim outrage, turn Khomeini into a martyr, and strain ties with Moscow and Washington. After hours of debate, Hofi ruled, 'We're not in.' Tsafrir informed Bakhtiar that Israel 'would not act as the world's police,' invoking noninterference principles. On February 1, 1979, two weeks after the shah fled, Khomeini triumphantly boarded an Air France flight to Tehran, greeted by millions of supporters. Bakhtiar dissolved SAVAK – a symbolic gesture. By February 11, his secular moderate government collapsed. SAVAK's final director, Nasser Moghaddam, was executed weeks later, while Bakhtiar fled in turn to Paris, where Iranian agents assassinated him in 1991. After returning, Khomeini wasted no time reshaping Iran into a theocratic state. He declared Israel the 'Little Satan' and America the 'Great Satan,' sparking the 444-day US Embassy hostage crisis and rupturing Iran's Western alliances. Soon after, Saddam Hussein sought to exploit the upheaval by launching a war against the new Islamic Republic, triggering a bloody eight-year conflict. Meanwhile, Iran began actively exporting its revolutionary ideology across the region. In a symbolic gesture, Iran handed the Israeli Embassy to Yasser Arafat's PLO, whose Lebanese camps, under IRGC oversight, would go on to train Hezbollah's founding cadre. Over the decades, the survival of Khomeini's charismatic leadership created a new regional order. Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps evolved into a paramilitary empire with proxies across the Middle East. Even one of its original founders, Mohsen Sazegara, later described to The Jerusalem Post the IRGC as 'a monster, not what we intended.' Through proxy groups, Tehran carried out a strategy of encirclement against Israel, challenged Western presence in the Gulf, and deepened sectarian conflict across Iraq, Lebanon, and Syria. From the 1994 AMIA bombing in Buenos Aires to its involvement in the war against Israel in support of Hamas after October 2023, echoes of that 1979 decision reverberate globally. Israel's misjudgment stemmed from flawed assumptions underpinning its Periphery Doctrine. Forged in 1957 in David Ben-Gurion's office, the Periphery Doctrine aimed to ally with non-Arab regional forces (Iran, Turkey, Ethiopia, Kurdish Iraq...) against Arab nationalism. Intelligence sharing flourished; SAVAK was supplied with Israeli electronic warfare systems; Israeli engineers built energy infrastructure, while Iran supplied Israel with oil and funded half of the Eilat-Ashkelon pipeline; Meir Amit (Mossad director 1963-68) attended the shah's 1971 Persepolis celebrations as Israel's envoy. This proximity bred confidence. As Alpher noted, 'A long line of high-ranking Israeli officials were sure they knew Iran like the back of their hand.' The Mossad focused on state actors and ignored the power of hardline ideology when Khomeini's estimated 600,000 sermon tapes flooded Iran from France. When Bakhtiar revealed he had also asked the US, UK, and France to kill Khomeini – all refused – Israel's isolation in misjudging the threat became clear. Would do the Islamic Republic WHAT IF Israel had accepted Bakhtiar's request and eliminated Khomeini in his Paris exile? Former officials remain divided. Some argue that his death could have derailed the revolution or allowed moderates to steer Iran toward a secular republic. Others contend that the revolutionary fervor had passed a point of no return, and Khomeini's martyrdom might have only accelerated the collapse of the monarchy. Still, one thing is clear: the Islamic Republic was neither inevitable nor predicted – even by those closest to the scene. The shah's 1978 rejection of Saddam's offer and the Mossad's 1979 refusal shared three fatal flaws. First, both overestimated military solutions. The shah believed SAVAK could crush dissent; Mossad trusted the army would contain Khomeini. Second, diplomatic caution prevailed; both Israel and the shah worried about regional instability. Third, intelligence agencies globally misread Khomeini's influence. The CIA, MI6, and SAVAK all deemed him a 'passing phase,' despite his 15-year exile mobilizing clerics. Bergman notes this reflected the Mossad's institutional restraint over eliminating foreign political or religious figures, even amid existential threats. Israel was not alone in its misjudgment. France, Britain, and the US – each of which had intelligence capabilities inside Iran – also underestimated Khomeini's appeal. The French government allowed Khomeini to organize from his exile compound in Neauphle-le-Château with minimal oversight bordering on complacency. Western countries were also caught off guard by the speed of the Iranian Revolution and adopted a cautious approach to disengaging from their former ally. According to Alpher, Khomeini's aides had promised eager US emissaries that the ayatollah would ensure the flow of oil and that the army would remain pro-Western. In response, president Jimmy Carter's representatives gave their blessing, and UN ambassador Andrew Young reportedly called Khomeini 'a saint.' 'Had we eliminated Khomeini and been uncovered, would the world have understood what we saved them from?' Tsafrir later reflected. Alpher admitted deep regrets: 'Given all the harm Khomeini caused, I'd have advised differently about Bakhtiar's request.'
Al Jazeera
29-07-2025
- Politics
- Al Jazeera
Ali Shariati and the Iranian revolution
The life of Ali Shariati, an Iranian revolutionary scholar, an inspiration behind the 1979 Islamic revolution. This is the untold story of Ali Shariati, an influential Iranian scholar whose revolutionary ideas helped shape the ideological basis of the 1979 Islamic revolution. This documentary explores how Shariati's radical interpretation of religious thought in the Shah's Iran recast Islam as a revolutionary force against authoritarianism and repression – and inspired a generation that increasingly demanded change. Shariati studied in Paris in the 1960s, where he was exposed to new ideas – Marxism, existentialism and anticolonial movements, including Algeria's fight for independence from France. He was labelled subversive by the Shah's secret police and imprisoned several times. In 1977, he was allowed to leave Iran for the United Kingdom, but his sudden death triggered the suspicion among his supporters of assassination by SAVAK agents. Shariati never lived to see the Iranian revolution, but his legacy is still felt in Iran as elsewhere in the Arab world.
NDTV
03-07-2025
- Politics
- NDTV
NDTV Exclusive: Inside The Notorious Prison Where Iran's Ayatollah Ali Khamenei Was Tortured
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has served as the second supreme leader of Iran since 1989. He is a powerful figure in the Middle East now and had issued a 'fatwa' or religious decree against US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, calling them "enemies of God". The religious decree followed a 12-day war that erupted on June 13, when Israel launched a bombing campaign in Iran that killed top military commanders and scientists linked to its nuclear programme. However, rising to power did not come easy to Khamenei. His life was filled with hardships and he was imprisoned for eight months - a period he described as the most difficult time of his life. The prison where he was held before the 1979 Islamic Revolution, under Shah Reza Pahlavi's regime, is now known as the Ebrat Museum. The Ebrat Museum, once a notorious prison in Tehran, is known not only for its brutal history but also because many prominent political and religious figures were incarcerated there. Ayatollah Khamenei's Time In Prison Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was arrested multiple times in the 1960s and 1970s due to his active participation in Islamic revolutionary movements against the Pahlavi regime. During this time, he was tortured by SAVAK, the Shah's secret police. The Ebrat Museum, then known as the "Joint Committee Against Sabotage" prison, held Khamenei six times. In a narrow corridor of the museum, photographs of former prisoners are displayed, including one of Ayatollah Khamenei in a brown frame. Below his name, written in Persian, is: Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei. The museum also preserves a small, dimly lit cell with bars on its only window, where Khamenei was held. A wax statue of him, wearing a black turban, round glasses, and a brown robe, stands in this cell, symbolising his suffering and resolve during that period. Khamenei's Arrests And Tortures In 1962, Khamenei joined the revolutionary movement under Imam Khomeini's leadership in Qom against the Shah's pro-American and anti-Islamic policies. He played a crucial role in delivering Imam Khomeini's messages to Ayatollah Milani and other clerics in Mashhad. In 1963, he was arrested for the first time in Birjand and detained for one night. Between 1972 and 1975, Khamenei conducted classes on the Quran and Islamic ideology in three different mosques in Mashhad. His lectures, particularly on Imam Ali's Nahj al-Balagha, attracted thousands of youths and students. These activities alarmed SAVAK, and in the winter of 1975, his home in Mashhad was raided. He was arrested for the sixth time, and his books and notes were confiscated. This time, he was held for several months in Tehran's infamous "Police-SAVAK Joint Prison" (now the Ebrat Museum). Khamenei described this imprisonment as his most difficult, marked by inhumane treatment of prisoners. Khamenei's Revolutionary Contributions Khamenei's revolutionary activities began in the 1960s when he became a disciple of Imam Khomeini. He played an active role in protests against the Shah's regime. After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, when the Shah's regime collapsed and Khomeini returned to Tehran from Paris, Khamenei rose quickly through religious and political ranks. He was appointed Deputy Defence Minister and became the Imam of Friday prayers in Tehran, a position he still holds. In 1989, he was chosen as the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic. Khamenei's Memory In The Museum The Ebrat Museum displays Khamenei's photograph and wax statue, reflecting his revolutionary struggle and suffering under the Shah's regime. According to a museum official, "God destined Khamenei to be the leader of the nation." This exhibit serves as a reminder of the brutality of the Shah's secret police, SAVAK, and portrays Khamenei's leadership as a symbol of revolutionary sacrifice. Hijab Was A Crime At That Time, Women Were Imprisoned It wasn't just Ayatollah Khamenei; thousands of scholars, leaders, and followers of Islam were imprisoned in this jail. Women who wanted to cover their heads were also incarcerated. While today many women in Iran wish to go without headscarves, at that time, covering one's head was a crime. For this reason, Shah Reza Pahlavi imprisoned these women as well. Their photographs are still displayed in the museum today. Iran's Ebrat Museum: A Painful Memory Of History Located in Tehran, the capital of Iran, the Ebrat Museum (Muze-ye Ebrat) is a place that not only reflects a dark chapter of history but also offers a profound lesson for humanity. This museum, once a terrifying prison during the Pahlavi regime, brings to life some of the most tragic and horrifying stories of Iran's contemporary history. History Of The Ebrat Museum The Ebrat Museum building was constructed in 1932 under Reza Shah Pahlavi's orders by German engineers. It was designed as Iran's first modern prison, initially part of the Nazimiyeh complex. Later, in 1947, it became the country's first women's prison. However, its most notorious use was during Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's (Pahlavi II) reign in the 1960s and 1970s, when it was used to detain and torture opponents of the Islamic revolutionary movements. During this period, the prison was under the control of SAVAK, known as the "Joint Committee Against Sabotage." After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the prison was renamed Tohid Prison and operated until 2000, when it was closed following human rights investigations. In 2002, Iran's Cultural Heritage Organisation transformed it into a museum, which now tells visitors the story of that era's brutality and oppression. Architecture Of The Museum The Ebrat Museum is known for its unique and terrifying architecture. This four-story building is earthquake-resistant, designed to make escape impossible for prisoners. Its central feature is a circular courtyard covered by a latticed roof. All corridors lead to this central space, making the prison's structure even more intimidating. The walls were built to prevent echoes of screams, increasing the psychological pressure on prisoners. The museum includes several sections, such as solitary and communal cells, torture rooms, meeting areas for prisoners, and clothing storage rooms. These sections vividly depict the cruelty of that time. Exhibits In The Museum The Ebrat Museum aims to remind visitors of the atrocities committed against political prisoners during the Pahlavi regime. The museum features several exhibits that bring that era's cruelty to life: Mannequins and Scenes: The museum uses mannequins to depict torture scenes, complete with bloodstains. These displays are suitable for adults but may be disturbing for emotionally sensitive visitors. Documentaries and Interviews: A short film is shown in the museum's amphitheater, featuring interviews with former prisoners. Available with English subtitles, it introduces visitors to the truth of that era. Guided Tours by Former Prisoners: One unique feature is that some guides are former prisoners of the jail. Their personal stories and experiences give visitors a deep sense of the horrors of that time. Documents and Photographs: The museum displays numerous photographs and documents showcasing the brutality of the Pahlavi regime and SAVAK. These include images of the royal family, reminding visitors of the era's ruling power. Significance Of The Museum The Ebrat Museum is a prime example of dark tourism, representing historical sites associated with death and tragedy. It not only preserves a painful part of Iran's history but also demonstrates how a place of oppression can become a center of memory and learning. It inspires visitors to value human rights and unite against oppression. How To Visit The Ebrat Museum The Ebrat Museum is located at Imam Khomeini Square, Yarjani Street, in Tehran. It is open daily, offering guided tours in English. The tours include a short film and stories from former prisoners, providing an immersive experience. Tickets are required for entry, and sensitive visitors are advised to prepare mentally, as the exhibits can be emotionally impactful. The Ebrat Museum is more than just a museum; it is a place that exposes the dark pages of history. It reminds us that stories of oppression and tyranny must not be forgotten to prevent such events from recurring. If you are in Tehran and want to understand Iran's contemporary history, a visit to the Ebrat Museum is a must. It is not only an educational experience but also awakens a deep sense of empathy for humanity.
Shafaq News
02-07-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Feyli Kurd icon Barzo: A life of Iraqi resistance
Shafaq News/ From Baghdad's backstreets to the mountain frontlines of Penjwen, the life of Muhammad Hassan Barzo reads like a quiet epic of resistance. A Feyli Kurd born into marginalization, Barzo emerged as a central figure in Iraq's Kurdish political awakening—his legacy still echoing decades after his assassination in 1973. Born on July 1, 1923, on King Ghazi Street (now al-Kifah), Barzo came from a Feyli family that had migrated from Ilam, Iran, seeking security and stability. He began his education in Kuttabs (traditional Islamic schools), but his nationalist awareness was awakened by his cousin, intellectual Mohammad Khosrow. Immersed in Arabic and Persian writings on history and identity, Barzo's political consciousness took root early. In the 1940s, he joined the Hiwa (Hope) Party. When security crackdowns intensified, he fled to Iran, only to return in secret to Baghdad, where he discreetly organized within the Feyli community. As an accountant in Shorja market, Barzo quietly mobilized support among merchants and craftsmen for the Kurdish cause. A turning point came on August 16, 1946, when Barzo helped found the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), a leading party in the Kurdistan Region, in a clandestine meeting in Baghdad's Abu Sifain neighborhood. Inspired by the Mahabad Republic, the group gathered in two adjacent rented houses to avoid detection. His role in this milestone placed him at the center of the modern Kurdish political movement. Barzo's activism extended beyond politics. He co-founded the Grand Feyli Mosque in Bab al-Sheikh and led the Feyli Sports Club, blending civic empowerment with cultural organizing. These efforts, however, drew hostility from rival groups, particularly Communist Party sympathizers. In 1952, the Kurdish activist and young Jalal Talabani were assigned to rebuild KDP youth cells among Feyli Kurds. During the 1961 Kurdish uprising, Barzo sheltered party secretary Ibrahim Ahmad in his Baghdad home before helping him escape to Kurdistan. After a renewed crackdown in 1963, Barzo vanished into the mountains, taking an administrative post in Penjwen, where he coordinated services for residents. By the late 1960s, his activism crossed borders. He allied with Iranian opposition leader General Teymur Bakhtiar and became a vocal critic of the Shah. Through Al-Tariq newspaper and multilingual broadcasts, Barzo denounced Tehran's repression of minorities and exposed the brutality of SAVAK, the Shah's intelligence agency. Publishing in Kurdish, Persian, Arabic, and Azeri, he became a rare voice bridging ideological and ethnic lines. His criticism of the 1969 deportations of Feyli Kurds enraged both SAVAK and Iraq's Baath regime. Despite mounting threats, Barzo refused exile. On July 22, 1973, he was shot near al-Wathba Street, close to his boyhood home. His body was left in the street, with only 600 fils (less than a dollar) in his pocket. Kurdish movements condemned the murder as a 'political execution.' But among Feyli Kurds, Barzo came to symbolize more than martyrdom—he stood for principled defiance. He rejected privilege, stood with students, workers, and tradespeople, and poured his life and livelihood into a cause that never fully recognized him. Muhammad Hassan Barzo represented a generation of Feyli Kurds who fought on two fronts: asserting their presence in Baghdad and resisting authoritarianism at home and abroad. Though he never lived to see the fruits of his struggle, his convictions and sacrifice remain etched in Kurdish collective memory.
