Latest news with #SDF-held
Epoch Times
19-05-2025
- Politics
- Epoch Times
Damascus Gives Syrian Armed Groups 10 Days to Join State Security Apparatus
Syria's post-Assad regime has given independent armed factions 10 days to merge with the state-run security apparatus or face punitive measures, according to Syrian Defense Minister Murhaf Abu Qasra. In a statement released over the weekend, Abu Qasra said Syrian 'military units' had been successfully merged into a 'unified institutional framework' subject to government control. But he went on to stress 'the need for the remaining small military groups to join the ministry within a maximum period of ten days ... in order to complete the efforts of unification and organization.' Abu Qasra's statement, however, did not specify which factions the ultimatum referred to. It did not appear to be aimed at the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a Kurdish-led armed group backed by Washington that now controls much of the country's northeast. In March, the SDF signed a deal with Damascus to incorporate its fighters into the state security apparatus, and for SDF-held territory and institutions to be placed under the control of Damascus. Related Stories 5/18/2025 5/13/2025 At the time, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio hailed the deal, reaffirming Washington's support for a 'political transition [in post-Assad Syria] that demonstrates credible, non-sectarian governance as the best path to avoid further conflict.' Last week, however, neighboring Turkey, which views the SDF as a terrorist group, said the terms of the deal between the group and Damascus had yet to be implemented. 'We expect these steps to be put into practice,' Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan said on May 15 after meeting both Rubio and his Syrian counterpart in Turkey's southern Antalya province. 'In order for stability to be achieved in Syria, there must be a comprehensive government, a single legitimate armed force.' Ongoing Violence The regime of Syrian leader Bashar al-Assad was toppled last December by a rebel offensive led by Hezb Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), an armed Sunni group formerly linked to the al-Qaeda terrorist group. Since then, Syria's new HTS-led government has sought to consolidate its authority and bring the country's disparate armed factions under state control. Shortly after the regime's collapse, Sunni militant groups that had opposed Assad—including HTS—agreed to be merged into the state security apparatus. Graduates of Syria's General Security forces under the country's new administration attend a ceremony in the city of Aleppo, Syria, on Feb. 12, 2025. Aaref Watad/AFP via Getty Images Syria remains home to a host of armed factions that continue to operate independently, some of which support the new government while others oppose it. In March, Sunni militants in the coastal Latakia province killed hundreds of members of Syria's Alawite community, a religious minority from which the long-ruling Assad family hailed. Last month, scores were killed in southern Syria after fighting erupted between Sunni militants and armed members of the country's minority Druze community. On May 17, Syrian security forces raided sites linked to the ISIS terrorist group in the city of Aleppo, during which three ISIS terrorists were killed, according to Syrian authorities. The defense ministry said one member of the security apparatus was also killed during the raids, while another four ISIS terrorists were detained. The following day, three security personnel were killed when a As of publication time, the perpetrators of the attack were still unknown. During a landmark visit to Saudi Arabia last week, U.S. President Donald Trump met HTS chief Ahmed al-Sharaa, Syria's interim leader. After the meeting, Trump announced that longstanding U.S. sanctions on Syria, which had ostensibly targeted the Assad regime, would be lifted. Syrian Interior Minister Anas Khattab said the move would help efforts to 'consolidate security and stability and promote civil peace in Syria and the region.' Reuters contributed to this report.
Epoch Times
18-05-2025
- Politics
- Epoch Times
As US Hints of Withdrawal From Syria, Kurdish Groups Face Uncertain Future
Speculation has mounted in recent weeks that the United States plans to withdraw the bulk of its forces from Syria following a decade-long deployment. It remains unclear how a reduction in U.S. forces would affect Washington's allies in the region, especially the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which the United States has armed and supported since 2015. Last month, The New York Times Soon afterward, the Defense Department 'This deliberate and conditions-based process will bring the U.S. footprint in Syria down to less than a thousand U.S. forces in the coming months,' Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell said on April 18. Since 2015, U.S. troops in northeastern Syria have worked alongside the SDF as part of an international coalition tasked with combating the ISIS terrorist group. Related Stories 5/13/2025 5/16/2025 The U.S.-backed SDF now controls most of northeastern Syria, which is home to most of the country's energy wealth and much of its best agricultural land. Turkey, meanwhile, views the SDF as a terrorist group due to its close ties with the Kurdistan Workers' Party, which for decades waged a violent insurgency against the Turkish state. A longstanding NATO member, Turkey shares a 565-mile border with northern Syria, where it has frequently clashed with armed Kurdish groups. SDF Hedges Its Bets Last December, the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad collapsed in the face of a Turkey-backed rebel offensive led by Hezb Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), a militant group with previous ties to Al-Qaeda that remains designated by the United States as a foreign terrorist organization. Since then, Syria's new interim president, HTS leader Ahmed al-Sharaa, has called for the SDF—and other armed Syrian factions—to be merged into Syria's state-run security apparatus. 'The new Syrian government wants to unify all the country's various military and administrative entities,' Oytun Orhan, a Turkish Middle East expert, told The Epoch Times. 'A main challenge facing Damascus is the integration of the SDF into the state security apparatus and for SDF-held areas to be brought under state control,' added Orhan, who specializes in the Levant region at Ankara's Center for Middle Eastern Studies. Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Force fighters wave flags and flash victory signs from a vehicle during a convoy procession as they leave Aleppo, Syria, on April 9, 2025. MOHAMAD DABOUL/Middle East Images/AFP via Getty Images In March, SDF commander Mazloum Abdi met with al-Sharaa in Damascus where they signed an agreement to bring SDF fighters into Syria's security apparatus. The deal also called for SDF-held facilities—including border crossings, an airport, and oil and gas fields—to be placed under the control of the central government. At the time, Abdi hailed the landmark agreement, saying it would afford a 'real opportunity to build a new Syria.' But in terms of implementation, the deal was short on specifics. 'The two sides agreed to pursue a political solution regarding the integration of the SDF and other armed entities into the Syrian state,' Orhan said. 'But it was just an agreement in principle,' he added. 'It did not include any details or practical measures as to how this would be implemented.' For the SDF, the prospect of merging with Syria's state-run security apparatus serves as a hedge against an anticipated U.S. withdrawal from the region. Until now, U.S. forces in northeastern Syria have served as a buffer between the Kurdish-led SDF and armed Syrian factions backed by Turkey. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio hailed the agreement between the SDF and Damascus. 'The United States welcomes the recently announced agreement between the Syrian interim authorities and the Syrian Democratic Forces to integrate the northeast into a unified Syria,' Rubio said in a statement. He also reaffirmed Washington's support for a 'political transition [in Syria] that demonstrates credible, non-sectarian governance as the best path to avoid further conflict.' According to Orhan, the United States 'wants to resolve the SDF issue because it is considering its options for a possible withdrawal from the region.' Nevertheless, on May 15, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan said the terms of the deal had yet to be implemented. 'We expect these steps to be put into practice,' Fidan said after meeting with Rubio and his Syrian counterpart in Turkey's southern Antalya province. 'In order for stability to be achieved in Syria, there must be a comprehensive government, a single legitimate armed force,' he told reporters. According to Ambassador Matthew Bryza, a former White House and senior State Department official, the SDF 'has taken a decision—and concrete steps—to integrate its military operations into the new Syrian national army.' 'I don't think there's any going back for it in the near term,' Bryza told The Epoch Times. U.S. forces patrol in Syria's northeastern city of Qamishli in Hasakeh province, mostly controlled by Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces, on Jan. 9, 2025. Delil Souleiman/AFP via Getty Images Call for Regional Autonomy Hopes for a 'single legitimate armed force' in Syria were dealt a blow last month when Syrian Kurdish groups abruptly called for regional autonomy within the framework of a decentralized state. On April 27, hundreds of Kurdish political figures from Syria, Turkey, and northern Iraq met in Syria's northern town of Qamishli for what was billed as a 'Kurdish Unity and Consensus' conference. In a 'A joint Kurdish political vision has been formulated that expresses … a just solution to the Kurdish issue in Syria as a decentralized democratic state,' the statement read. It also called for Syria's constitution to be changed to protect Kurdish national rights. At the conference, Abdi, the SDF commander, said post-Assad Syria required a new national charter enshrining the principle of 'decentralization.' In 'We reiterate that we support the territorial integrity of Syria and … that the unity of Kurds is the unity of Syria,' the SDF commander asserted. Yet despite these assurances, Damascus was quick to reject the call for a decentralized system of government. 'We clearly reject any attempt to impose a partition or create separatist cantons under the terms of 'federalism' or 'self-autonomy' without a national consensus,' al-Sharaa's office said in a statement. 'The unity of Syrian territory and its people is a red line.' Ankara, too, rejected the call for Kurdish autonomy in northeastern Syria. 'The issue of a federal structure [in Syria] is nothing more than a … dream,' Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said on April 30. 'We will not allow any forced structure right beyond our borders other than a unified Syria,' he told reporters. According to Orhan, the SDF and other Kurdish groups hope to establish a semi-autonomous Kurdish region in Syria like that which exists in next-door Iraq. 'No one is calling for an independent state,' he said. 'But they want to replace the unitary structure of the Syrian state with a federal system.' 'They want a model based on Iraqi Kurdistan, in which Kurds would enjoy practical autonomy within a federalized state,' he added. 'This is unacceptable for the Syrian government,' Orhan said. 'In this regard, Turkey agrees with Damascus and regards an autonomous Kurdish region [in Syria] as a red line.' Bryza said that while there 'may be those in the SDF who have aspirations for independence, I don't think there's much room for that given current political realities in Syria.' 'It's also possible that al-Sharaa will have difficulty consolidating his political authority, and that there could be a decentralized Syria,' added Bryza, who sits on the board of the Washington-based Jamestown Foundation. 'But I wouldn't put my money on that,' he said. 'I would bet that the United States will be fully behind the consolidation of al-Sharaa's government and the Syrian state.' Reuters contributed to this report.
Shafaq News
05-04-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Syria after al-Assad: A theatre of Turkish and Israeli competing visions
Shafaq News/ The ousting of President Bashar al-Assad on December 8, 2024, marks a defining moment in Syria's history, opening the door to a new chapter shaped by evolving regional dynamics. As Turkiye and Israel move to assert their influence, their conflicting agendas are redrawing the future of Syria and impacting the broader stability of the Middle East. This change in power balance is poised to reshape the region, with repercussions that will echo for years to come. Ambitions Clash Since the outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011, Turkiye has played a pivotal role in shaping the course of the conflict. Early on, Ankara allied itself with armed groups opposed to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, including Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), which emerged as a significant force in challenging al-Assad's regime. However, as the war progressed, Turkiye's objectives have evolved, with a central focus now on preventing the rise of a Kurdish entity along its southern border, a move it views as a direct security threat. To achieve this, Turkiye has ramped up military operations in northern Syria, targeting Kurdish forces and establishing buffer zones to safeguard its territorial integrity. In December 2024, the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army (SNA) launched the Manbij offensive, seizing over 200 square kilometers of territory from the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). Ankara has escalated its campaign against the SDF, which it considers an extension of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). Over the course of these operations, Turkish airstrikes have repeatedly targeted SDF-held areas, focusing on vital supply routes and command centers. Between December 2024 and March 2025, Turkish drone strikes struck SDF positions in northeast Syria more than 150 times, causing casualties among both Kurdish fighters and civilians. The overarching objective is clear; to dismantle Kurdish self-governance in northern Syria and prevent any future Syrian state from accommodating Kurdish autonomy. The scale of Turkiye's military efforts has continued to grow. With over 10,000 Turkish troops deployed along Syria's northern frontier and reinforcements stationed in Afrin and Jarabulus, Turkiye is establishing a lasting presence. Additionally, reports suggest the construction of at least five new military outposts in northern Syria. In strategic areas such as Afrin and Tel Abyad, Turkiye has facilitated the resettlement of more than 30,000 Syrian Arab families, altering the region's demographic balance in favor of pro-Turkish groups. The Turkish government has also allocated approximately $2 billion for infrastructure projects, further solidifying its hold on areas under its control. Beyond these battlefield gains, observers say that Turkiye is reportedly restructuring the Syrian military, aligning factions with its own interests, and contemplating the establishment of permanent military bases within Syria. These moves signal Turkiye's long-term intention to cement its influence in the region. While Turkiye's influence continues to grow in northern Syria, Israel's 'announced focus' has been on preventing Iran and its ally, Hezbollah, from regaining a foothold in the country. With the power vacuum left by al-Assad's potential departure, Israel has ramped up its military operations in Syria, conducting airstrikes aimed at Iranian and Hezbollah positions. Israel's primary concern remains the potential for Iran to establish a permanent presence, particularly in regions near the Golan Heights. To counter this threat, the Israeli Air Force (IAF) has launched over 80 airstrikes between December 2024 and March 2025, targeting suspected Iranian arms depots and Hezbollah command centers across Syria. Israel's actions have not been limited to strikes on military targets. Since al-Assad's removal, it has launched several high-profile attacks on key strategic locations. According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR), at least 20 Israeli airstrikes occurred between January and March 2025, disrupting crucial supply routes used by Iranian-backed forces. These operations are designed to weaken Iran's network of influence and disrupt Hezbollah's logistical operations across Syria. Israeli defense officials have issued repeated warnings, signaling their readiness to escalate operations in Syria if it feels any threat. The effectiveness of these strikes is central to Israel's strategy. Israeli officials claim that their airstrikes have compromised at least 70% of Hezbollah's logistical network in Syria, and the Israeli Defence Ministry reports that over 40 Hezbollah-linked militants have been killed since December 2024, underscoring the intensity of their campaign. New Administration, New Ties? President Ahmed al-Sharaa's administration faces the delicate task of managing relations with both Turkiye and Israel, two sides with significant yet conflicting stakes in Syria's future. Ankara's influence in Syria has deepened, but discussions over the establishment of permanent Turkish military bases have raised concerns in Damascus. While Syria remains wary of Turkiye's expanding presence, it also recognizes the need for pragmatic engagement to support stability and economic recovery. A key point of contention in the negotiations is the presence of Turkish troops in northern Syria. Damascus is pushing to assert greater sovereignty while also addressing Turkiye's security concerns. Reports indicate that joint security committees have been formed to negotiate the status of Turkish military outposts, with discussions centering on a phased withdrawal. However, no concrete agreement has been reached, leaving the situation in a state of uncertainty. Meanwhile, al-Sharaa's administration has taken a markedly different approach toward Israel. Unlike the previous government under Bashar al-Assad, which closely aligned with Iran and Hezbollah, the current leadership appears more pragmatic, prioritizing internal stability over regional conflicts. Despite this strategic shift, direct diplomatic engagement between Damascus and Tel Aviv remains absent. Nevertheless, behind the scenes, international mediators have reportedly facilitated backchannel communications. While al-Sharaa's administration has not publicly addressed Iran's military presence in Syria, Israeli officials continue to demand the dismantling of Iranian-linked infrastructure as a precondition for any potential diplomatic overtures. Until these conditions are met, Israel claims that it will continue its military operations in Syria, underscoring the deep-seated distrust between the two sides. Hidden Rivals While Israel and Turkiye are not directly engaged in military conflict in Syria, the increasingly adversarial dynamics between them are evident. Turkiye's support for Syrian opposition factions has placed it in direct opposition to Israeli interests, particularly as some of these groups are seen by Tel Aviv as security threats. At the same time, Israel has continued its airstrikes on Syrian military targets, including those aligned with Turkish-backed forces, further complicating the situation. This delicate balance of power creates the potential for indirect clashes between the two. Bassam Abu Abdullah, a Syrian defense analyst based in Damascus, emphasized the tensions, 'Turkiye's efforts to dominate northern Syria put it at odds with Israel's indirect backing of Kurdish groups, creating a scenario where both nations are effectively operating in opposition, even if they are not engaged in direct confrontation.' The situation becomes even more intricate as battlefield alliances shift. Turkish-backed factions, responding to changing military dynamics, have sometimes found themselves in direct conflict with Israeli interests. Amos Yadlin, a former head of Israeli military intelligence, noted, 'We have observed a shift in battlefield alignments. Some of the targets we have engaged recently were not solely Iranian-backed; they included elements supported by Turkiye, which is an emerging concern.' Compounding the military maneuvers is a growing intelligence war between Israel and Turkiye. Both countries closely monitor each other's activities, ramping up surveillance and espionage operations. Turkish intelligence operatives, in particular, have reportedly intensified their focus on Israeli military assets in Syria, with particular attention on the Golan Heights region. Murat Yetkin, a Turkish journalist and former intelligence analyst, pointed out, 'Turkiye has bolstered its intelligence presence in Syria, not only to monitor Kurdish activities but also to assess Israeli operations'. From Israel's perspective, the expanding Turkish role in Syria is increasingly concerning, especially with Turkiye's growing support for Islamist factions. Brigadier General (Ret.) Yossi Kuperwasser, a former Israeli intelligence officer, warned of the long-term risks, 'The presence of Turkish-backed Islamist groups in Syria poses long-term risks. Many of these factions harbor hostility toward Israel, and some have links to networks that could eventually threaten our security.' Israel's concerns extend beyond just the presence of these factions. Israeli officials are also wary of Turkiye's expanding military footprint in Syria, particularly its efforts to establish permanent military bases. During an official visit to Paris, Israeli Foreign Minister Gidon Sa'ar remarked, 'They are doing everything to turn Syria into a Turkish protectorate. We opposed the Iranians when they tried to do this, and we oppose the Turkish attempt to do it now,' underscoring Israel's apprehension about Turkiye's ambitions in Syria. What's Next? Syria stands at a crossroads following the ousting of President al-Assad, marking the beginning of a new and uncertain era. This dramatic shift in leadership has sparked a realignment of regional power dynamics, with Turkiye and Israel emerging as central players in shaping the country's future. The involvement of external powers like the United States, Iran, and Russia further deepens the uncertainty surrounding Syria's future. Their presence in the country adds layers of complexity to an already volatile situation. Iran, for instance, has reportedly begun revitalizing its networks in southern Syria, seeking to reassert its influence after al-Assad's fall. This resurgence presents new challenges for both Israel and the emerging Syrian government. Similarly, Russia's longstanding support for al-Assad, coupled with its military presence, continues to shape the regional power dynamics, complicating any potential resolution. The United States is still the backbone of the Kurds in northeastern Syria. Meanwhile, the Gulf States have recalibrated their stance on Syria. Once among the fiercest critics of Bashar al-Assad, Saudi Arabia and the UAE have shifted toward a more pragmatic approach, recognizing that engagement may offer greater influence than prolonged isolation. Bloomberg reports that both nations have extended significant economic aid to Syria's new government, a strategy aimed at counterbalancing the growing influence of Turkiye and Iran in the region. However, despite this newfound engagement, the Gulf States' support for Syria's new administration is motivated primarily by strategic interests rather than ideological alignment. As Al-Monitor noted, the Gulf States' long-term commitment to Syria will hinge on how the country navigates its political future and the evolving regional power dynamics. The Gulf nations are keenly aware that their investments in Syria must align with their broader regional goals and security concerns. Syria's future now hinges on the ability of its new administration to manage the complex web of internal and external pressures and the new leadership must find a delicate balance to steer Syria toward a more peaceful and prosperous future.
Shafaq News
13-03-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
ISIS ambush in Syria's Raqqa: Asayish officer killed, two wounded
Shafaq News/ ISIS militants attacked a patrol of the Internal Security Forces (Asayish) in the Syrian city of Raqqa, resulting in casualties, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR) reported on Thursday. The assault, which marks an escalation in militant activity in areas controlled by the US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), killed one officer and injured two others, the monitor affirmed. ISIS sleeper cells have carried out 38 attacks in SDF-held territories since the start of 2025, including shootings, targeted assaults, and bombings. These incidents have claimed 14 lives, including 10 SDF members and four ISIS militants, raising concerns about growing violence in the region, according to SOHR.
Asharq Al-Awsat
19-02-2025
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Kurdish Leaderships Reveal Details of Plan to Merge with Syrian Army
Sources close to the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) said the group's decision to merge its military and security bodies with those of the Kurdish Autonomous Administration is a serious step toward talks with Damascus. The move, announced late Monday, aims to integrate the SDF into the Syrian army. SDF commander Mazloum Abdi invited Syrian interim President Ahmed Al-Sharaa to visit SDF-held areas in northeastern Syria, congratulating him on leading the country's transition. The SDF had published the minutes of a three-way meeting that included Abdi along with leaders from the group's political wing, the Syrian Democratic Council, and the executive administration of the Autonomous Administration. The meeting resulted in an agreement to merge the SDF's military and security institutions with the security bodies of the Autonomous Administration under the Syrian army's structure. It also approved the reactivation of state-run civil and service institutions in northeastern Syria and the withdrawal of non-Syrian foreign fighters from SDF ranks and areas under its control as part of efforts to bolster national sovereignty and stability. Abu Omar Al-Idlibi, a senior commander in the SDF, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the meeting concluded with an understanding that the SDF would be integrated into Syria's Ministry of Defense as a single unit, potentially within a corps or as part of the ministry's eastern command. However, he noted that discussions were still in their early stages and that oil and gas fields in northeastern Syria were not on the agenda at this stage, but could be addressed in future talks. Al-Idlibi described the move as an effort to unify forces and strengthen national unity, while reviving state-run civil and service institutions in the northeast to improve public services and living conditions. The meeting emphasized the need to boost coordination with Damascus, increase dialogue on national issues, and reaffirm Syria's territorial integrity. Al-Idlibi said the latest decisions would support the integration of local forces into the Syrian army, bolster its defense capabilities, and facilitate the return of displaced people to their hometowns, particularly those from areas affected by Turkish military operations.
