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The Hindu
4 days ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
Rayalaseema districts mark Gouthu Latchanna's 116th birth anniversary
The 116th birth anniversary of freedom fighter and social reformer Sardar Gouthu Latchanna was celebrated across Rayalaseema districts on Saturday (August 16, 2025). Officials and public representatives recalled his role in the freedom movement and his determined struggle for the rights of the agrarian community, farm workers, and weaker sections of the society. Chittoor District Collector Sumit Kumar said that Latchanna's life was an inspiration to the younger generation. He highlighted the freedom fighter's contribution to the national movement, anti-zamindari movement and a plethora of social reforms, particularly for the upliftment of the Dalits. Chittoor MLA Gurajala Jaganmohan recalled Latchanna's legendary leadership in the Salt Satyagraha and Quit India movements. Latchanna remained an icon of discipline as a legislator and parliamentarian, he said, while adding that a community hall in Chittoor would be named after Latchanna shortly. Sri Sathya Sai District Collector T.S. Chetan offered floral tributes to Latchanna at Puttaparthi and urged students to emulate the freedom fighter's sacrifice and dedication to usher in social equality and justice.
News18
5 days ago
- Politics
- News18
Independence Day 2025: Rare Photos From India's Freedom Struggle
Last Updated: Here's a look at 7 rare photos from India's struggle for freedom. As we celebrate 79th Independence Day today, here's a look at 7 rare photos from India's struggle for freedom. 1/7 1942: The picture is from Quit India Movement, which played a key role in India's fight for freedom. (Image: X) 1930: The Salt Satyagraha, led by Mahatma Gandhi against the British colonial rule. (Image: X) 1919: A devastating still from Jallianwala Bagh massacre that took place on April 13, 1919, when British Brigadier General Reginald Dyer ordered troops to open fire on a peaceful gathering of Indians. (Image: Instagram)
News18
08-08-2025
- Politics
- News18
Civil Disobedience 2.0: Rahul Gandhi's War On EC Echoes 1930s Protest, But Will It Work?
Last Updated: From attacking the EC to hinting at boycotts, Rahul Gandhi is casting his campaign in the mould of Civil Disobedience Movement, shifting the fight from ballots to the system itself Is this Rahul Gandhi's 'civil disobedience' moment, as he intensifies his attack on the Election Commission (EC) and the BJP over the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) issue? Or are the real questions of winning polls being pushed aside? In the 1930s, the Civil Disobedience Movement, marked by the Salt Satyagraha, was launched by the Congress under Mahatma Gandhi to take on British rule. The idea was simple yet radical: break unjust laws, defy authority, and ultimately expel the colonial power. Both the goal and the means were crystal clear. Today, under Rahul Gandhi, the Congress appears to be aiming for something similar — defying norms, questioning every institution, and refusing to cooperate — essentially, disobeying in order to unseat the BJP. The goal is clear, but are the means? And what about the most important means of all, contesting and winning elections? Vote Chori सिर्फ़ एक चुनावी घोटाला नहीं, ये संविधान और लोकतंत्र के साथ किया गया बड़ा धोखा है।देश के गुनहगार सुन लें – वक़्त बदलेगा, सज़ा ज़रूर मिलेगी। — Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) August 8, 2025 Let's take the Bihar story. It actually traces back to the Maharashtra and Haryana assembly elections. Not just exit polls but even the Congress's internal assessments suggested the party was on course to win both states. It did not. Many within the party, including Ashish Dua, then co-in-charge of the Maharashtra campaign, told the leadership that a weak Congress campaign and infighting had damaged its prospects. However, those close to Rahul Gandhi concluded that the real cause was not internal failings, but the Election Commission. No stock-taking meeting was held to examine the reasons for the Maharashtra and Haryana defeats, because the top leadership remains convinced that the blame rests with the EC. It was in this context that the EAGLE — the Empowered Action Group of Leaders and Experts — was born. Its stated mission: to detect and study weaknesses in the electoral process. And that's what Rahul Gandhi's recent press conference was all about. But Bihar is waiting. There has been no formal announcement on seat-sharing yet, though party sources claim everything has been settled. In 2020, the BJP–JDU alliance polled 37.9 per cent of the vote, compared to the Mahagathbandhan's 37.6 per cent, a wafer-thin margin. This time, the Congress-led alliance hopes to capitalise on anti-incumbency and the perceived weakening of Nitish Kumar's political clout. Yet while the BJP has launched its campaign in earnest under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the Congress has yet to catch up. It is banking on the SIR issue and the RJD's threat of boycotting the elections to generate momentum. In Bengal, however, the SIR issue has brought the TMC and Congress together, but it has also meant that Congress's positioning as an independent claimant in the state has weakened. The Civil Disobedience Movement of 1930 sought to disrupt everything — to confront the British, defy all institutions, question every law, and boycott participation in governance. The aim was to strip every institution of legitimacy, build a mass movement, and force the colonial power's downfall. Rahul Gandhi's strategy appears similar, but the context is entirely different. In 1930, there was no democracy, no elections, only British rule. Today, India is a democracy, with the BJP currently in power. Under colonial rule, disruption was seen as nationalism and a fight for democracy. In today's context, persistent defiance and disruption risk being labelled as promoting mobocracy. Unless the Congress can also demonstrate that it can win elections, its repeated allegations against the EC may not resonate with voters. top videos View all What next? Some in the party have suggested a more drastic step —boycott. Boycott polls, boycott Parliament, and in doing so, seek to erode the BJP's legitimacy in winning elections. The hope is that this 'disobedience' will spark a people's movement. But will it? Can it? About the Author Pallavi Ghosh Pallavi Ghosh has covered politics and Parliament for 15 years, and has reported extensively on Congress, UPA-I and UPA-II, and has now included the Finance Ministry and Niti Aayog in her reportage. She has More Get Latest Updates on Movies, Breaking News On India, World, Live Cricket Scores, And Stock Market Updates. Also Download the News18 App to stay updated! tags : Bihar election congress party Rahul Gandhi view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: August 08, 2025, 09:48 IST News politics Civil Disobedience 2.0: Rahul Gandhi's War On EC Echoes 1930s Protest, But Will It Work? Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Indian Express
11-07-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Maharashtra Public Security Bill: Vague and dangerous for civil liberties
'When I use a word,' says Humpty Dumpty in Lewis Carol's Through the Looking Glass, 'it means just what I choose it to mean — neither more nor less.' However, when words are used in a piece of legislation, they cannot mean what the party in power wants them to. After all, vagueness is a legitimate ground for striking down a piece of legislation if it violates equality before the law and equal protection. Consider this: In the new Maharashtra Public Security Bill, an unlawful activity, defined under Section 2(f), targets a wide range of activities. They include, 'acts which constitute a danger or menace to public order, peace and tranquility; or (an act) which interferes or tends to interfere with maintenance of public order; or interferes or tends to interfere with the administration of law or its established institutions and personnel, which is designed to overawe by criminal force or show of criminal force or otherwise to any public servant including the Forces of the State Government or the Central Government in exercise of the lawful powers of such public servant and Forces; or of indulging in or propagating, acts of violence, vandalism or other acts generating fear and apprehension in the public, or indulging in or encouraging, the use of firearms, explosives or other devices or disrupting communications by rail, road, air or water; or of encouraging or preaching disobedience to established law and its institutions; of collecting money or goods to carry out any one or more of the unlawful activities mentioned above'. In another piece of criminal legislation, the same term is defined 'as an act (whether by committing an act or by words, either spoken or written, or by signs or by visible representation or otherwise) which is intended, or supports any claim, to bring about, on any ground whatsoever, the cession of a part of the territory of India or the secession of a part of the territory of India from the Union, or which incites any individual or group of individuals to bring about such cession or secession; or which disclaims, questions, disrupts or is intended to disrupt the sovereignty and territorial integrity of India; or which causes or is intended to cause disaffection against India'. We now have an interesting conundrum. The term, 'unlawful activity', for the purposes of criminal law, therefore, has two different meanings under two different statutes. But the definition of an unlawful activity is so vague and broad that any person who chooses to oppose, for whatsoever reason or motivation, any act of the government can be jailed. Under the law, for example, Mahatma Gandhi could be jailed for carrying out the Salt Satyagraha. So can the participants of the Swadeshi Movement. B R Ambedkar could be jailed for burning the Manusmriti. Under the same law, peaceful protests could be criminalised, and protestors jailed for years without trial. The definition of an unlawful act has several vague terms designed for misuse and to strike at the core of liberty of the citizen to oppose and protest state action. For example, instead of the word 'abetting', which is commonly used in criminal law, the new law uses the word encouraging. What amounts to abetting a crime is well-known and settled jurisprudence. However, the word 'encouraging' is alien to criminal law and thus susceptible to widespread misuse. In the Assembly, the Chief Minister assured the state that he will not allow for misuse of the law while he himself has, in the past, claimed that Urban Naxals joined the Bharat Jodo Yatra. In the Chief Minister's view, therefore, jailing the members of the Bharat Jodo Yatra would not amount to a misuse of the law, and thus, make all of them liable criminally under this new law. For far too long, the ghost of another term, 'Urban Naxal' has continued to haunt activists like Stan Swamy and Rona Wilson, academics like Shoma Sen, lawyers like Surendra Gadling. Indeed, the blatant misuse of the UAPA against civilians began in Maharashtra in 2018 by imprisoning 16 academics, out of whom eight are out on bail, and Stan Swamy in jail. Some like Mahesh Raut continue to languish in jail. What this Bill provides us with is a Faustian bargain of security at the cost of liberty. Ultimately, as we well know with UAPA, we will be left with neither. As citizens, we must be resolute that a free people can never be truly secure without the unwavering protection of their fundamental rights. The writer is a lawyer practicing in Delhi who has appeared for some of the accused in the Bhima Koregaon case
News18
01-07-2025
- Politics
- News18
Even Congress's Pranab Mukherjee Had Praised Us: RSS On Karnataka Minister Priyank Kharge's Ban Call
Last Updated: A senior RSS functionary said: 'It is Priyank Kharge's personal comment, and we didn't see any other Congressman supporting him." Dismissing Karnataka Minister Priyank Kharge's comment on banning the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh as his 'personal statement", the RSS said even senior Congress veterans like former President Pranab Mukherjee had praised the organisation. 'We have seen Pranab Mukherjee praising the RSS and even visiting the headquarters," a senior RSS functionary told News18 on condition of anonymity. 'It is his personal comment, and we didn't see any other Congressman supporting him. The Congress has banned the RSS thrice before, but as a socio-cultural organisation that has been carrying out over two lakh social service activities across the country, our work has been widely appreciated—even by prominent figures like Ratan Tata and Azim Premji, whose foundation is associated with some of these activities," he added. Kharge, the IT Minister in the Siddaramaiah government, said that the Congress would ban the RSS if it returned to power at the Centre. He alleged that the RSS spreads hatred in society and does not operate within the bounds of the law. The RSS functionary countered this by invoking history. 'Even Sardar Patel praised the RSS when he lifted the ban on it," he said, referring to Kharge's claim that both Patel and Indira Gandhi had previously banned the RSS. Kharge also alleged that the organisation did not participate in the Dandi March (Salt Satyagraha), Quit India Movement, or any other mass movements during India's independence struggle. He further claimed that the RSS distributed sweets after Mahatma Gandhi's assassination, opposed the tricolour flag on the eve of independence, and campaigned for the Manusmriti to be implemented instead of the Constitution. When asked how such a ban would be implemented, Kharge had said, 'It is the job of the legislature to legislate. We will bring in the necessary legislation within the ambit of the Constitution." All these statements were also dismissed by the RSS, saying they should not be taken seriously. 'We know what the Congress can and cannot do. But this is clearly a personal statement by Kharge—no one else in the party has echoed it. It is not the official position of the Congress. In fact, we have had strong relationships with several Congress leaders, including Mahatma Gandhi and Pranab Mukherjee, who visited and appreciated the RSS," said the leader. Kharge maintained that the RSS ban should never have been lifted. He reiterated that the organisation remains opposed to both the Constitution and the national flag and accused the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of acting as its political puppet.
