Latest news with #SamvidhanHatyaDivas
Hindustan Times
21 hours ago
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Indira Gandhi and the making of Emergency
Almost 50 years to date, on June 12, 1975, Justice Jagmohan Lal Sinha of the Allahabad High Court delivered a judgement that came as a thunderclap. Justice Sinha held Prime Minister Indira Gandhi guilty of corrupt practices during the 1971 general elections, voiding her membership of Parliament and barring her from holding elective office for six years. Thirteen days later, Indira Gandhi got President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed to issue a proclamation under Article 352 of the constitution declaring an internal Emergency. This enabled her to inaugurate a spell of avowedly authoritarian rule, incarcerating her political opponents, muzzling the press, casting aside the fundamental rights, and mauling the Constitution. Five decades on, the Emergency continues to haunt Indian democracy as a memento mori (reminder of one's mortality). This is hardly surprising, for many leaders who bestride contemporary politics — from Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin — were shaped in the crucible of the Emergency. The Union government has declared its anniversary on 25 June as 'Samvidhan Hatya Divas'. Public debates on the Emergency also tend to generate more heat than light. These focus all but exclusively on Indira Gandhi's decision to impose the Emergency: Was it solely to ensure her continuance in office or was it principally a response to the Opposition's drive to unseat her in the wake of the high court's verdict? How credible was her claim that there was a grave internal threat abetted by external powers? Inasmuch as Indira Gandhi was responsible for imposing the Emergency, these questions will continue to be probed. Yet understanding her concerns and intentions is not the same thing as causally explaining the onset of the Emergency. As I argue in my new book, such an explanation must bring together changes and developments at the levels of structure, conjuncture and event. Start at the structural or systemic level. Political systems should be understood not merely as agglomerations of leaders, parties or social groups, but with reference to two system-wide components that influence all actors. The first is the institutional arrangement of political actors according to their differing functions and relative power. In the Indian case, this is the functional separation of the executive, the legislature and the judiciary. The second component is the constituent rules — procedures, principles, norms, understandings — that regulate political competition: The 'rules of the game' of parliamentary democracy. The Indian political system underwent a significant transformation between 1967 and 1975. This transformation occurred on both systemic dimensions. Importantly, this transformation preceded the Emergency. The years between 1967 and 1973 witnessed a dramatic shift in relative power towards the executive, especially the office of the prime minister. This began with the Congress party's poor showing in the general elections of 1967 — an event that catalysed a power struggle within the party, culminating in Indira Gandhi's move to split the Congress in 1969. This left the prime minister in stronger control of her party. Soon, Indira Gandhi gambled in calling for elections a year ahead of schedule. And her party won a stunning victory in March 1971. This was followed by India's military triumph over Pakistan later that year. This, in turn, propelled the new Congress to a dramatic win in the state elections of 1972. None of these could have been predicted, but cumulatively they cemented Indira Gandhi's hold over her party. The parliamentary party ceased to operate as a subtle check on the executive. On the contrary, the party was now beholden to the prime minister for its political survival. The political opposition had coalesced against the Congress ahead of the 1967 elections and had reaped the dividends of the first-past-the post system. Yet their Grand Alliance in 1971 proved spectacularly ineffective and unravelled after their abysmal performance. However, the opposition parties' decision to go alone in the state assembly elections of 1972 also failed to revive their fortunes. The political opposition was now a blasted heath and the parliament's position turned merely topographical. This extraordinary strengthening of executive power enabled Indira Gandhi to challenge the functions and powers of the judiciary, culminating in the assertion of prime ministerial authority by the supersession of judges and the appointment of a pliant chief justice in the Supreme Court in April 1973. A tame Supreme Court would go on to endorse the executive's actions during the Emergency. These dramatic power shifts were accompanied by changes in the collective beliefs and expectations of political actors about the rules of the game of parliamentary democracy. As the game grew increasingly competitive from 1967 onwards, its rules, procedures, and norms were frequently cast aside in pursuit of power. Horse-trading of legislators, shifting party allegiances, weak and unstable governments, misuse of constitutional powers to undermine governments and dissolve legislatures — all became accepted features of the Indian political landscape. This dimension of systemic change was accelerated by the global conjuncture; processes that played out concurrently and impinged decisively on India. In particular, the collapse of the Bretton Woods system of fixed exchange rates and the oil shock triggered by the Arab-Israel war of 1973 touched off a tidal wave of global inflation. The Indian economy experienced its most serious bout of inflation in the 20th century. Massive popular protests in Gujarat, Bihar, and elsewhere were a direct consequence of this economic crisis. The student movement's success in ejecting the Congress government in Gujarat and the upsurge in Bihar under Jayaprakash Narayan led the main opposition parties to regard extra-parliamentary mass agitation as the political route to weaken the Congress party, given their inability to humble it in the hustings. This shift in beliefs and expectations occurred across the political spectrum. In April 1974, LK Advani told the Jana Sangh's general council that 'dethroning an elected government by extra-constitutional means had acquired legitimacy'. The Socialist Party adopted a resolution later that year: 'Since the capacity of the parliamentary system to achieve reform and renewal from within is getting severely limited, extra-constitutional action and popular initiative become absolutely necessary.' EMS Namboodiripad of the CPI(M) wrote that 'they do not accept the position that every issue must be solved only through constitutional means'. Above all, the prime minister herself had ceased to believe in the intrinsic value of democracy. As she wrote to Yehudi Menuhin soon after imposing the Emergency, 'Democracy is not an end. It is merely a system by which one proceeds towards the goal. Hence democracy cannot be more important than the progress, unity or survival of the country.' Against the background of this systemic change and conjunctural crisis came the events of 12 June 1975 that threatened the prime minister's continuation in office. The lurch towards authoritarian rule was now unavoidable in the sense that the conditions needed to prevent it were no longer obtained. Indira Gandhi was, of course, culpable for the decision to impose the Emergency. But its onset was caused by this larger structural transformation of Indian politics. This was, in turn, the outcome of a collective jettisoning of the rules of the game by the Indian political elite. This perspective on the origins of the Emergency when juxtaposed with its disastrous course and its turbulent aftermath invites a historical verdict in the vein of Shakespeare's Romeo and Juliet: All are punished. Srinath Raghavan is the author of Indira Gandhi and the Years that Transformed India. The views expressed are personal.
News18
30-05-2025
- Politics
- News18
Pressers On Feats, Booklet On Work Done: How Modi Sarkar Plans To Mark 1st Year Of 3rd Term
Last Updated: PM Modi has instructed his colleagues to be prepared for public gatherings and media interviews and present data showing the situation during the UPA era versus the current regime On June 9, 2025, the Narendra Modi government will celebrate the first year of its third term in office, also marking the eleventh year in power of the prime minister who first took office in 2014. As with previous years, the government has significant plans to celebrate its achievements. On Wednesday, a detailed discussion took place during the Cabinet meeting chaired by PM Modi. Each ministry is required to submit a detailed report of their performance over the past year, highlighting their major achievements. BJP leaders who have been ministers for the past 11 years will also need to list the accomplishments of the government over this period. This information will be compiled into a detailed booklet for distribution across the country. PM Modi has instructed his cabinet colleagues to be well-prepared for public gatherings and media interviews. Ministers have been asked to present comparative data, showing the situation during the UPA era versus the current NDA government. Several important dates in June too need to be noted on the political calendar. On June 5, World Environment Day will be a significant event for India's global commitment to a cleaner, greener future. June 21 is World Yoga Day, celebrated widely in India and globally. This year, PM Modi will participate in the yoga programme in Visakhapatnam. Ministers will also travel across the country to join these yoga events. To mark the first year of the new government, ministers have been asked to visit state capitals for press conferences and to continue reaching out to the public for the smooth implementation of central schemes. Some ministers may also be asked to write articles and editorials for prominent national and regional publications. One of the most significant dates will be June 25, marking the 50th anniversary of the Emergency, which is considered the darkest chapter in India's independent history. The day, now commemorated as Samvidhan Hatya Divas, will feature several programmes at both central and state levels, including lectures by political leaders and cabinet ministers and honouring those who fought against the dictatorial rule. On June 7, BJP national president JP Nadda will hold a press conference at the party headquarters to discuss the government's first year and the party's contributions. On Wednesday evening, he held an extensive meeting with party MPs and Union ministers to coordinate all the programmes mentioned by the prime minister. Along with Nadda, top leaders of NDA partners will also hold press conferences to discuss the benefits of the double-engine government in their respective states. The information and broadcasting ministry will be the nodal ministry coordinating all programmes for both BJP and NDA ministers in the government. On June 9, 2024, PM Modi and his council of ministers took the oath at Rashtrapati Bhavan, marking the BJP's third consecutive term in power. Modi thus became only the second prime minister in India since Independence to be elected for a third term in a row. Watch India Pakistan Breaking News on CNN-News18. Get breaking news, in-depth analysis, and expert perspectives on everything from politics to crime and society. Stay informed with the latest India news only on News18. Download the News18 App to stay updated! First Published:
Hindustan Times
29-05-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Cong attacks Modi, claims special Parl session planned to mark 50 years of Emergency
The Congress on Thursday attacked Prime Minister Narendra Modi for an 'undeclared Emergency' and refusing to answer questions related to the Pahalgam terrorist attack, as it claimed the government is planning a special Parliament session to mark the 50th anniversary of the 1975-1977 Emergency. In a post on X, Congress leader Jairam Ramesh said the government has ignored calls for convening the House to discuss India's cross-border strikes in retaliation for the 22 Pahalgam terror attack. The government last year announced that the anniversary of the imposition of the Emergency (June 25) will be annually marked as Samvidhan Hatya Divas (Constitution Murder Day). Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's Congress government imposed the Emergency in 1975, suspending civil rights and elections. Opposition leaders were arrested before she withdrew the Emergency two years later and ordered elections in 1977, in which the Congress was routed. Ramesh said the Congress has been asking Modi since April 22 to chair an all-party meeting on the Pahalgam attack and its fallout. 'That has yet to take place. On May 10th, both the LoP [Leader of Opposition] in the Lok Sabha [Rahul Gandhi] and the LoP in the Rajya Sabha [Mallikarjun Kharge] wrote to the PM [Prime Minister] requesting for a special session of Parliament to be convened and to demonstrate the nation's collective resolve through a resolution. The PM has NOT accepted that suggestion as well,' he wrote. 'Now it appears that a special session of Parliament is being considered for June 25-26 to mark the 50th anniversary of the Emergency.' Ramesh said the session will be Modi's 'another classic exercise in diversion and distraction from real and more urgent issues'. The Congress leader accused Modi of placing the nation under an 'undeclared Emergency' for 11 years and refusing to answer why the Pahalgam terrorists are still absconding, why he allowed President Trump to broker a ceasefire, and why he gave a 'clean chit' to China publicly on June 19th, 2020, when he said no one entered Indian territory, and no posts were taken in Ladakh. The strikes in retaliation for the Pahalgam attack sparked a series of attacks and counterattacks. The military hostilities ended on May 10 as New Delhi and Islamabad reached an understanding after a four-day fight. On Wednesday, West Bengal's ruling Trinamool Congress also backed the calls for a special session to discuss the Pahalgam attack.
NDTV
22-04-2025
- Politics
- NDTV
In Vice President's Fresh Judiciary Strike, Mention Of Chief Justice's Uncle
New Delhi: In his fresh attack targeting the judiciary and stressing that Parliament is "supreme", Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar mentioned Justice Hans Raj Khanna, a former top court judge who stood up to the Indira Gandhi government during the Emergency in 1975, and the uncle of Chief Justice of India Sanjiv Khanna. The Vice-President spoke at Delhi University's Campus Law Centre at the launch of Kartavyam, a lecture series to mark 75 years of the adoption of the Constitution. At the beginning of his address, Mr Dhankhar referred to Delhi University vice-chancellor Yogesh Singh's mention of Justice HR Khanna as an alumnus of the Campus Law Centre. The Vice-President then went on to refer to the Emergency as the "darkest period of democracy". The Vice-President said there is a need to remind the country why the Constitution Day and the Samvidhan Hatya Divas are celebrated. "On November 29, 1949, the Constitution was adopted. And it was ravaged on June 25, 1975. That was the darkest period of democracy," he said, referring to the Emergency. During the Emergency, Mr Dhankhar said, the Supreme Court ignored the advice of nine high courts that fundamental rights cannot be put on hold. "There was one dissent voice, and that was from an alumnus of this place," he said, referring to Justice HR Khanna. Who Was Justice HR Khanna Justice Hans Raj Khanna became a Supreme Court judge in 1971 and was in line for the Chief Justice of India post in 1977. But that was not to be. The Indira Gandhi government imposed the Emergency in 1975. In 1976, a five-judge Constitution bench heard a case on the suspension of fundamental rights during the Emergency - known as the ADM Jabalpur vs Shivkant Shukla case - and ruled that the right to personal liberty can be suspended in the interest of the State. Justice HR Khanna was the sole dissenting judge in that 4:1 verdict. Nine months after the judgment, the Indira Gandhi government appointed Justice MH Beg the Chief Justice, superseding Justice Khanna. Justice Khanna resigned soon after. Nine years after he died in 2008, the landmark verdict was overruled by a nine-judge bench of the Supreme Court in the Puttuswamy vs Union of India judgment. Justice Khanna has since emerged as a symbol of resistance to State power. The BJP has often raked up the Indira Gandhi government's treatment of the judge to attack the Congress. A Deserving Nephew Chief Justice of India Sanjiv Khanna is known to idolise his uncle. According to sources close to the family, the Chief Justice's father, Justice Dev Raj Khanna, a judge of the Delhi High Court, and his mother, Saroj Khanna, a professor, wanted their son to become a chartered accountant because a career in law was more challenging. But he was inspired by his uncle, who took on the State. "He always considered his uncle an idol and keenly followed his work," a source told NDTV. Chief Justice Sanjiv Khanna has preserved all the copies of Justice HR Khanna's judgments, his notes and registers, the source said. In 2019, Justice Sanjiv Khanna's first day as a Supreme Court judge was in the courtroom his uncle once sat in. The room has a portrait of Justice HR Khanna. The Chief Justice is set to retire next month, after which Justice BR Gavai will take over the top post. The Vice-President's Fresh Attack Doubling down on his offensive against the judiciary, Vice President Dhankhar has said that if a citizen is the soul of democracy, elected representatives are the ultimate masters of what constitutional content should be. "There is no visualisation in the Constitution of any authority above the Parliament. Parliament is supreme," he said. The makers of the Constitution, he said, avoided confrontation and went for consensus. "I find it inconceivably intriguing that some have recently reflected that Constitutional offices can be ceremonial and ornamental. Nothing can be far distant from a wrong understanding of the role of everybody in this country," he said. "Public order thrives when every individual acts as the guardian of law and justice. How can our democracy tolerate disruption, constitutional challenges and assaults on civilisation ethos," the Vice President said. The Vice President's fresh jabs at the top court follow his all-out attack on the judiciary in the aftermath of the Supreme Court judgment in the Tamil Nadu case that effectively set a deadline for the President and Governors to clear Bills passed by the legislature for the second time. "We cannot have a situation where you direct the President of India and on what basis... Article 142 (has become a nuclear missile against Democratic forces, available to the judiciary 24 x 7," he said. BJP MPs' Attack On Judiciary The Vice-President's remarks also play out amid the criticism of the judiciary by a section of BJP leaders. BJP MP Nishikant Dubey sparked a row when he said Parliament must be shut down if the Supreme Court makes all decisions. "The Supreme Court is crossing its limits... when the Ram Mandir, Krishna Janmabhoomi, or Gyanvapi issue arises, you (Supreme Court) say, 'Show us the paper'. But for mosques built after the Mughals came, you are saying how will you show papers? The Supreme Court is responsible for inciting religious wars in this country," he said. Mr Dubey asked how the Supreme Court can set a deadline for President and Governors to clear Bills. BJP leader Dinesh Sharma said no one can "challenge" the President, as the President is "supreme". The BJP leadership has distanced itself from its leaders' remarks. BJP president JP Nadda took to X to clear the party's stand. "The Bharatiya Janata Party has nothing to do with the statements made by BJP MPs Nishikant Dubey and Dinesh Sharma on the judiciary and the Chief Justice of the country. These are their personal statements, but the BJP neither agrees with nor supports such statements. The BJP completely rejects these statements." The Opposition has, however, accused the ruling party of threatening the judiciary and trying to weaken it.
