Latest news with #Sevastopol
South China Morning Post
4 hours ago
- General
- South China Morning Post
Ukraine says it attacked Crimean Bridge, as Russia halts traffic
Ukraine said it attacked the Crimean Bridge with explosives as Russia closed traffic on the route linking the annexed Black Sea peninsula with the Russian mainland. Agents planted mines on underwater supports and detonated them on Tuesday, the Ukrainian Security Service, known as the SBU, said in a statement on Telegram. The SBU said the operation took place over several months and left the bridge in an emergency condition, which could not be independently verified. Russia closed traffic on the bridge for a second time on Tuesday, without explaining the reason for the suspension, the Interfax news agency reported. The bridge was originally closed for more than three hours starting in the morning local time, the report said. Maritime passenger transportation was temporarily suspended in Sevastopol, the city's road and transport infrastructure authority said, also without explaining what prompted the interruption, according to Interfax. The attack comes amid an increase in Kyiv's strikes on Russian military and infrastructure targets, including one of Ukraine's most audacious aerial attacks inside the country. It also comes one day after talks held in Istanbul failed to bring the Kremlin's more-than-three-year-long invasion of Ukraine any closer to an end.
Russia Today
6 hours ago
- General
- Russia Today
Ukrainian agent detained in Crimea
A resident of Crimea has been detained for collaborating with Ukrainian special services and assembling an improvised explosive device (IED) intended for use in a terrorist attack on the peninsula, Russia's Federal Security Service (FSB) said on Tuesday. According to the statement, the 59-year-old man from the city of Feodosia voluntarily contacted the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) and offered his assistance. He was recruited by a Ukrainian intelligence officer and maintained confidential contact with him, the FSB stated. Following instructions received via video link, the suspect allegedly retrieved explosive components from two pre-arranged hiding places and assembled the IED in his garage. The device contained over 1.2 kilograms of high explosives, an electric detonator, a homemade remote signal receiver and transmitter, and nearly 500 grams of nails to serve as shrapnel, according to the Russian security agency. The completed bomb was then hidden in the Balaklava district of Sevastopol, and the suspect sent its coordinates to his Ukrainian contact, the FSB reported. A video released by the FSB includes footage of the suspect's detention and confession. He claimed that shortly after the escalation of hostilities in 2022, he contacted Ukrainian intelligence through its official website and asked how he could assist. He later retrieved multiple taped bags containing explosive materials and components, stored them in his garage, and eventually assembled the IED after receiving detailed instructions. The footage also shows images of the explosive device and screenshots of the man's communication with his Ukrainian handler. The FSB stated that the incident is part of a broader pattern of sabotage activities linked to Ukrainian special services. A criminal case of high treason and illegal acquisition or handling of explosive substances has been initiated against the suspect. The man has been placed in pre-trial detention. The FSB's report follows two incidents of sabotage on railway infrastructure in Russia's Bryansk and Kursk Regions over the weekend. In Bryansk, a bridge fell in front of a moving passenger train, while in Kursk a railway bridge collapsed under a moving freight train. A total of seven people lost their lives in the attacks and 113 were injured. Russia's Investigative Committee has said that it is treating the incidents as 'terrorist attacks' perpetrated on the orders of the Ukrainian authorities. Investigators believe that the saboteurs likely used US-made C-4 explosives to derail the trains.
Telegraph
5 days ago
- Business
- Telegraph
Britain to attend next Russia-Ukraine peace talks
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, little has been done to contain Russia's consolidated dominance in the murky waters of the Black Sea. The dissolution of the Soviet bloc saw Moscow inherit much of the Black Sea fleet, a regional force it shared with Ukraine, and a leasing arrangement for the strategic naval base of Sevastopol, Crimea. Vladimir Putin's eventual illegal annexation of the Crimean peninsula not only gave him complete control over the fleet's home base but also further territory to dominate the Black Sea. It allowed Russia control over Ukraine's shipping routes, and the modernisation of its military presence on the peninsula saw the introduction of area denial capabilities – known as A2/AD in military parlance – such as coastal defences, more submarines and surface-to-air missiles to contest Nato's presence. On the first day of the Russian invasion, in February 2022, Putin's men pushed as far as Snake Island, a 46-acre rocky outcrop just off Ukraine. Kyrylo Budanov, Kyiv's spy chief, once said the island grants control of 'the surface, and to some extent the air, situation in southern Ukraine'. But more than three years since Putin's full-scale invasion, Snake Island is back in Ukrainian hands and the Russian choke hold over the Black Sea has all but ended.
Yahoo
5 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Europe's plan to take back control of the Black Sea from Russia
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, little has been done to contain Russia's consolidated dominance in the murky waters of the Black Sea. The dissolution of the Soviet bloc saw Moscow inherit much of the Black Sea fleet, a regional force it shared with Ukraine, and a leasing arrangement for the strategic naval base of Sevastopol, Crimea. Vladimir Putin's eventual illegal annexation of the Crimean peninsula not only gave him complete control over the fleet's home base but also further territory to dominate the Black Sea. It allowed Russia control over Ukraine's shipping routes, and the modernisation of its military presence on the peninsula saw the introduction of area denial capabilities – known as A2/AD in military parlance – such as coastal defences, more submarines and surface-to-air missiles to contest Nato's presence. On the first day of the Russian invasion, in February 2022, Putin's men pushed as far as Snake Island, a 46-acre rocky outcrop just off Ukraine. Kyrylo Budanov, Kyiv's spy chief, once said the island grants control of 'the surface, and to some extent the air, situation in southern Ukraine'. But more than three years since Putin's full-scale invasion, Snake Island is back in Ukrainian hands and the Russian choke hold over the Black Sea has all but ended. Through Kyiv's use of domestically engineered maritime drones and missiles donated by the West, such as Storm Shadow and Atacms, the Black Sea fleet has been driven back to ports on the Russian coast. Now, with the Black Sea's waters once again up for grabs, the European Union has rolled out its first 'Black Sea Strategy' in the hope of countering any Russian re-emergence in the region. Of the six countries bordering the landlocked waters, two – Bulgaria and Romania – are EU members. Ukraine is a key ally and on the verge of also joining the bloc. The same applies to Georgia, although it has drifted from its EU path in recent years. Turkey, a Nato ally, is technically still a candidate for accession. The last nation, Russia, is now – and it took a generation – a sworn enemy. With this in mind, Kaja Kallas, the EU's top diplomat, unveiled what is an attempt by Brussels to project itself as a geopolitical power in the region. Its three-pronged approach aims at loosening the Russian choke hold on the Black Sea to protect trade routes and critical infrastructure, as well as boost preparations for war. The most striking promise is to invest in regional ports, railways and airports to make it faster and easier to deliver military hardware to the region in the event of hostilities heating up. 'Upgrades will help ensure troops can be where they are needed, when they are needed. Getting equipment to the region faster strengthens deterrence and also supports Nato,' Ms Kallas told a news conference in Brussels on Wednesday. Crumbling infrastructure has long posed one of the biggest threats to the Western military alliance's ability to rush troops eastwards if Russia ever attacks. Two of the five key logistical routes designated to deter invasion by Moscow travel through Bulgaria and end in Romania. Brussels is essentially left in charge of improving the civilian transport links that could one day be used by the military. Previous estimates have suggested that at least €75 billion (£62.8 billion) would be the cost of upgrading transport infrastructure across the entire continent to make it fit for military use. Any investments in Romania and Bulgaria will be carefully monitored to prevent ports, railway lines and airports coming under questionable foreign ownership. China has been trying to muscle in with purchases of ports in Georgia. Secondly, Brussels aims to open a monitoring command centre, dubbed Black Sea Maritime Security Hub, to give the bloc's members better situational awareness over the region. The EU's strategy is designed to deliver real-time information 'from space to seabed' about the movements of Russian vessels, both military and civilian. In theory, it would provide early warning alerts about potential Russian sabotage of the undersea section of an electricity cable running between Azerbaijan and Europe or offshore oil and gas rigs belonging to Romania and Bulgaria. Monitoring trade routes is seen as necessary after Russia proved how easy it was to shut down Ukraine's grain exports through the Black Sea. Kyiv eventually managed to open a protected corridor, which hugs Romania and Bulgaria, but threats remain to the key revenue generator. Another application could be the monitoring of Russia's so-called 'shadow fleet' of sanction-busting oil tankers or any future ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine. The exact size, shape and location of the monitoring station is still up for negotiation between EU member states, Ms Kallas said. Other EU projects could be extended to map, monitor and eventually remove mines that were placed in the Black Sea by both Ukraine and Russia. Lastly, the EU's strategy foresees an attempt to boost partnerships across the region, which it describes as a 'vital trade artery' between the bloc, the southern Caucasus and Central Asia. 'We want to develop new energy, transport and digital corridors in the region that will connect us to the Caucasus and Central Asia,' Marta Kos, the EU's enlargement commissioner, said. Partnering with Turkey will be one of the key challenges. While officially an EU candidate country and a member of Nato, Turkey maintains its own, significant, interests in the Black Sea, including continued trade with Russia. Through the Bosphorus strait, Ankara controls access and trade in and out of the Black Sea. This means there is little to no hope of any significant European naval presence being brought into the region. Under the terms of the Montreux Convention, Turkey essentially closes the Black Sea to foreign warships and submarines in times of war. Only vessels belonging to Black Sea nations are allowed to return. Ms Kallas said that the new strategy 'is also an invitation for closer cooperation on issues of interest to all countries around the Black Sea, including Turkey'. She added: 'We are committed to working closely with our partners and also to exchanging information about what is happening and what we can do about it with all Black Sea partners. And this is in Turkey's interest as well.' Given its interests and influence over the region, Turkey is likely to push back against any large-scale attempt by Europe to muscle in on the Black Sea. It is unlikely to allow Brussels to challenge Russia head-on, and will instead seek to balance influence in the region. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
Telegraph
5 days ago
- Business
- Telegraph
Europe's plan to take back the Black Sea from Russia
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, little has been done to contain Russia's consolidated dominance in the murky waters of the Black Sea. The dissolution of the Soviet bloc saw Moscow inherit much of the Black Sea fleet, a regional force it shared with Ukraine, and a leasing arrangement for the strategic naval base of Sevastopol, Crimea. Vladimir Putin's eventual illegal annexation of the Crimean peninsula not only gave him complete control over the fleet's home base but also further territory to dominate the Black Sea. It allowed Russia control over Ukraine's shipping routes, and the modernisation of its military presence on the peninsula saw the introduction of area denial capabilities – known as A2/AD in military parlance – such as coastal defences, more submarines and surface-to-air missiles to contest Nato's presence. On the first day of the Russian invasion, in February 2022, Putin's men pushed as far as Snake Island, a 46-acre rocky outcrop just off Ukraine. Kyrylo Budanov, Kyiv's spy chief, once said the island grants control of 'the surface, and to some extent the air, situation in southern Ukraine'. But more than three years since Putin's full-scale invasion, Snake Island is back in Ukrainian hands and the Russian choke hold over the Black Sea has all but ended. Through Kyiv's use of domestically engineered maritime drones and missiles donated by the West, such as Storm Shadow and Atacms, the Black Sea fleet has been driven back to ports on the Russian coast. Now, with the Black Sea's waters once again up for grabs, the European Union has rolled out its first 'Black Sea Strategy' in the hope of countering any Russian re-emergence in the region. Of the six countries bordering the landlocked waters, two – Bulgaria and Romania – are EU members. Ukraine is a key ally and on the verge of also joining the bloc. The same applies to Georgia, although it has drifted from its EU path in recent years. Turkey, a Nato ally, is technically still a candidate for accession. The last nation, Russia, is now – and it took a generation – a sworn enemy. With this in mind, Kaja Kallas, the EU's top diplomat, unveiled what is an attempt by Brussels to project itself as a geopolitical power in the region. Its three-pronged approach aims at loosening the Russian choke hold on the Black Sea to protect trade routes and critical infrastructure, as well as boost preparations for war. The most striking promise is to invest in regional ports, railways and airports to make it faster and easier to deliver military hardware to the region in the event of hostilities heating up. 'Upgrades will help ensure troops can be where they are needed, when they are needed. Getting equipment to the region faster strengthens deterrence and also supports Nato,' Ms Kallas told a news conference in Brussels on Wednesday. Crumbling infrastructure has long posed one of the biggest threats to the Western military alliance's ability to rush troops eastwards if Russia ever attacks. Two of the five key logistical routes designated to deter invasion by Moscow travel through Bulgaria and end in Romania. Brussels is essentially left in charge of improving the civilian transport links that could one day be used by the military. Previous estimates have suggested that at least €75 billion (£62.8 billion) would be the cost of upgrading transport infrastructure across the entire continent to make it fit for military use. Any investments in Romania and Bulgaria will be carefully monitored to prevent ports, railway lines and airports coming under questionable foreign ownership. China has been trying to muscle in with purchases of ports in Georgia. Secondly, Brussels aims to open a monitoring command centre, dubbed Black Sea Maritime Security Hub, to give the bloc's members better situational awareness over the region. The EU's strategy is designed to deliver real-time information 'from space to seabed' about the movements of Russian vessels, both military and civilian. In theory, it would provide early warning alerts about potential Russian sabotage of the undersea section of an electricity cable running between Azerbaijan and Europe or offshore oil and gas rigs belonging to Romania and Bulgaria. Monitoring trade routes is seen as necessary after Russia proved how easy it was to shut down Ukraine's grain exports through the Black Sea. Kyiv eventually managed to open a protected corridor, which hugs Romania and Bulgaria, but threats remain to the key revenue generator. Another application could be the monitoring of Russia's so-called 'shadow fleet' of sanction-busting oil tankers or any future ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine. The exact size, shape and location of the monitoring station is still up for negotiation between EU member states, Ms Kallas said. Other EU projects could be extended to map, monitor and eventually remove mines that were placed in the Black Sea by both Ukraine and Russia. Lastly, the EU's strategy foresees an attempt to boost partnerships across the region, which it describes as a 'vital trade artery' between the bloc, the southern Caucasus and Central Asia. 'We want to develop new energy, transport and digital corridors in the region that will connect us to the Caucasus and Central Asia,' Marta Kos, the EU's enlargement commissioner, said. Partnering with Turkey will be one of the key challenges. While officially an EU candidate country and a member of Nato, Turkey maintains its own, significant, interests in the Black Sea, including continued trade with Russia. Through the Bosphorus strait, Ankara controls access and trade in and out of the Black Sea. This means there is little to no hope of any significant European naval presence being brought into the region. Under the terms of the Montreux Convention, Turkey essentially closes the Black Sea to foreign warships and submarines in times of war. Only vessels belonging to Black Sea nations are allowed to return. Ms Kallas said that the new strategy 'is also an invitation for closer cooperation on issues of interest to all countries around the Black Sea, including Turkey'. She added: 'We are committed to working closely with our partners and also to exchanging information about what is happening and what we can do about it with all Black Sea partners. And this is in Turkey's interest as well.' Given its interests and influence over the region, Turkey is likely to push back against any large-scale attempt by Europe to muscle in on the Black Sea. It is unlikely to allow Brussels to challenge Russia head-on, and will instead seek to balance influence in the region.
